We show how to construct a O(1)-round resettably-sound zero-knowledge argument of knowledge based on one-way functions where additionally the construction and proof of se-curity is black-box. Zero-knowledge proofs (ZK) are fundamental cryptographic constructs used in numerous applications. Formalized using a âsimulation â paradigm, ZK requires that for every malicious verifier there exists a âsimulator â that can indistinguishably reproduce the view of the verifier in an interaction with the honest prover. Resettable-soundness introduced by Barak, Goldreich, Goldwasser and Lindell (FOCS 01) additionally demands the soundness property to hold even if the malicious prover is allowed to âreset â and ârestart â the verifier. Using the breakthrough non-black-box technique of Barak (FOCS 01) they also provided a constant-round construction of a resettably-sound ZK argument relying on the existence of collision-resistance hash-functions. This construction and subsequent constructions all rely on the underlying cryptographic primitive in a non black-box way. Recently, Goyal, Ostro-vsky, Scafuro and Visconti (STOC 14) showed how to extend the Barakâs technique to obtain a construction and proof of security that relies on the collision-resistant hash-function in a black-box manner while still having a non black-box simulator. Such a construction is referred to as semi black-box. From the work of Chung, Pass and Seth (STOC 13) we know that the minimal assumption required to construct resettably-sound ZK argument is the existence of one-way functions. In this work we close the gap between (semi) black-box and non black-box constructions by showing a black-box (round-efficient) resettably-sound argument relying on one-way functions only. 1
BenoĂźt Libert, Marc JĂłye, Moti Yung, Thomas Peters
To gain strong confidence in the security of a public-key scheme, it is most desirable for the security proof to feature a tight reduction between the adversary and the algorithm solving the underlying hard problem. Recently, Chen and Wee (Cryptoâ13) described the first Identity-Based Encryption scheme with almost tight security under a standard assumption. Here, âalmost tightâ means that the security reduction only loses a factor O(λ) âwhere λ is the security parameterâ instead of a factor proportional to the number of adversarial queries. Chen and Wee also gave the shortest signatures whose security almost tightly relates to a simple assumption in the standard model. Also recently, Hofheinz and Jager (Crypto â12) constructed the first CCA-secure public-key encryption scheme in the multi-user setting with tight security. These constructions give schemes that are significantly less efficient in length (and thus, processing) when compared with the earlier schemes with loose reductions in their proof of security. Hofheinz and Jagerâs scheme has a ciphertext of a few hundreds of group elements, and they left open the problem of finding truly efficient constructions. Likewise, Chen and Weeâs signatures and IBE schemes are somewhat less efficient than previous constructions with loose reductions from the same assumptions. In this paper, we consider space-efficient schemes with security almost tightly related to standard assumptions. We construct an efficient CCA-secure public-key encryption scheme whose chosen-ciphertext security in the multi-challenge, multi-user setting almost tightly relates to the DLIN assumption (in the standard model). Quite remarkably, the ciphertext size decreases to 69 group elements under the DLIN assumption whereas the best previous solution required about 400 group elements. Our scheme is obtained by taking advantage of a new almost tightly secure signature scheme (in the standard model) which is based on the recent concise proofs of linear subspace membership in the quasi-adaptive non-interactive zero-knowledge setting (QA-NIZK) defined by Jutla and Roy (Asiacryptâ13). Our signature scheme reduces the length of the previous such signatures (by Chen and Wee) by 37% under the Decision Linear assumption, by almost 50% under the K-LIN assumption, and it becomes only 3 group elements long under the Symmetric eXternal Diffie-Hellman assumption. Our signatures are obtained by carefully combining the proof technique of Chen and Wee and the above mentioned QA-NIZK proofs.
Gebara M.F., L. Muccillo, May P., Claudia Suzanne Marie Nathalie Vitel · 6 authors
Key lessons<br><ul><li>While the constitutional rights (e.g. property rights) of indigenous peoples (IP) are strong in Brazil and may help to overcome their vulnerability, they are rarely enforceable and do not offer sufficient safeguards.</li><li>Informed consultation and a structured free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) process that considers cultural issues are fundamental to ensuring acceptance and consent by IP.</li><li>Local environmental funds can be a tool for increasing autonomy and decentralization while sharing benefits with IP and financing long-term and specific demands that can change over time.</li><li>Safeguard strategies implemented by the Amazon Fund to avoid conflicts of interest may result in restrictions on the participation of IP, having implications related to the legitimacy of decision-making in the distribution of benefits.</li><li>The absence of timely financial flows to meet IP needs may be a considerable risk since it can encourage environmentally damaging activities.</li><li>Relying on the voluntary market may be risky for IP initiatives because of market instability and possible lack of funding.</li></ul>
Open access
Conservation, Biodiversity, and Resource Management
Created in 2009, the digital currency of bitcoin is a relatively new phenomenon. During this short period of time, it has however displayed a strong development of both price and trade volume. This ...
Bitcoin is the world's first decentralized digital currency. According to Lawrence Lessig, cryptography is "the most important technological breakthrough in the last one thousand years" and will be transformative. Bitcoin, capitalizing on cryptography, is a revolutionary digital currency protocol--a software system capable of tracking financial transactions without the need for a third party intermediary. The Bitcoin software is a "community-driven open source project released under an MIT license.â This paper begins by briefly reviewing the mechanics of Bitcoin in Section I. Section II then surveys the rapidly expanding uses of Bitcoin, as well as the emerging application of Bitcoin. Since all new technologies face risk and downside, Section III will address a few of the risks and the highly publicized dark side of Bitcoin. Finally, Section IV will break down how the various governments have initially assessed this new technology and discuss policy implications going forward, as well as touch on the parameters for a twenty-first century regulatory framework by addressing emerging legal and policy issues. As the implementation of Bitcoin and other digital currencies continues, public policy makers should be encouraged to step back and assess the impact of the nascent technology prior to implementing regulatory schemes based upon pre-existing laws based upon outdated assumptions. The multiple applications of the emerging technology suggests policymakers take an innovative approach and adopt public policies and legal frameworks that accommodate the entire scope of its application. The new public policy formulates a regulatory scheme based upon a holistic understanding of the full range of characteristics of Bitcoin and digital currencies. Policymakers, starting with U.S. Congress and state legislatures, should develop public policies that recognize Bitcoin and digital currencies as possessing all of the following characteristics: currencies, payment systems, commodities, properties, investments, systems of commerce, and even systems of contracts. As this dynamic Smartmoney emerges, so emerges the requirement for a new innovative approach to laws and regulations: smart government.
Although academic and practical interest in non-fungible tokens (NFTs) has continuously increased over the last few years, there is still a need to better understand their social acceptability. The aim of the study was to explore the double edge of NFT legitimacy for NFTs by unveiling the role of sustainability and by adopting technology legitimacy and the field of sustainability transition studies as a theoretical lens. Specifically, this research investigates the role of sustainability in securing and maintaining technology legitimacy within NFT projects. We interviewed 12 experts through exploratory qualitative research. The findings highlight three main ways in which sustainability participates in the legitimation of NFT projects. While sustainability can be inherent in the NFT project itself, this legitimation can also be derived from the perceived sustainability of the NFT technology or be part of innovative business models. Theoretical contributions and managerial implications are then discussed. JEL CODES: O33, O35, O50
This paper from the perspective of social management system project,discussed the interaction between the institution,system and mechanism of social management.From the institution,system and mechanism dimensional perspective,it proposed the transform nature of the social management structure to maximize the public interest,to establish democratization social management process,transition from coercion management to state of coercion management coexistence with autonomous management.In terms of social management system the government should take responsibility for moderation,government decentralization and social collaborative governance should be based on policies and regulations.In the process of social management system reform,governments need to adopt policies and regulations institutionalized means,organization,mobilization,coordination,monitoring NGO management assume management responsibilities.In the process of building social management mechanism,since the powers and duties of NGO and citizens to participate in social management lack of clearly defined,cause social autonomous management and oversight mechanisms not really set up.Because it is short of an institutional reasonable social evaluation index,thus failed to establish the effective social control mechanism.Due to the lack of the necessary institutionalized norms and the corresponding organizational management system of the virtual society,thus the administration system of virtual society is unsound.In this case,the social supervisor should establish the three dimensional horizon and realm of social management system,organization system and mechanism.Establish a unified structure and function social management system in which the society coordinated with economic,political and cultural.Straightened out the compartmentalization of social management system,and set up a dedicated social management agency.At least it constructs the some effective social management mechanisms like the floating population service,help and education for special groups,comprehensive management of public security,social risk warning,social interest demands,social supervision and regulation,social integration services.
While the Government of Bangladesh has gained itself a good reputation with regards to achieving the
Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 7, institutional reforms and modernisation of public service
providers in the local governments are still needed for quality delivery and maintenance of water supply
and sanitation services. Decentralisation of decision making and financial management to LGIs, along
with bridging gap between the citizens and public representatives through participatory planning is one
of the vital pre-requisites of integrated rural development. HYSAWA (Hygiene, Sanitation & Water)
Fund, an autonomous financing organization, mobilizes resources and technical support for the LGIs for
delivery of decentralized WatSan services in a transparent and accountable manner. Direct linkage with
the funding source is regarded as a key to empower local governments, which, together with capacity
building inputs will promote greater devolution of administrative and financial power to them. An
effective engagement of local government is needed for sustainability of WASH services.
The present research study had led us to pose like a proposal the design of a Model of
Human Resource Management for Autonomous Decentralized Municipal Government of
Salcedo city, this has an objective, to provide tools to improve existing processes and
implement new trends in subsystems of human talent management, allowing to increase the
productivity and job performance of employees and workers of the institution and therefore to
develop in a suitable environment and obey all requirements emitting from control entities.
Of this way itÂŽll help to the Head of Human Resource in coordination with the Office of
Organizational Development to have a starting point to improve the management with
respect to administrative and operational staff, ensuring better conditions in his position and
post to perform; since the admissions staff is integrating skilled people to develop in their
workplace, which will receive induction, security, and occupational health; theyÂŽll be follow
and at the end the develop test.
This article is based on a case study that examines climate change adaptation of food supply chain inthree Finnish inland provinces Central Finland, Pirkanmaa and South Savo. The focus of the study was onfood processing enterprises and their adaptation strategies. For the study, 14 thematic interviews wereconducted and the research data was analysed using qualitative content analysis. The persons interviewedwere food entrepreneurs, managers of food enterprises and representatives of trade organizations andexpert organizations. The main research questions addressed in the article are: what kind of threat doesclimate change pose to food enterprises? What kind of adaptation aspects can be identified in the foodchain with respect to food supply chain management? According to the results, adaptation to climate changecan be characterized as reactive or autonomous strategy based on localization and decentralization offood supply chain as well as on regional food systems. We conclude that value-based strategic partnershipsin the food chain could enhance the regionsâ adaptive capacity and resilience. Further research onregional impacts of climate change on the supply chain is required to provide decision-makers with morecomprehensive guidance.
Nico Döttling, Daniel Kraschewski, Jörn MĂŒllerâQuade, Tobias Nilges
Universally composable secure computation was assumed to require trusted setups, until it was realized that parties exchanging (untrusted) tamper-proof hardware tokens allow an alternative approach (Katz; EUROCRYPT 2007). This discovery initialized a line of research dealing with two different types of tokens. Using only a single stateful token, one can implement general statistically secure two-party computation (Dottling, Kraschewski, Muller-Quade; TCC 2011); though all security is lost if an adversarial token receiver manages to physically reset and rerun the token. Stateless tokens, which are secure by definition against any such resetting-attacks, however, do provably not suffice for statistically secure computation in general (Goyal, Ishai, Mahmoody, Sahai; CRYPTO 2010). We investigate the natural question of what is possible if an adversary can reset a token at most a bounded number of times (e.g., because each resetting attempt imposes a significant risk to trigger a self-destruction mechanism of the token). Somewhat surprisingly, our results come close to the known positive results with respect to non-resettable stateful tokens. In particular, we construct polynomially many instances of statistically secure and universally composable oblivious transfer, using only a constant number of tokens. Our techniques have some abstract similarities to previous solutions, which we grasp by defining a new security property for protocols that use oracle access. Additionally, we apply our techniques to zero-knowledge proofs and obtain a protocol that achieves the same properties as bounded-query zero-knowledge PCPs (Kilian, Petrank, Tardos; STOC 1997), even if a malicious prover may issue stateful PCP oracles.
J-PAKE is a Password-Authenticated Key Exchange protocol, proposed in 2008 and presented again in 2010 and 2011. It does not require any public key infrastructure but uses zero-knowledge proofs. J-PAKE has been submitted as a candidate for the IEEE P1363.2 standard for password-based public key cryptography, and included in OpenSSL and OpenSSH. Since December 2010, J-PAKE has been used in Mozilla Firefox web browser. In this paper, we show that J-PAKE is vulnerable to password compromise impersonation attack, replay attack, and unknown key-share attack. We also propose some improvements for thwarting replay and unknown key-share attacks.
The traditional setting for concurrent zero knowledge considers a server that proves a statement in zero-knowledge to multiple clients in multiple concurrent sessions, where the serverâs actions in a session are independent of all other sessions. Persiano and Visconti [ICALP 05] show how keeping a limited amount of global state across sessions allows the server to significantly reduce the overall complexity while retaining the ability to interact concurrently with an unbounded number of clients. Specifically, they show a protocol that has only slightly super-constant number of rounds; however the communication complexity in each session of their protocol depends on the number of other sessions and has no a-priori bound. This has the drawback that the client has no way to know in advance the amount of resources required for completing a session of the protocol up to the moment where the session is completed. We show a protocol that does not have this drawback. Specifically, in our protocol the client obtains a bound on the communication complexity of each session at the start of the session. Additionally the protocol is constant-rounds. Our protocol is fully concurrent, and assumes only collision-resistant hash functions. The proof requires considerably different techniques than those of Persiano and Visconti. Our main technical tool is an adaptation of the âcommitted-simulator â technique of Deng et. al [FOCS 09]. 1
The year 2013 marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of the publication of Lawrence Levine's Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America. The book was immediately, and wildly, influential among American cultural historians and students of American literature. I remember attending a national meeting shortly after it came out where participants reverentially invoked Levine's key terms and assumptions, as if they had discovered in the book's pages an explanation, deeply satisfying both ideologically and emotionally, for a phenomenon that had long been troubling them. In the years since 1988, Highbrow/Lowbrow has exhibited the staying power of a classic, a status certified by the book's appearance on countless syllabi and oral exam lists. Today it remains available in paperback and in a Kindle version, and I am told that a French edition was just recently published.Many of us have profited a great deal from Levine's study, and we lament his untimely death in 2006. Yet those of us who have been working in the history of the book and related areas have arrived at a point where we might profitably reassess the arguments of Highbrow/Lowbrow, instead of merely appropriating its framework. What have we learned over the last twenty-five years about cultural hierarchy in America? What perspectives might be useful for the future? I want to consider those questions by bringing to bear both the insights of other scholars who have written since 1988 and the results of my own research.The first third of Highbrow/Lowbrow directly concerns students of reception because it is about the changing position of Shakespeare in American culture. Levine begins by documenting not only the frequent performance of Shakespeare on the nineteenth-century American stage but also the travesties, soliloquies, afterpieces, and other theatrical presentations that often juxtaposed adaptations of Shakespearean drama and poetry to âmagicians, dancers, singers, acrobats, minstrels, and comics.â1 Because âpeople cannot parody what is not familiar,â Levine concludes, Shakespeare was an integral part of popular culture during the early years of American history (4). For Levine, âpopularâ referred to âthose creations of expressive culture that actually had a large audienceâ (31) rather than to the traditions produced by ordinary people, as historians such as Peter Burke and David Vincent have used the word.Filled with exuberant spectators unconstrained by genteel decorum, the theater itself was thoroughly democratic, housing under one roof, as Levine puts it, âa microcosm of American societyâ (25). But the situation was in flux. As early as the middle of the nineteenth century, separate theaters had emerged to serve more refined audiences as part of a growing âbifurcationâ of âseriousâ and âpopularâ culture (68, 81). Eventually, Shakespearean drama as a popular possession was a casualty of this process, which Levine labels the âsacralizationâ of culture; Shakespeare became an âeliteâ author separated from ordinary people by an âunbridgeable gulf,â and his work receded to the rarefied realm of high art (79).The middle section of Highbrow/Lowbrow traces other forms of this process of sacralization under way at roughly the same time. Champions of symphonic music such as John Sullivan Dwight and Henry Lee Higginson articulated a vision of the classical concert as a vehicle for the transmission of art, as distinct from lighter fare, which was often segregated in separate âpopsâ performances. The opera house and the art museum furnish further examples wherein audiences learned, in Levine's words, to âapproach the masters and their works with proper respect and proper seriousness, for aesthetic and spiritual elevation rather than mere entertainmentâ (146).In the last third of Highbrow/Lowbrow, Levine attempts to explain those developments, situating what he calls the fragmentation of culture into âhighâ and âlowâ in the context of the massive societal changes of the late nineteenth century, as immigration, urbanization, and industrialization proceeded apace. In a phrase that I have always found particularly resonant, he ascribes to figures such as Henry James and other white, Anglo-Saxon Protestants the perception that America had become a ânew universe of strangers.â Their way of navigating this âunstable,â threatening environment was to insist on the value of discipline, self-control, and order (177). In consequence, Levine notes with dismay, the opportunity for democratically composed audiences to act ânaturallyâ and to participate actively in cultural experiences gave way to passivity and stultifying propriety (179). Works of art and the institutions that supported them acquired the function of taming democracy, of diffusing âcultureâ to foster âcivilizationâ (204). But more Americans, Levine observes, sought not to âproselytize among the peopleâ but, rather, to make culture âan oasis of refuge from and a barrier against themâ (207). Matthew Arnold's definition of culture as âthe best that has been thought and known [or thought and said] in the worldâ became a widespread ideal, and along with it came hierarchies (best, worst, higher, lower, elite, popular) that Arnold's formulation buttressed (224). Although Levine is careful to state that the sacralization of culture was not âprimarily a mechanism for social control,â he does not hesitate to single out âan elite group with a vested interestâ in maintaining its authority as the party responsible for an increasingly hierarchical, fragmented culture (206, 227). From the late nineteenth century forward, theater and concert audiences had no choice but to encounter art on the terms that those elite individuals prescribed.In an epilogue, Levine indicates the extent to which recent developments had eradicated some of the distance between highbrow and lowbrow, citing, among other examples, the crossover repertoire of the Kronos Quartet and the efforts of Joseph Papp to bring Shakespeare to a large public. But, writing twenty-five years ago, he still finds the âsense that culture is something created by the few for the few, threatened by the many, and imperiled by democracyâ remains both powerful and pervasive (252).There is much that is right about the picture Levine painted. It is undeniable that spectators grew quieter over the course of the nineteenth century, and that less raucousness was accompanied by less diversity, as when âwealthy elites banded together to build their own opera houses.â2 Whether or not the religious overtones of the term are helpful, it is likewise undeniable that a kind of sacralization took place, whereby the entr'acte jugglers, parodists, and minstrels became dissociated from an ostensibly pure Shakespeare, the opera grew isolated from other musical events, and classical European âmasterpiecesâ came to occupy a status higher than the works of popular composers. It is equally true that the agents of sacralizationâthe founders of museums, orchestras, and concert hallsâwere members of the privileged classes, with the resources and social connections to launch such institutions.It is hard not to be captivated by Levine's democratic sympathies and even by the sense of loss that, he acknowledged, suffuses his book. Americans have a penchant for narratives of declension, after all, and Levine's depiction of unity giving way to fragmentation, of egalitarianism undermined, is squarely in that tradition. But can we set aside our attraction to Levine's politics and sensibility and dispassionately interrogate his premises?Let us start with the beginning of his story: the assumption that a shared public culture characterized American life in the early republic. If widespread familiarity with Shakespeare is the proof of this shared culture, it is worth noting, as Alden T. Vaughan and Virginia Mason Vaughan point out in Shakespeare in America, that the Shakespearean texts Americans read âoften differed markedlyâ from the scripts that actors used in theaters, even when the actors were not engaged in performing excerpts or parodies.3 Moreover, printed texts adhered closely to British versions up to the mid-nineteenth century. In other words, to speak of Shakespeare as a popular possession ignores that not everyone owned the same thing, nor was that possession necessarily distinctively American.As for the theater audience as a microcosm of American society, the persistence of religious objections to theatrical performances meant that, at various times and places, a significant segment of the population did not participate in watching Shakespeare. An older work of local history records, for example, that Rochester, New York, was known as a poor theater town well into the 1840s as a result of the antipathy to the stage generated by adherents of the revivalist Charles Finney.4 Furthermore, although Levine was surely right that the theater gathered heterogeneous groups under a single roof (as in New York's Bowery Theater in the Jacksonian period), this was not a case of a diverse population bonded by common responses or shared values. As Richard Butsch has revealed, the rowdy Bowery b'hoys who occupied the pit and the gallery provoked antagonism from wealthier individuals seated in the boxes. In Butsch's words, âAudiences were neither homogeneous nor unanimous, but often divided along class linesâŠ. The middle and upper classes demanded more restraint, and young workers seemed intent on refusing to cooperate.â5More generally, the premise that a unified American culture gave way to fragmentation does not hold up if we turn to the lessons furnished by scholars working in book history. The title of the second volume of A History of the Book in America, An Extensive Republic, signals the argument that Robert A. Gross and Mary Kelley, the volume's editors, have posited throughout. In contrast to the idea that the years between 1790 and 1840 marked the rise of a national print culture, they emphasize that in that period the United States was âa decentralized polity,â a and and in no single and a of and the one print culture was and to the of British on the other it was in the case of the the Gross a century of of the and of were in âthe and of took at the United Although print had the to audiences social it also to and party and no of and as the to from no single of a because of the of people in Extensive also us to the of cultural hierarchy the by the of a elite to âthe of as David the of learned culture sought to foster a of for the of this democratic with the that on the of a group of to the of what was as âthe higher likewise to which as as the century and the century. the key is Richard The of America. which was a shared to of such as and became integral to the of a middle For to the exuberant that Levine were of this recent the idea of a democratic, unified culture in the early nineteenth century is us turn to the other of the the between highbrow and that Levine was in by Shakespeare in American of members of more than Shakespeare that in the late nineteenth and early that Shakespeare to ordinary that in large and America the idea that Shakespeare was for not just cultural elites in a of Shakespeare in that became a for and for a of the and work an to a of unity giving way to sacralization and sacralization was to the for Shakespeare as Shakespeare as a work them the opportunity to their for higher But a of Shakespeare as high culture as because of its to and aesthetic not with democratic if it is to of at art who from âthe growing of in printed and who often in areas on that a process of in the of high to own into the history of the Shakespeare in and by for Americans, a further The British had created Shakespeare in with an to their of they were to be but and with âa which at a act and and no the were to to the the of as well as the idea that art more than was for but the aesthetic the Shakespeare was to was In the United States and in of which found their way to and The for and America over the first years of the was of the of sacralization and and the of art and from and The of book are the American who in Highbrow/Lowbrow only as figures a of and the author of the in the late nineteenth the and of the James the and and the and to the American and the Charles of those individuals in Highbrow/Lowbrow as of cultural fragmentation and to them instead in the context of an that the status particularly with respect to the of religious and by John to what as the American the that the and of the the same when had the opportunity for and In other words, for such the of Shakespeare or opera into art was a not a a democratic Levine for in the as a of the between of and the ordinary people they ostensibly as a for with the of âa democratic of aesthetic that âa into of was not an culture instead both and democratic large of the American as of cultural does not from the of although that art as was a of the loss of that and their of the for But, that process with its in the sense that and their what âa for by on a of cultural elevation for of and the the American were for that and aesthetic In that and in other they between the high culture they thought was the of and the people they had the for the life that art and Lee the of the in a in Joseph a of from the late nineteenth century. his Henry Higginson a democratic and a to those in for his performances and in the to foster on the idea that the a for social that âsense of was by an for of such a as a a or a the and of the music John Sullivan Dwight and to have of and In some he is engaged in a to Higginson from an genteel although even is an that not or New shared the same But also an to the of sacralization with by both in and in his other that with or with for of the or with up the of or with the and of at the in which editors, and both to high culture and to it as the argument for an between highbrow and to it cultural hierarchy is always always on the and read that into Levine's which we with us to as of social But Levine's much and or and the that were out a from which they out to the and public on terms more than or David who the only of Highbrow/Lowbrow when it came the argument this and of culture and to by an elite that was what is as is always marked by forms of high and it was always the case that and the local and the on a middle where and where with sacralization and the of cultural and are terms in the that us to what this social and cultural course we might well the author of The of to a picture in which the middle and the of high and In my which came out in I took as my the of the middle that in the United States during the period between the I that with the who as book in book of of of and of the In to high culture to what the referred to as the both democratic and the of a and are also in century American musical culture, as the of the American of the century Robert in was the of a in the known as the of grew up in a with because his was a with the his own musical in as an of popular culture, as of the that was part of the which was on the and in the during the was for its something he a that but and to on the and of was also a cultural politics in which is worth The a to the audience for music by that the privileged the of over or more musical to the democratic of and the that and be to as an audience as became for own his first to as a in music in terms available to a public popular as an that classical and performance was in the year had the and other classical on the the same the furnished a for at the New years on his in music by a the because it was at Vincent in New In this a cultural politics was at a and diverse of singers, both and by the of the act of as an of and of the he was to the which to make the American culture and the and to those to As in a of musical A that If for set to music The the same of the was to foster âthe and performance of American his democratic and aesthetic had a of his for our to American as a is of The on was to and The to in his own particularly in his to the he as both and of by his for the to his and by in his own his be his that, one in to the who that they had not read The were to of the this what to with the his and and for the that the first the his democratic into a for a of which he turn into great Although that it is worth the as a position at the of the cultural hierarchy the to that the experiences of large of and even as he to make the group the best in the the he had exhibited in the when it came to his for the is no to Levine's of highbrow and than to together works such as in the popular of the the classical on from on and a of both in of their musical and his to also of the efforts in has with his has than its own for both music and our way of It that can be a vehicle for people a democratic of the is because that of the is a of the of cultural as it did during the of to the since the mid-nineteenth century, when Higginson had as a significant part of American In the and American music became with American as both and figures such as John and and the the same in a of and widespread into art by popular music into the of the concert for example, always together with opera were not in that such performances the of their in the of the The has likewise that the as a of was âa of American from the of and that did not the rather than to in performance further the by and and were not part of the an of popular took on of high Yet his of was not only as in respect for the in It was also the vehicle for the of democracy, and performing the that As in the notes to of Americans a which over national and to in a and If sacralization was at work in the of the concert was in the of in the of individuals to the of the In came to on the middle between high and popular also a of and In the his in by the and to set works by Vincent and that both and composed a for and on The his what he a that was with in âthe a work on which the American and its to the of the which as and as a of from his in to set to music in the which the in the of The for to of democracy, and as the and in the of (as well as the figures works he in the to a national not just during but the As the has the a of the the of the of and the vision of among other forms of with such us to classical music as it, not as a phenomenon isolated in a of high culture but rather as a with shared and up and the cultural the of took his democratic and in a In the Robert and bringing it to the occupied during the by he a national audience for and the composed musical for Book of this was the performance not only of of but also of the of the popular and its first American that the Robert works by and and to the the same refusing to by cultural on his in his to the classical In the early the in in the his nineteenth-century and musical his in the of high culture he some about such between the that that and and the he in is not a of the of musical It is a of opportunity for the of If is no where the people can or can the people be to The of those of is that between the people and the music in his as a for of the music his group the that a was as much a part of the culture of the ordinary American as a in the of his to the during his as with the and the his to high art and democratic values. people, his is no for Robert in the of Levine's Highbrow/Lowbrow, as an of the American culture at the of and Yet the case of to the that American culture did not from unity to fragmentation, from to Moreover, Levine's argument is by a sense of thought that his performances to a not only for American musical life but also for the members of his to one further by way of that the sacralization of culture in some with Americans for decorum, might we not what was as Levine but what was over the course of the nineteenth who has been by the a puts his or the to that concert the aesthetic responses that from and responses can be in their own As the has written with to Levine, when we the founders of only as of social and when we merely as or as of we a of the widespread of music that classical to art the that audience members of social classes sought with the that âa significant of the musical public was not just by of the but also by an of musical experiences of more than and that, as one of the it, the and the the rise of and the of a between âseriousâ and the for such experiences have been the of a theatrical culture that demanded the of Shakespeare on terms of art and in rather than gave spectators opportunity to aesthetic from the with and (as the American their students of we to not just to our sense of cultural hierarchy the middle between highbrow and also to as both the and the of for and the same we bear in that that and responses in individuals and and about or high culture that to and us to for the twenty-five
Key messages<br><ul><li>In different provinces or districts, the same laws can be applied in very different ways.</li><li>Participation of customary land users and local communities remains ad hoc and requires that implementing regulations are strengthened, as the existing safeguarding laws are not sufficiently specific.</li><li>Further developments of safeguarding laws and regulations (specifically the distribution of benefits from carbon financing) need to be well defined and better aligned with decentralization processes.</li><li>Subnational actors are unclear on their role in a national REDD+ strategy and how they will be involved in decision making.</li><li>REDD+ is challenged by a misalignment between land use decision-making powers and REDD+ management powers allocated to different bodies and levels.
Open access
Indonesian Legal and Regulatory Studies
Conservation, Biodiversity, and Resource Management
Bitcoin is a new kind of digital currency which was born in 2009. With its difference from traditional electronic currency and the point-to-point transaction characteristics of the virtual currency,bitcoin quickly catches on around the world and becomes what is called the most freecurrency. A series of unique properties of bitcoin not only attracted the attention of a large number of speculators,but also hid risk of money laundering crime. Governments around the world hold a conservative attitude of legal status of the bitcoin for its highly unstable price threat to the financial markets. Although the bitcoin and its derivative currency is full of uncertainty in the future,what is certain is that the digital cash is difficult to disappear within a few years. Rather than deny its legal status or letting its development,what the government should do is to use legal framework to effectively monitor the possible risk. It's the practical and effective method to safeguard the legitimate interests of the bitcoin users.
This paper explores legal and economic issues related to a fascinating new technology called the blockchain protocol. The most popular and important blockchain commodity is currently bitcoin (Part I). Bitcoin is intuitively understood as a âvirtual currency.â However, it is possible that bitcoin fails to meet an economistâs definition of money (Part II). In Part III, I survey the academic literature and conduct an empirical study of my own that compares bitcoin prices and other assets from July 12, 2013 until December 16, 2014. Ultimately, I conclude that bitcoin is not money and does not behave like money. Later, I analyze two potential legal questions connected to the question of whether bitcoin is money: how will bitcoin derivatives be regulated? (Part IV), and whether transferred bitcoins are free of security interests under Article 9 of the Uniform Commercial Code (Part V).
One possible future for Bitcoin in the United States would be as a commercial service provided by Bitcoin merchant services or BMSs. The service could deliver a turnkey payment platform taking the risk and headaches out of a merchantâs hands. BMS could handle: refunds on merchandise returns, dispute resolution, theft protection and insurance on Bitcoin wallets and trading platforms, consumer protection and guarantees on performance of Bitcoin exchange transactions, and escrow payments on money remittance and commercial transactions. These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.
In order to carry out the arrangement bureaucracy more effective and efficient,
the government established a decentralized system that start with Act No. 5 of 1974 and
then changed again into Law No. 22 of 1999 on Regional Government, in relation to
governance also formed Government Regulation No. 25 of 2000 on the authority of
provinces as autonomous region as well as Government Regulation No. 84 of 2000 on
Guidelines for Organization of the Region. It turns out a variety of these regulations has
not been able to create more effective and efficient bureaucracy, it appears evident from
various short comings and multiple interpretations when these regulations are set.
The the Government Regulation was changed to Government Regulation No. 8 of
2003 is expected to improve the exiting deficiencies in the previous regulations.
However, when applied to such problems also arise sweeling number of regional
organizations. For institutional aspects later replaced by Act No. 32 of 2004 on Regional
Government which are presented in that Regulation No. 41 of 2007 for structuring
regional organizations, with the established of this regulation expected to create an
effective and efficient bureaucracy. This paper evaluates the implementation of
Government Regulation No. 41 of 2007, especially in the city of Yogyakarta