We provide evidence on organizational structure and performance at bank holding companies (BHC's). First, we show that a BHC's member banks benefit from access to internal capital markets. Second, we ask if these benefits are best realized within loosely structured, decentralized organizations or more consolidated, centralized firms. We find that BHC's with many subsidiaries are less profitable and have lower q ratios than similar BHC's with fewer subsidiaries. However, because we study multiâunit firms in a single industry, our results suggest that the diversification discount reported in the corporate finance literature reflects not only industry diversification, but also organizational structure.
Two broad and interlinking themes have dominated much of the recent literature on local governance1 and participation: the dynamics, spatialities and temporalities of the âneoliberalizationâ of local governance; and the relationship between local governance and democracy, especially the âmeanings, potentials and pitfalls of âparticipationâ â (Melo and Baiocchi, 2006: 596). Taking the latter first, Beaumont and Nicholls (2008) in identifying new research issues emerging from a symposium have highlighted a range of questions: frictions between representative and participative local democracy; distinctions and overlaps between participation, democratization and social movements in cities; and the tools for deepening democratic engagement with impoverished and marginalized communities in cities of the global North and South. Purcell (2007) argues that there is a need for more and more sustained work on the political as well as the economic dynamics of city regions, and that this means engaging with questions of democracy as well as of citizenship. Melo and Baiocchi suggest there are two key questions: whether deliberative, âhorizontalâ governance structures favour middle-class and elite interests; and what are the conditions under which participatory arrangements can be both democratic and governance-enhancing. A related issue is the potentially problematic power relationship between elite forms of local governance â for example the influence of unelected local notables in institutions such as local partnerships â and participatory practices (Geddes, 2006). The abundant literature on decentralization initiatives in many Southern states frequently questions the extent to which such initiatives have been able to embed effective and democratically accountable institutions at the subnational level (Stren, 2004; Batterbury and Fernando, 2006). These issues of the politics of local governance â the interplay of participation and partnership, social movements and the representative democracy of political parties and leaders â are central to this symposium. Many, if not all, of the contributors to the above debates position issues of democracy and participation in the context of processes of neoliberalization, and the âmarket democracyâ or âmarket citizenshipâ associated with neoliberalism (Kohl and Farthing, 2006). The concept of neoliberalism is complex, diverse and contested, and works on a number of levels. These range from institutionalized cognitive principles ââa deep, taken-for-granted belief in neoclassical economicsâ, through consequent normative principles favouring free market solutions to economic problems, to a set of policies implemented during the 1980s and 1990s to promote a lean welfare state, low taxation and flexible labour markets (Dumenil and Levy, 2001: 5). In an important recent contribution, Harvey (2005: 19) argues that neoliberalism should not be understood as a bundle of characteristics, but as a political project, a process of neoliberalization âto re-establish the conditions for capital accumulation and to restore the power of economic elitesâ, and specifically to disembed capital from the constraints of the âembedded liberalismâ of social democracy and the Keynesian welfare state (ibid.: 11). When theoretical neoliberal principles clash with the need to restore or sustain capitalist class power, or when such principles lead to tensions and contradictions, âthen the principles are either abandoned or become so twisted as to be unrecognisableâ (ibid.: 19). He cites the rhetorical commitment of neoconservatives to democracy as an example. Harvey reflects on the important role of urban crisis â such as the New York fiscal crisis of the 1970s â in paving the way for neoliberalism, and also points to neoliberal forms of elite, closed governance such as partnership, which circumscribe both âoldâ representative and ânewâ participatory democratic processes (Fuller and Geddes, 2008). In this vein, other key contributions have resonated widely in the recent literature. Jessop (2002: 466) noted how key global neoliberal strategies envisage a growing ârole for cities in managing the interface between the local economy and global flows, between the potentially conflicting demands of local sustainability and local wellbeing and those of international competitiveness, and between the challenges of social exclusion and global polarization and the continuing demands for liberalization, deregulation, [and] privatizationâ. Along similar lines, Brenner and Theodore (2002: 369â72) referred to the âneoliberalization of urban spaceâ (or âneoliberal localizationâ) as one of destructive creation in which the old local state apparatus is replaced by new forms of local governance â including ânetworkedâ forms of governance based upon publicâprivate partnerships; ânew public managementâ strategies; privatization and competitive contracting of municipal services. In a widely cited formulation, Peck and Tickell (2007) distinguished two phases of neoliberalism in the UK context: roll-back (when a primary objective was to roll back the pre-existing political economy of the social democratic welfare state, via deregulation and public expenditure cuts) and roll-out (the extension and deepening of neoliberal forms such as networked governance, fiscal responsibility and reregulation). Cerny (2008), emphasizing the importance of place in the global evolution of neoliberalism, identifies a âsocial neoliberalismâ in which welfare is not rolled back but restructured and marketized in highly complex ways. Thus: the neoliberal ascendancy of the past three decades has been associated with a series of paradoxical and contradictory âdouble movementsâ . . . neoliberalism involves the simultaneous and iterative roll-back of institutional and social forms (especially those associated with Keynesianism) together with the roll-out of restructured institutional and state forms (Peck and Tickell, 2007). While this literature initially focused primarily on the changes encountered by urban institutions across countries and regions in Europe and North America, there is now increasing recognition that the neoliberalization of local governance is a global phenomenon (Leitner et al., 2007). An insistent skein in the increasingly globalized literature has been the call to recognize the diversity of âactually existing neoliberalismsâ. Larner (2005: 17), for example, is concerned to move beyond neoliberalism as a monolithic hegemonic entity in order to understand its uneven, contested and contingent nature, and recognizes that institutional landscapes are characterized by diverse, âcontradictory spatialities, socialities and subjectivitiesâ, operating through divergent political, institutional and regulatory strategies that are characterized by contradiction and contestation. It is also important to recognize that policy change can involve a degree of the âpragmatic and opportunisticâ (Peck and Tickell, 2007: 30). There are, though, important differences between perspectives which essentially identify variants of neoliberalism, and others which talk in terms of hybrids between neoliberalism and other political projects. In this perspective, many rationalities and approaches are prioritized by the state, which come to form a âhybridity of approaches and rationalitiesâ (Purcell and Nevins, 2005; Raco, 2005: 325), in which there is no assumption of the dominance of neoliberalism (Barnett, 2005). Exploring both the temporal and spatial dynamics of neoliberalization, Geddes (2005) suggests that the transition to a neoliberalized local governance remains highly differentiated. Beyond a neoliberal heartland (US, UK, Australia, New Zealand) there are marked differences between a ânew Europeâ eager to embrace neoliberalism, a social Europe still as yet with a markedly different vision, and a transitional Europe, itself divided into several trajectories. Beyond Europe, there can be not just mimicry of European/US models, but also very different local governance initiatives, some of which challenge neoliberal prescriptions. Summarizing a symposium on the geographies of neoliberalism in America, (2005: that spatial and . . . processes of state and the of neoliberal landscapes and a but also that is a as well as destructive . . . which for or social emphasizing that such of are at the by neoliberal In and neoliberalization has been associated with the deepening and of market the role of the state and its relationship with its in order to and and 2005; and Farthing, 2006). In no a local been on the social its role has been in with the neoliberal by recent 2008). The spatial and temporal dynamics of neoliberalization can a contested and (Leitner et al., in which of neoliberalism can itself a not as a to neoliberalism, but also of the of neoliberalism by and practices and with (ibid.: 5). that to in terms of neoliberalism are (2005: for example, argues that of neoliberalism to of which are not to neoliberalism and from the not how this While that not is to neoliberalism, in that neoliberalism has the to with such which in the context of phases of symposium with debates local governance, and especially participatory in global from the UK and this to and this and (Geddes, this While and the cities on which of the not of more a of global to issues in a set of very different â including the and different past the global and countries and with both and very different governance and this of by to the literature. In this with the issue of what to the of âactually forms of local governance under suggest that such an to two of both of the upon which the process of neoliberalization and other to that of neoliberalization, which are also on local latter in to local governance are processes of with a in contradictory relationship to neoliberalism, as Harvey is one of with in which are in both and in formulation, . . . . . . the of across and when and are In the of this primarily on which to of in local also reflects the that the contributors to the symposium different the extent to which neoliberalization of and the of a of The in the symposium primarily on neoliberalism â that is to in one on the extent to which processes in local governance in very different local not understand a to and the in which both tensions and neoliberalism, and forms of in complex of local governance both and now under â the social and political and and the process â which are in different in the of the The of the state, including the extent â or â of democratic political institutions is a primary local noted Jessop and Brenner and Theodore to the process of the local neoliberal Harvey the neoliberal state is a contested political form a number of and tensions to the between and democracy; in the of the existing social order which neoliberal and extension of between and In to the of and forms of The countries and cities in this symposium such tensions and the local of both and Southern and and and in which the extension of democratic forms markedly different The of the states which the cities are are important in of local governance in at three which are the of the state, the of the local state and its In the UK the countries in the the social democratic state a form of âembedded liberalismâ 2005: which the neoliberal has to the extent of this the of the UK state, to the of neoliberalism to on the of social democracy and its in have for neoliberal local state forms and In in the other states â and â the transition neoliberalism has place or state there are also important differences between The states in and very of political in the state to its the was and still is characterized by a level of political and and 2006: The characterized by social that in local political and in the of the of and the of local et al., In in the can be that when with neoliberal to have complex of participation urban In forms of have in the important on local state policy in movements have participatory local institutions by the neoliberal In both and the of neoliberal state forms with the transition from has been a in this still be to In the of argues that in the the transition to a neoliberal urban governance was as was the to be to a new state the of economic and In the of the transition from of its with the of has also with with and as and and is is In neoliberalism in the 1980s in the crisis of an and but the neoliberal with local participatory to its was to the changes of which the neoliberal to the of democratic processes the The a of from those neoliberalism characterized by an of political and has been able to a degree of from its with the transition to democracy, to those its with democracy is and its more It is also as for similar to from political strategies by states with different and in social democratic and have similar participation as of and similar competitive economic The to are in at to the influence of the state in the form of the in neoliberal urban economic and social different social democratic of the countries and cities in the degree of decentralization of political power to the local level governance and in terms of is for example, with the of and based on from across America, of the complex between neoliberalism, democratization and and the that decentralization is associated with either neoliberalism or there is a between the decentralization of power in which has more for local in to the position in the urban has been to with and this local governance in both and is well and In the of local is into the but the to local in in to the of means that the of local governance arrangements is more contested in cities local state is of or are complex and of are much In (Geddes, this local across the in the and constraints have been especially The in the the and of the state at both and local levels. It is also important to recognize the role of state institutions and now an increasingly important role in policy and such as the and its the the of Europe, and international have been important in the of and neoliberal policies different global regions example under the of the which from the neoliberal in and The of governance principles by is for many countries to of the which and to is upon with the neoliberal economic principles which 2007). the key points of have in of what is between and the and in and more participatory forms of democracy and political emphasizing the principles of and local democracy similar with forms of participation, to promote of participation 2007). there is growing recognition of the which frequently between the of participatory institutions and and 2005). The some contributions to for more to how democratically local are and to the issues by Beaumont and Nicholls frictions and distinctions between participation and democratization and the need for deepening democratic engagement of marginalized movements and have been key in local governance, as was the with the in during the and the in one perspective, the of social movements in more recent is a to the of social movements have the political of the by neoliberalism to of the neoliberal state and politics et al., 2007). the of neoliberalism, local strategies have been and social capital to be as a to state and in which and are are in neoliberal local (2005: the is the extent to which social movements have become into a of neoliberal state argues â with many others â that participatory processes such as those in and well more as for the of social as means of that much of the governance literature on a of power an in the power of a in state power, argues that engagement with the literature is the of power beyond a and emphasizing the continuing of in governance is at to that such for participation, be what was on The latter a neoliberal forms of engagement well more social democratic local is also is to such local participatory initiatives the of neoliberalism and neoliberal local In for example, on such initiatives is with that on economic In the context of the UK, the New for across by the New have no on the economic context of economic in one such participatory processes can be as one in a âsocial neoliberalismâ primarily class to social be more to the of state policy in with on the of the neoliberal state, in to which such participatory social are of be from and In this the of the latter for a local state are The of and are also of the way in which social can be local state which are to and by the central state, in a relationship as et is . . . are to to of but are to to neoliberal A very different is in the local social movements of the and are in and at from the assumption that is by the state, to influence local state policy is in a context of social and at the of the local and (2007) the of of and engagement in as to both and the These very different be the for local social movements of a position which is both and the state â in a position in which can influence the state in The challenge to social movements has (2007) to that should to participation in institutions such as local which that such an engagement is â such as participatory in â to have on the of local social movements with a local to and with or in the of from in countries the UK, social demands to be into a and increasingly by the local state there are still important â such as in and â of participation in a range of forms of across local and global which or by the In the of many social movements both in communities and in urban both with a of to the state, has not social movements to but has to form the for of the neoliberal and 2007). governance has the on social movements to to the of partnerships and forms of neoliberal participation, and in so has to the participation of the 1980s in countries such as and beyond 2005; 2007). others 2005; and Farthing, and the not but to forms of and to forms of political participation by the not an neoliberal practices of the of neoliberal institutions by in very different by different or local governance has increasingly the of the has been the of the power and of local and political The of and political parties via local has been by and has been with participative and forms of local democratic The of partnerships has to local to the of one many the primary in local political leaders have been on the one to become more and on the other to new based on the of political and more on or in a In countries such as the UK, local political is increasingly concerned with in the of the different a the and of local political has been as important in and to from of and 2005). local is not to the political leaders in cities in and have also this to power et al., with as and The of and in have local and public to with the creation of new forms of and such as and participation There is much though, of by political leaders in the by and the of which have the of also local of is the local of the literature on local suggests in the context of a neoliberal local politics of governance, should be or the contributions of local leaders from and In some countries has been that local political has to from a to a range of different in a more democratic (Melo and Baiocchi, can also be the that and of old have of in many of America, the of leaders still remains In for example, the of as has the of and that remains between the of political and of a politics in which and in some countries such as the UK, policies have to promote the importance of in one as a way to local democratic and and 2005). the which is one in which local and parties â of both and and in countries â have to of the new of local governance, but in the process different and to governance such as the by of political parties of partnerships in which theoretical of and the and competitive of local this through the example of the in which in the 1980s a more for the of the the city the and as the the that has been to the city and the urban the political of the by the in In America, both and parties have been concerned with and effective While is the that the of has been more in including and social and the that neoliberal can local participatory structures which new to local not be The of the and policies in and how the process of a between the of a a social and the social as well as across and can have for the of local the of a policy or either the or to a different can also a in the of governance of the political in The of the participatory process from to other but also to many cities is the example of how local can the of a governance et al., 2008). and the global urban the important spatial of the economic and social across the by the neoliberal a set of that local that by the the urban of In that the of Europe, North and and the be the and be with and the and the regions the in between and 2007). In the of and These are local governance in an increasingly and has been with urban governance an of the extension and of urban as a of and with the of in strategies to a global competitive are a more competitive and local have to place and new forms of local but have also for new strategies of social and place policies have been by the creation of and and with other cities the and the Southern et al., 2006). cities are the international and are not at the of the global urban but are cities at the level of the that is a dominated by the city of the and important at a level the power of of the global and the initiatives which have been are a continuing of local governance In and in a context of strategies have the a city and of old the for the of 2006). the urban influence the extent to which different cities strategies the local governance in terms of the of institutions and from and beyond and the of and across different the of local governance institutions to to is also by the of the other three which cities have example, of of between the and levels. the of and have as much in with the of as with the in to global changes in and which of and that level cities have and social and are highly in and and have governance the of in and is much in the of urban governance to such is more and some strategies of social by the state â such as participatory participation, partnerships and social â have become to urban social 2004; and many of have been by social movements and forms of other more and also the of the and in cities and of in the the of communities in and 2004; 2004; and increasing in the North are other such as in the UK, which have and spatial on marginalized 2004; this is a that has been associated with and the economic and social The has the role of as a to the of the at the as the has to policies in political in have to institutions and of as a way of a democratic and and this In and political of both and have in the of based on to partnerships and in this symposium are emphasizing the urban is also important to recognize the of In the between the and many of the social movements of should that the is not with social The of movements in in the 1990s and of this have been central to to neoliberalism, and have in structures in urban as a of (Kohl and Farthing, 2006). the of as well as urban local governance the importance of of the of the of has been to a in which very different and urban have been to to a political that and have become of ânew and the processes change in both how and to local governance in city in and ways. The key between the two cities was the political context in by the transition from the to a democratic that of urban governance, characterized by decentralization and a of participation, was from The on of to two the governance that a of state and and across to a of not a of state that an in participation not an in on and the for local governance of a at the urban those related to issues such as or urban which call and to the on the of the for the urban and the of neoliberalism in the to with the state, a more especially for cities in to a more for In this the importance of as the of public at the subnational and the central place of or in the urban and for In the Geddes suggests that is to the of two of local governance â neoliberal and is not to or the diversity of existing but to to the terms of He reflects on local governance in in the 1980s and 1990s a for the new neoliberal but now a of as a of the recent of the the of the neoliberal on He suggests a of and of neoliberalism is in the tensions and complex temporalities of the between neoliberalism and to in and
Judicial decisions focusing on equal educational opportunity involve significant issues of educational governance and often involve explicit questions about the extent to which authority to make educational decisions should be centralized or decentralized across various institutions and entities. This review aims at clarifying scholarsâ understanding of court-driven reform of educational governance to leverage equal educational opportunities across the major fields of school desegregation, school finance reform, and school choice. Issues of centralization and decentralization have particularly emerged in courtsâ approaches to these fields with respect to both the judicial process and the substance of the policies themselves. An examination of these issues reveals a movement toward the decentralization of authority away from the courts that, at times, has reflected a growing judicial awareness of the courtsâ strengths and weaknesses. Based on this examination, a more effective role for the courts in reforms aimed at promoting equal educational opportunity is considered.
In ESS2008, Yang et al. suggested a key-exposure-free chameleon hashing scheme, and it can be used to design signature and some other cryptography mechanism. In this paper, we construct a new timeliness optimistic fair exchange protocol based on this key-exposure-free chameleon hashing scheme. The new scheme does not require the use of interactive zero-knowledge proofs in the exchange phase. In our scheme, both parties can contact the trusted third party and settle the argument before the deadline. Moreover, the new scheme achieves fairness and timeliness.
Organization theory is a theory without a protagonist. Organizations are typically portrayed in organizational scholarship as aggregations of individuals, as instantiations of the environment, as nodes in a social network, as members of a population, or as a bundle of organizing processes. This paper hopes to highlight the need for understanding, explicating, and researching the enduring, noun-like qualities of the organization. We situate the organization in a broader social landscape by examining what is unique about the organization as a social actor. We propose two assumptions that underlie our conceptualization of organizations as social actors: external attribution and intentionality. We then highlight important questions and implications forming the core of a distinctively organizational analytical perspective.
Fiscal decentralization is one component of decentralization that gives authority to local governments to collect revenue through taxes and responsibility over spending decisions. Even though fiscal decentralization has given revenue raising and spending decision powers to lower levels of government, the implementation process has often been a daunting task for many local authorities in the developing world. In the case of Ethiopia, decentralization has been implemented since 1991. However, revenue raising and expenditure management are not efficiently and effectively exercised, especially in lower level government units of Ethiopia. Insufficient revenue collection and reprehensible expenditure management leads to financial incapability such that public infrastructure and services could not be financed amply. Dangila municipality faces the problem of financial capacity to deliver infrastructure and services to its citizens. While a number of studies have documented the financial incapacities of Ethiopian municipalities, they have been very shy to articulate the discrepancies and deficiencies that link financing to service delivery. It is interesting to know what the driving factors are in this case. Therefore, the main focus of this paper is to assess the efficiency and effectiveness of revenue collection and expenditure management of Dangila Municipality. To obtain edifying data the paper used a positivist survey study. Municipality financial documentation and questionnaires were the main sources of secondary and primary data respectively. Parametric descriptive statistical methods were applied in the analysis of data to arrive at measures of efficiency and effectiveness in revenue collection and expenditure management of the municipality. The study revealed that the municipality is not efficient and effective in its revenue collection and expenditure management. The main explanation for such inefficiency comprise; derisory assessment of taxable sources, poor organizational structure, inadequate accounting system, absence of clear operational guidelines, poor planning and data base management, lack of awareness by taxpayers and lack of skilled manpower. To resolve such challenges, we recommend the following actionable measures; widening the revenue base of local sources of revenue, improving planning and implementing capacity, establishing adequate data base systems, continuous awareness creation for taxpayers, establishing appropriate guidelines and methods of revenue collection, revision of the tariff structure regularly, installing accounting system that produces timely and reliable information, encouraging community participation in planning and resource allocation and municipal restructuring that take into account needs and welfare of employees. Classification-JEL: R53, R42
Stuart M. Allen, Gualtiero B. Colombo, Roger M. Whitaker
We address the problem of cooperation in decentralized systems, specifically looking at interactions between independent pairs of peers where mutual exchange of resources (e.g., updating or sharing content) is required. In the absence of any enforcement mechanism or protocol, there is no incentive for one party to directly reciprocate during a transaction with another. Consequently, for such decentralized systems to function, protocols for self-organization need to explicitly promote cooperation in a manner where adherence to the protocol is incentivized. In this article we introduce a new generic model to achieve this. The model is based on peers repeatedly interacting to build up and maintain a dynamic social network of others that they can trust based on similarity of cooperation. This mechanism effectively incentivizes unselfish behavior, where peers with higher levels of cooperation gain higher payoff. We examine the model's behavior and robustness in detail. This includes the effect of peers self-adapting their cooperation level in response to maximizing their payoff, representing a Nash-equilibrium of the system. The study shows that the formation of a social network based on reflexive cooperation levels can be a highly effective and robust incentive mechanism for autonomous decentralized systems.
Hagio Motoâs Nuclear Manga and the Promise of Eco-Feminist Desire Margherita Long (bio) In April 2012 the leading shĆjo manga artist Hagio Moto published a collection of five new works in response to the Fukushima nuclear disaster. Titled Nanohana (Rape blossoms), the volume was hailed by a review in the Mainichi newspaper as proof that manga subculture responds to societal problems âmore quickly and more incisively than any other mediumâ (Figure 1). 1 But the Mainichi review, like those in the Yomiuri and Asahi Weekly, stopped short of spelling out the exact nature of Hagioâs insight. 2 And there were also disgruntled otaku bloggers who complained that Nanohana merely repeats the same antinuclear slogans (âItâs not safe!â) we have already been hearing for decades. 3 In this essay I propose that what is interesting about Hagioâs contribution to Japanâs denuclearization debates is the way she connects the problem of the nuclear with the problem of desire. In âPurĆ«to fujinâ (Madam Pluto) and âAme no yoru: Uranosu hakushakuâ (A rainy night: Count Uranus), radioactive elements take human form and become irresistible to everyone but a tiny minority who refuse to forget their chemical properties. With wry precision, Hagio equates the ability to be humanly wanted with the inability to be materially questioned or acknowledged. The target of her critique is our dominant [End Page 3] model of desire, in which it is only after some original, physical object goes missing that we can begin to desire its substitute, which is de facto entirely cultural. Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. Cover image from the first edition of Nanohana (Rape blossoms) (ShĆgakukan, 2012). This essay expands my reading of Nanohana by drawing out its affinity with an earlier and much longer work by Hagio, Sutaa Reddo (1980, Star Red). Here Hagio not only sharpens her critique of desire-as-usual but offers a brilliant alternative. The heroine Sei is a galaxy-traveling shĆjo who refuses to accept âloveâ as compensation for the destruction of her beloved planet, Mars. In the process, she teaches her lover Erg how to go back to his own cultureâs dead planet. There, at her insistence, he relearns human love by reawakening his capacity for human/nonhuman interaction. The result is joyously eco-positiveâthe rebirth of a planet! And yet, in the rich body of [End Page 4] Japanese feminist writing on Hagio, this eco-critical element has gone mostly unremarked (Figure 2). Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 2. Cover image from a later edition of Sutaa Reddo (1980, Star Red) (ShĆgakukan Bunko, 1995). At stake, I think, is how we conceive our relation to material origins. What does it mean to love a planet the way Sei loves Mars? Do we really need to sever our relation with the physical object before we can begin to make sense of it? Desire it? Desire each other? Indeed, what would it mean for intra-human relations if they were not founded in a prior sacrifice of the material world? These are questions that a group of North American feminists has recently begun to ask under the rubric of ânew materialism.â4 What I propose in this essay is that a similar set of questions is key to a rich but tantalizingly incomplete debate that has been swirling around Hagioâs work since the 1980s: the debate about the hyper-girl. [End Page 5] âHyper-girlâ (chĆshĆjo) is a term coined in 1984 by critic Miyasako Chizuru in her study of Hagioâs early manga, ChĆshĆjo e (1984, Toward the hyper-girl). Miyasako argues that we can situate Hagioâs heroines along a continuum of feminist progress from the shĆjo demanded by patriarchy, to the hishĆjo (anti-girl) of works like Heart of Thomas (1974, TĆma no shinzĆ) and PĆ no ichizoku (1972, The Poe clan), who seizes agency as a âboy with no genitals.â5 Then, even more positively, we have the chĆshĆjo of Star Red, who takes the stage emphatically as a girl. The chĆshĆjo draws her identity...
Rural local governments in India provide essential services to over 70 percent of the national population. Yet, little is known about the efficacy of the financing system that supports these local governments, nor is there a fiscal information system that will allow a tracking of rural local government expenditures and revenues. In this article, we describe the role of rural local governments in India's; federal system, and use a database, newly gathered for West Bengal State, to present an analysis of rural local government financing patterns. We find that expenditures are significantly higher in less populated and more backward gram panchayats. At the margin, however, higher rates of literacy also are associated with higher levels of spending, suggesting an education effect.
In this paper we describe and evaluate recent changes in the Spanish public programs that foster training among the Spanish active population. The analysis updates and complements the MartĂnez-Lucio and Stuart study of 2003 in this journal because it covers certain aspects related to training not considered there, especially those relating to public policy. Our analysis may also be useful for other countries that have similar characteristics to those of the Spanish training system, such as a high degree of administrative decentralization, a tripartite organization (involving public authorities and social agents) as well as a supply-driven and demand-driven training differentiation. Spain is located in southwestern Europe. Its mainland is bordered to the north by France and to the West by Portugal. In 2008 the population of Spain reached 46.2 million people. With the exception of Madrid, the capital area, the most populated areas lie around the coast. Life expectancy is 82.2 years for women and 77.8 years for men. The basic political units in the territorial distribution are the municipalities (there are 8,112), provinces (50) and regions (17).1 The last named have some political responsibilities because Spain is quite similar to a Federal State. In 2008 Spain was the eighth largest economy in the world, according to nominal gross domestic product (GDP). This was 1,095 million euros. GDP per capita was 24,020 euros. In fact, Spanish GDP per capita was 5.5 per cent above the average of the 27 states of the European Union (EU). The percentage of employed people by productive sector is as follows: agriculture (4 per cent), construction (12.1 per cent), industry (15.8 per cent) and services (68.1 per cent). The 2008 annual average rate of change in the Consumer Price Index was 1.4 per cent (being 1.6 per cent in the Euro area), but it has reached negative figures in 2009, as in most Western economies. Thus, Spain presents good figures in life expectancy, GDP and inflation. Its main economic problems are unemployment and current external deficit. Related to the former, in the second quarter of 2009, the active population was 23 million and the employed 18.9. Therefore, there were 4.1 million unemployed workers. The rate of unemployment was 17.9 per cent, more than double the EU average unemployment rate (8.3 per cent). Although Spain managed to reduce its unemployment level from 24 per cent in 1994 to 8 per cent in 2007, the rate of unemployment has increased sharply in the present economic crisis. With regard to the current external deficit, the accumulated deficit in 2008 increased to 104,664 million euros (9.6 per cent of GDP, one of the highest in the world in relative terms). The Spanish educational system has the following levels: pre-primary, primary, secondary education, which includes lower secondary (named EducaciĂłn Secundaria Obligatoria) and upper-secondary education, either academic (bachillerato) or vocational [ciclos formativos de grado medio (CFGM)], and higher education [professional, named ciclos formativos de grado superior (CFGS) and university]. Compulsory education comprises primary and lower secondary (from 6 to 16 years old). Pre-primary education is organized in two cycles of 3 years each for children aged 0â6 years old. Primary education includes six academic courses (for students between the ages of 6 and 12). Lower secondary education has four courses, and it is expected that at the end, 16-year-old students finish compulsory education. However, in Spain, around 30 per cent of students fail to satisfactorily complete their compulsory education. Pupils who succeed in compulsory education may follow the academic track (bachillerato) for 2 years or vocational education (CFGM). To enter CFGS pupils must have satisfactorily finished bachillerato; however, there are specific exams to enter both vocational levels for those without the required academic degrees. Because of the implementation of the European higher education area, nowadays university studies (named grado) have a duration of four courses (with some exceptions) and substitute previous licenciatura (5 years) and diplomatura (3 years). Students have to pass a national exam to enter university, although for some groups there are also other ways to get in, such as for those over 25 or those who graduated from CFGS. Finally, university graduate students may attend masters and doctorate courses. In 2008 there were 7.2 million pupils in non-university studies, 36.4 per cent of whom were in private centers (around 80 per cent in private, publicly funded or âconcertedâ schools). Thus, Spain is one of the countries with the highest percentage of students in private centers, especially because of the âconcertedâ schools (EscardĂbul & Villarroya, 2009). Moreover, there were 1.4 million university students (10 per cent in private institutions). In 2006, public expenditure on education amounted to 4.3 per cent of GDP (the EU average was 5.1 per cent). Training programs, together with vocational education, have constituted a unified system of vocational education and training since the 1990 Educational Act. The training system is made up of a scheme for training for the unemployed (traditionally called occupational training) and training for employed individuals (continuous training). The two types of training were originally independent, but they were merged in 2007 through the Royal Decree 395/2007. The merged system is governed by the Ministry of Labor and Immigration (MLI), which establishes a common legal framework for the whole country and has management responsibilities. Since the 1990s, however, regional governments known as Autonomous Communities (ACs) have also taken on some responsibilities for training. In addition, social agents also take part, especially in continuous training. The completion of vocational education leads to vocational degrees (tĂtulos profesionales), whereas finishing occupational and continuous training may lead to professional certificates (certificados de profesionalidad). Both are linked through the National Catalog of Professional Qualifications (CatĂĄlogo Nacional de Cualificaciones Profesionales), which today contains 390 qualifications. Training for the unemployed comprises a general Plan for Training and Professional Insertion (Plan Nacional de FormaciĂłn e InserciĂłn Professional or âFIPâ Plan), established in 1993, as well as working/training programs (focused on services of social interest) such as school workshops (Escuelas Taller) and trades centers (Casas de Oficios) for younger unemployed individuals and employment workshops (Talleres de Empleo) for those over 25. Working/training programs last from 6 months to 2 years. Training programs for the employed started to be implemented in 1993, when the Foundation for Continuous Training (FundaciĂłn para la FormaciĂłn Continua, FORCEM) was created as a result of the First National Agreement on Continuous Training. The foundation, although publicly funded by the MLI [and the European Social Fund (ESF)], had bipartite management bodies. On the one hand, there were the two main employers' organizations and, on the other, the main national trade unions. Training was regulated through two National Agreements on Continuous Training (covering the periods 1993â1996 and 1997â2000) reached by these social agents. The third agreement covered the 2001â2004 period and was administered by the Tripartite Foundation for In Service Training (FundaciĂłn Tripartita para la FormaciĂłn en el Empleo), which was run by the social agents indicated above and the MLI through the National Employment Institute [Instituto Nacional de Empleo (INEM)], after some irregularities involving public funds had been uncovered. With the third agreement, a distinction was introduced between supply- and demand-driven training plans. The former has been aimed at the personal and professional development of workers (and it is mainly organized through sector and inter-sector plans, managed by social agents), whereas the latter has sought to address firms' needs (companies ask for subsidies for training and employees may demand training leave). The Royal Decree 1046/2003 altered the third agreement by introducing major changes to the system, such as changes to the demand-driven training system and to the role of ACs in supply-driven training. With respect to the first change, the Royal Decree enabled companies to secure training resources with much less bureaucracy because it eliminated the need to present projects annually to the Tripartite Foundation and allowed companies to finance their training by reducing the amount they pay to the Social Security Treasury if resources were devoted to the training of their employees. The calculation of the training âcreditâ or âbonusâ for each company is based on the application of a percentage (set by the National Budget Act) of the amount paid by the company through the previous year's compulsory training levy. Companies with at least 10 employees also have to invest in training with their own funds (see details in next section). Firms have to keep the employees' legal representative (if one exists) informed about training matters, otherwise they lose their bonus, and there is a procedure in case of dispute where social agents are involved. With respect to the second change, AC governments with labor competences (16 out of 17) were allowed to supply and manage national centrally collected public resources (and their own) for supply-driven training activities within their regional boundaries. However, INEM still manage training activities developed in more than one AC. Finally, the fourth agreement (2006â2010) set out several aims that were developed in Royal Decree 395/2007, such as merging training for the employed and the unemployed and fostering professional certification (see next section). The funding structure for training is supported by the Public Treasury's collection of a training levy paid by employers and workers. The levy is 0.7 per cent of gross salary. Companies pay 0.6 per cent, whereas 0.1 per cent is covered by employees. Since 1997 the training levy is equally distributed between training for the unemployed and for the employed (0.35 per cent to each system). Resources are managed by the National Employment Institute (INEM) and those AC governments that assume this responsibility. They are mainly distributed to regions according to the number of unemployed. During the 2000â2003 period, the âFIPâ Plan accounted for around 700 million euros (around one third came from the ESF), whereas resources for the working/training programs were almost 480 million (30 per cent from the ESF). For continuous training, Tripartite Foundation's financial resources are provided annually by INEM. For the 1995â2005 period, the training levy accounted for approximately 75 per cent, whereas it was 81 per cent in 2006 (the rest was provided by the ESF). AC governments also spend their own funds. Funds to regions are allocated mainly on the basis of the average number of workers excluding public sector employees (who have their own training plans). The number of participants across all kinds of occupational training is shown in Table 1. More than 80 per cent of learners take part in training related to the FIP Plan. In addition, 15â20 per cent of all unemployed workers (based on the Active Population Survey) have received training since the beginning of this century. The small increase observed in the 2003â2006 period is due to the declining size of the unemployed population. Table 2 shows information related to continuous training since 2004, when the âcreditâ system began. However, it has to be emphasized that since 1993 the number of employees trained and total funds for training have greatly increased, the first sixfold (it started with 0.3 million trainees), although the figure has been quite stable since the late 1990s, and the second figure 14-fold (in 1993, only 56 million euros were devoted to training). The overall percentage of women trained has reached 42 per cent (it was 30 per cent in 1993). There are more trainees in demand-driven activities than in supply-driven activities. However, the credit system administers less than 30 per cent of the total resources. With respect to demand-driven activities, the bonus used has increased sharply, though, as a percentage of available bonus it is below 60 per cent. In addition, the overall bonus percentage of training costs (including the wages of employees who train during working hours) is almost 60 per cent. Demand-driven training activities that are not in the workplace account for less than 30 per cent of the total, although this figure has increased each year. With respect to supply-driven activities, most trainees participate in sector plans. Regarding the distribution of funds between levels of administration, the contribution of the national authorities has decreased sharply (from 75.1 per cent in 2004 to 49.5 per cent in 2006) in favour of the ACs. Looking at the type of plan involved, roughly 85 per cent of total funds are devoted to sector plans. As previously indicated, the Royal Decree 395/2007 merged continuous and occupational training. It states that training may be provided as follows. Public administrations with responsibility for training may provide training through their own centers or through agreements with public organizations or companies certified to train. A public administration's centers include National Centers of Excellence (Centros de Referencia Nacional), Integrated Centers (Centros Integrados), and other centers for vocational education (schools) and training (INEM's National Centers for Occupational Training, which may be transferred to ACs). Integrated Centers were regulated in 2005 (Royal Decree 155/2005) and, among other tasks, they are to provide all vocational education and and training in that they are to by Labor and Educational centers may be or from the of Integrated Centers has been quite and between ACs. The National Centers of Excellence were regulated in 2008 (Royal Decree They are to be centers for all Spain in a specific of vocational education and training. Thus, they have to the needs of the productive and training to these needs as well as to provide training to all agents in the training system in centers also have to be by and Labor of are to be created from INEM although it is not that they be to out the in the present centers for vocational education that have been by the public provide training professional In addition, other private centers provide training not related to professional certificates if they are in established by labor trade and other organizations from training provide training through their own centers or through other Companies that train their own employees or the unemployed with a to provide training in their own or through Training is for both the employed and the with to groups considered to have in in Royal Decree 395/2007 four types of training Although these all to 2007, the main between the Decree and previous was the of its It covered all training demand-driven activities, supply-driven activities, training involving a of training and and activities. In addition, the of of professional competences through is considered as a of the Although professional certificates were regulated in 2008 only the recent of has established the by which professional certificates or of a vocational degree be by those with competences through working or education. As in previous funds for training from the training levy paid by companies and the and other resources provided to INEM from the national The governments also funds. Funds by the MLI are in the of the National Employment Nacional de Empleo), which includes one representative from each number from the and from the main employers' organizations and trade The of each social the as the levels of in to the tripartite The the Tripartite Foundation and ACs manage the resources allocated to training, as in the previous Finally, is on the of training National and regional labor authorities may evaluate the training system at levels by participants on the training received and by the training centers, and the of training centers may be in the Moreover, centers have to per cent of the they to the of the training As shown in Table recent changes in the bonus system are related to the amount of credit available for training, the percentage of private funding required and the amount of per Thus, the credit available has increased for all is not required to companies with less than 10 employees 2007 it only to companies with up to and the of training per and of training has With regard to training by companies may finance the gross costs of participants through the bonus They have amount of per cent of annual Training is up to per academic or it must be on the and the not Since 2007 supply-driven training activities are aimed at the personal and of both workers and the unemployed of company They are by the labor at national with the and of the Tripartite Moreover, from ACs and social agents are considered through their in the of the National Employment Social agents also participate in the that are created through between employers' organizations and trade among other activities, the main and overall of sector training activities. In 2007, to 56 sector plans, 42 of which came out of ACs may have their own training plans, national training activities are set out as The employed must at least 60 per cent of overall may be sector or and public administrations the of each in each The Tripartite Foundation is mainly in of the and of the implementation of the training Thus, the the for subsidies and or of INEM the a plan is it is developed through agreements between INEM and the the main national employers' trade organizations in the social economy and as well as organizations created by and employers' through in sector plans. The to activities developed at regional level with regional In that organizations may be representative at national or regional training activities must run between six and in The unemployed must at least 60 per cent of overall include training for the of professional certificates in the National Catalog of Professional allowed to funds for this of training include employers' trade training centers and public In 2007, per cent of all participants were trained in centers by labor administrations or per cent by employers' trade and organizations related to the social per cent by and per cent by centers for training. these companies and employers' the unemployed to get professional as well as to at least 60 per cent of all Companies in the first may up to six euros per and training and participants may for and Firms in the second financial subsidies for which are to be This is for those with in the labor or in professional as well as training activities for those in those in the (with labor and (in their country of who This of training is provided by administrations and other public authorities as well as The first two kinds of are through public subsidies through a procedure from The rest are through There are two types of activities that training and within for training and the working/training programs indicated in the previous In for training, which have been in since the to training be less than per cent of total working and must be the education and working be in or must be between 16 and years (the is not and the is between 6 months and 2 years. a based on the agreement, but it must not be less than the to their to Firms the of education through the credit system, but in that case financial resources are linked to the employment of the Social Security Treasury and not from the training levy. activities mainly and aimed at training and information about the training system as well as to individuals to secure training, of and The recent changes provide a by training for the employed and the unemployed one This the of training activities in the structure of the Spanish vocational education and training. It is also that the credit system in activities has been because it the of training for However, the level of used bonus in respect to total bonus available per cent) that more is from public to foster The role of the Tripartite Foundation in small companies be to include on management (EscardĂbul The role of social agents in training is through their in set up in the framework of the This is in with the of trade to the role of labor in areas such as training because much of their has been external to the workplace & In addition, are to keep the employees' legal representative informed about training matters, and there is a procedure in case of dispute where they take Resources to training activities, which has a role than a specific role in among employees. However, groups of people have to be such as and and there also needs to be a on the especially in the current of economic with unemployment rate of per cent in The over training centers and the of training This is much because the high of private centers has educational supply in courses and the of students more to enter the labor as because training that the to the labor for the of public funding However, other have to be to the training The of professional competences is to be a of the Professional be established in a that trainees and the unemployed not only information and from training social but also have a who professional that to training and their professional life & that it is of be developed to a of because at present it covers only Moreover, it be the to foster training for those less The role of ACs is not are their activities as regional authorities in There are between regional and national authorities that are taken to the for The role of social agents through be the the role of because these are to firms' training is linked for or the of employees to train Training have to the of training that training and for training). have some of to Thus, some between (and their and vocational education (and their is 2009). In addition, training not only but also are known as such as the to in a and all of which are required by Public funding of training centers on the by As in and be considered as a system, which increase in be among Although all recent have increased the number and of training as well as funds devoted to training, we that and the to training for employees (in per for Moreover, public training the to areas where private centers are not established More is to out these be Nacional de Tripartita para la FormaciĂłn en el Empleo de EducaciĂłn de e and Nacional de Empleo (INEM) de de la and de de de de Nacional de and
In recent years, growth in the demand for emergency medical services along with decline in the number of hospitals with emergency departments (EDs) has led to overcrowding. In periods of overcrowding, an ED can request the Emergency Medical Services (EMS) agency to divert incoming ambulances to neighboring hospitals, a phenomenon known as âambulance diversionâ. The EMS agency will accept this request provided that at least one of the neighboring EDs is not on diversion. From an operations perspective, properly executed ambulance diversion should result in resource pooling and reduce the overcrowding and delays in a network of EDs. Recent evidence indicates, however, that this potential benefit is not always realized. In this paper, we provide one potential explanation for this discrepancy and suggest potential remedies. Using a queueing game between two EDs that aim to minimize their own waiting time, we find that decentralized decisions regarding diversion explain the lack of pooling benefits. Specifically, we find the existence of a defensive equilibrium, wherein each ED does not accept diverted ambulances from the other ED. This defensiveness results in a de-pooling of the network and, in turn, in delays that are significantly higher than when a social planner coordinates diversion. The social optimum is, itself, difficult to characterize analytically and has limited practical appeal as it depends on problem parameters such as arrival rates and length of stay. Instead, we identify an alternative solution that is more amenable to implementation and can be used by the EMS agencies to coordinate diversion decisions even without the exact knowledge of these parameters. We show that this solution is approximately optimal for the social plannerâs problem. Moreover, it is Pareto improving over the defensive equilibrium whereas the social optimum might not be.
This article describes a model that can be used to introduce basic economic concepts to children at the K-8 grade levels and lay a foundation for the later study of markets and prices. The model focuses on non-market environments, such as homes and schools, where people first experience economic decision making. In the model sunk costs provide an explanation for the observation of non-scarcity situations which are seldom considered and more rarely explained in textbooks and K-12 teaching lessons. In fact, non-scarcity situations often occur in non-market environments. The utility of the non-scarcity economics model is magnified by the commitment most states have made to establishing economics standards at the K-8 grade levels.
In the world of money management, professional intermediaries constitute a large and important group. How much does internal firm organization affect the performance and allocation of resources in these intermediaries? This question has received relatively little attention in academic literature. We examine this question in the context of mutual funds and provide direct evidence that internal organization structure -- in particular the decision making process about investments -- impacts their investment behavior and performance. Our empirical evidence is consistent with tradeoffs generated by theories of organizational economics. Decentralized mutual funds provide more discretion in investment decisions to their managers and as a result have higher performance than their centralized counterparts. However, since decision making is done individually by managers in decentralized structure, there is a diversification loss due to individual funds not accounting for the correlation of their own portfolio returns with the returns of other managers in the fund. These results obtain both in the panel setting and in a quasi-experiment that involves an exogenous shift in the precision of publicly available information on some stocks. The results of the paper offer several broad implications for issues related to delegated portfolio management. First, the results help understand what drives some funds to deliver better performance than others. This has potential to shed light on the long standing academic debate on whether or not mutual fund managers have skills. If a large population of funds have centralized investment decision making, it may explain why many studies find that managers in the population do not have superior skills. Second, by showing that organizational structure is an important determinant of fund strategies and performance, it connects the literature on firm boundaries with financial intermediation. Besides shedding light on the "black box" of mutual fund management, this insight has the potential to inform us on the shifts in the mutual fund industry over time. For instance, our research could inform us on how competition for talent from hedge fund industry (with more decentralized decision making) may have influenced mutual fund families to changing their decision making process to a decentralized one as well. Alternatively, our research can inform better on how the difference in investment and performance across different organizational forms may be expected to evolve depending on the labor market conditions.
Lawyers trained in common law systems often enquire about the applicable standard of proof in competition litigation before the EU Courts. Yet this need to conceptualize in abstract terms one or several evidentiary "standards" is a minority approach within the EU. This article shows that, despite occasional references in the English language versions of some recent judgments, the Court of Justice and the General Court do not proceed by reference to standards of proof in the common law sense. This is rather an ex post construction by commentators. The elusive and largely fruitless quest for 'the' standard of proof that has mired so many authors appears to be a blind alley. The EU Courts seem more influenced by the predominant conception in civil law countries - the vast majority of EU Member States - where the judge decides according to the persuasiveness of the evidence without being bound by pre-determined evidentiary or probability 'thresholds'. With specific reference to competition cases, the article then explores a few of the factors which appear to play a role in the assessment of factual evidence by the EU Courts (including, for example, the distinction between actions and consequences, and the judgeâs implicit views on economic ânormalityâ).
Which standard of proof is best for a particular type of case? This deceptively simple question has been much discussed, but the current state of understanding is unsatisfactory. Statisticians posed a general answer; philosophers and others launched an assault on that answer; practically oriented scholars draw on both strains unsystematically; and courts generally offer little or no reasoning for their decisions. The goal of this article is to outline a systematic and complete justification for selecting one probabilistic standard of proof over another. By training a microscope on one small corner of the law - incapacity will contests - this article demonstrates the relevance of old factors, identifies several new factors, and integrates the factors into an approach that will hopefully guide future inquiry. One important implication is that the choice of proof standard will almost necessarily be tentative: too much is unknown or unknowable.
This paper provides an elegant proof of mind-body dualism. I show, first, that all properties known to humankind, aside from qualitative properties of consciousness (and perhaps numerical properties), are fundamentally relational in nature. I then show that relational properties are, at least in principle, always fully describable in language. Finally, I point out that qualitative properties of consciousness are clearly not fully describable in ordinary language. Thus, qualitative properties of consciousness are fundamentally different than all other properties known to humankind: they are fundamentally intrinsic properties that stand outside of the realm of scientific inquiry.
We find strong econometric support for a break in the relationship between perceived and HICP inflation in the euro area, triggered by the introduction of euro notes and coins in January 2002. The break is fairly homogeneous across individuals with different socio-economic characteristics. We found no support for the thesis according to which perceptions are systematically formed by frequently purchased products. A similar break is found when national CPIs instead of HICPs are used as benchmarks. The role of the non-inclusion of owner-occupied housing in the HICP was negligible. Therefore the credibility of the HICP per se is not at stake.
This legal technicality indicates the Hague must dismiss charges against Dr Karadzic and others awaiting trials in the Hague jail; like it or not. Unfortunately for the Signatures Of the Rome Statute United Nations member states instituting the ICC & ICTY housed at the Hague, insofar as the, Radovan Karadzic, as with the other Hague cases awaiting trial there, I personally witnessed these United Nations member states openly speaking about trading judicial appointments and verdicts for financial funding when I attended the 2001 ICC Preparatory Meetings at the UN in Manhattan making the iCTY and ICC morally incapable trying Radovan Karazdic and others. I witnessed with my own eyes and ears when attending the 2001 Preparatory Meetings to establish an newly emergent International Criminal Court, the exact caliber of criminal corruption running so very deeply at the Hague, that it was a perfectly viable topic of legitimate conversation in those meetings I attended to debate trading verdicts AND judicial appointments, for monetary funding. Jilly wrote: The rep from Spain became distraught and when her countryâs proposal was not taken to well by the chair of the meeting , then Spain argued in a particularly loud and noticeably strongly vocal manner, âSpain (my country) strongly believes if we contribute most financial support to the Hagueâs highest court, that ought to give us and other countries feeding it financially MORE direct power over its decisions.â (Instead of censoring the country representative from Spain for even bringing up this unjust, illegal and unfair judicial idea of bribery for international judicial verdicts and judicial appointments, all country representatives present in the meeting that day all treated the Spain proposition as a âtotally legitimate topicâ discussed and debated it between each other for some time. I was quite shocked! The idea was "let's discuss it." "It's a great topic to discuss." Some countries agreed with Spainâs propositions while others did not. The point here is, bribery for judicial verdicts and judicial appointments was treated as a totally legitimate topic instead of an illegitimate topic which it is in the meeting that I attended in 2001 that day to establish the ground work for a newly emergent international criminal court.) In particular., since "Spain" was so overtly unafraid in bringing up this topic of trading financial funding the ICC for influence over its future judicial appointments and verdicts in front of every other UN member state present that day at the UN, "Spain" must have already known by previous experience the topic of bribery was "socially acceptable" for conversation that day. They must have previously spoke about bribing the ICTY and ICC before in meetings; this is my take an international sociological honor student. SPAIN's diplomatic gesture of international justice insofar as, Serbia, in all of this is, disgusting morally! SPAIN HAS TAUGHT THE WORLD THE TRUE DEFINITION OF AN "INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT." I remind everyone, when I attended those ICC Preparatory Meetings in 2001, witnessing first hand the country plenipotentiary representatives present with me discussing so openly, trading judicial funding of a new international criminal court, for its direct judicial appointments and judicial verdicts, those same state powers were concurrently, those same countries and people were already simultaneously, funding the already established ICTY which was issuing at that time, arrest warrants for Bosnian Serbs under false primary diplomatic pretenses. The ICTY and ICC is just where it should be for once. Cornered and backed into and an international wall, scared like a corned animal (and I bet it reacts in the same way a rabid cornered animal does too in such circumstances). Documents: Hague war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has destroyed all material evidence about the monsterous KLA Albanian/KLA organ trade in Kosovo). I believe strongly that ICYU associates murdered former Serb President, Slobodan Milosevic, tried to murder me, as well and other Serbs prisoners and presently places, Doctor Radovan Karadzicâs life in direct danger as well as Ratko Mladicâs life in danger should he be brought there. The ICTY has no other choice than to halt all further court proceedings against, Doctor Radovan Karadzic, and others there both serving sentences and awaiting trials. Miss JIll Louise Starr (The UN Security Council has no choice but to act on this now). I accuse the Hague ICTY war crimes tribunal of attempted assassination on my life and others, contempt of court and obstruction of international justice and "international witness tampering" in complicity with Richard Holbrook and Bill Clinton (Former US President of the USA) as well as political players in Spain and the Netherlands . I represented the state interests' of the Former Yugoslavia, in Darko Trifunovicâs absence in those meetings and I am proud to undertake this effort on Serbiaâs behalf.
In Human Behavior, Evolution, and the Law: The Case of the Biology of Possession, D. Benjamin Barros criticizes my 2004 article, The property âinstinctâ. I disagree with his argument and his characterization of my argument, as well as his conclusions. In this four-paragraph comment, I respond to his argument that prior possession differs from current possession and attempt to clarify my position on two of the points I made in my article.
The US Constitution requires the government to pay just compensation for taking private property. Justice, in this context, will be achieved only if compensation meets two tests, a reality test and a perception test. The reality test asks whether is it more likely than not that the owner deprived of her property would be made whole by the amount of compensation provided. In determining this likelihood, economics, biology, and psychology ought all to be considered. These disciplines indicate that possession, duration of possession, and multiple occupancy call for compensation bonuses. The perception test asks whether it is more likely than not that the average person would think that the owner would be made whole by the amount of compensation provided. In determining this likelihood, surveys of lay persons should play a key role. Participants surveyed provide more compensation when owners are in possession, when possession lengthens, when there are multiple occupants, and when the land is taken for a project involving substantial private ownership. Participants surveyed did not, however, consider justice to require that owners be awarded full compensation for subjective losses or that compensation be increased proportionately when property appreciates in value.
In this paper, we model the economic feasibility of compressed air energy storage (CAES) to improve wind power integration. The Base Case is a wind park with 100 MW of installed capacity and no storage facility. In Variant 1 we add a central CAES system with 90 MW of compressor and 180 MW of generation capacity. The compressed air is stored in a cavern. The CAES system is operated independently of the wind park such that profits from peak power sales at the spot market and reserve power market are maximized. Variant 2 is an integrated, decentralized CAES system, where each wind turbine is equipped with a compressor but no generator. The compressed air is stored in a cavern and converted into electricity by a turbine, again maximizing profit as a peak power plant. Both variants are modeled for conventional diabatic and the more advanced adiabatic systems.