Pakistan's most significant federalist initiative, the 18th Constitutional Amendment (2010), scrapped the Concurrent Legislative List and transferred wide-ranging legislative, administrative, and fiscal responsibilities to the provinces. But more than ten years on, devolution remains uneven. In this paper, we explore the administrative, political and institutional obstacles to devolution between 2010 and 2018, with a focus on Centre-Punjab relations, the pivot of Pakistan's federation. Through a qualitative documentary analysis of parliamentary proceedings, archival documents, institutional reports and academic work, we argue that bureaucratic mediation operates as a two-pronged process: provincial bureaucracies, especially in Punjab, facilitate some devolved functions, while federal bureaucracies continue to exert control via regulatory coordination, conditional fiscal transfers and legal grey areas. The National Finance Commission (NFC) Award, which increased provincial transfers, has not ended fiscal dependence: the provinces receive 60-70% of their budget from the centre. The removal of the Concurrent Legislative List resulted in unequal sectoral outcomes - provincialization in health and education, but contested labour and interprovincial coordination. We suggest that constitutional devolution in the absence of simultaneous bureaucratic, fiscal autonomy and effective intergovernmental coordination creates a hybrid governance form: constitutionally decentralized and operationally centralised. In the case of Punjab, we find that bureaucratic capacity is not enough; path dependence, bureaucratic opposition and political bargaining over devolution shape the outcomes. Our insights enrich understanding of decentralization theory by identifying bureaucratic mediation as a critical variable and provide policy lessons for other federations in the midst of reforms. References Adeney, K. (2020). Federalism and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan. Asian Development Bank. (2015). Pakistan: Decentralization and local governance. Asian Development Bank. Asian Development Bank. (2023). Pakistan: Fiscal decentralization and service delivery. Asian Development Bank. Bahl, R. (2008). The implementation of fiscal decentralization. In E. Ahmad & G. Brosio (Eds.), Handbook of fiscal federalism (pp. 388–413). Edward Elgar Publishing. Bardhan, P. (2002). Decentralization of governance and development. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 16(4), 185–205. https://doi.org/10.1257/089533002320951037 Bird, R. M., & Vaillancourt, F. (Eds.). (2008). Fiscal decentralization in developing countries. Cambridge University Press. Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa Faguet, J. P. (2014). Decentralization and governance. World Development, 53, 2–13. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.01.002 Gerring, J. (2007). Case study research: Principles and practices. Cambridge University Press. Government of Pakistan. (2017). 6th population and housing census 2017. Pakistan Bureau of Statistics. Government of Punjab. (2015). Annual devolution implementation report 2014–15. Finance Department, Government of Punjab. Government of Punjab Finance Department. (2011). Annual revenue report 2010–11. Finance Department, Government of Punjab. Government of Punjab Finance Department. (2014). Annual revenue report 2013–14. Finance Department, Government of Punjab. Government of Punjab Finance Department. (2017). Annual revenue report 2016–17. Finance Department, Government of Punjab. Government of Punjab Finance Department. (2018). Annual revenue report 2017–18. Finance Department, Government of Punjab. Grindle, M. S. (2011). Good enough governance revisited. Development Policy Review, 29(s1), s199–s221. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7679.2011.00539.x Hill, M., & Hupe, P. (2014). Implementing public policy: An introduction to the study of operational governance (3rd ed.). SAGE Publications. Husain, I. (2018). Governance and decentralization in Pakistan. Oxford University Press. Husain, I. (2019). Civil service reform in Pakistan. Oxford University Press. Jaffrelot, C. (2015). The Pakistan paradox: Instability and resilience. International Journal of South Asian Studies, 8(1), 1–22. Jaffrelot, C. (2024). The 18th Amendment and Pakistan's democratic transition. Contemporary South Asia, 32(1), 45–62. https://doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2024 Kennedy, C. (2012). Bureaucracy and governance in Pakistan. In M. Waseem (Ed.), Pakistan’s political economy (pp. 89–112). Oxford University Press. Khan, H. (2017). Constitutional and political history of Pakistan. Oxford University Press. Litvack, J., Ahmad, J., & Bird, R. (1998). Rethinking decentralization in developing countries. World Bank. Mustafa, Z. (2019). The 18th Amendment and Pakistan's federal evolution. The Lahore Journal of Economics, 24(2), 1–28. Naseer, A., & Khalid, I. (2021). Bureaucratic mediation in Pakistan's devolution. Asian Journal of Political Science, 29(3), 301–320. https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1967304 National Assembly of Pakistan. (2014). Parliamentary debates on devolution implementation. Government of Pakistan. National Finance Commission. (2009). 7th National Finance Commission Award 2009. Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan. Niskanen, W. A. (1971). Bureaucracy and representative government. Aldine-Atherton. North, D. C. (1990). Institutions, institutional change and economic performance. Cambridge University Press. Oates, W. E. (1999). An essay on fiscal federalism. Journal of Economic Literature, 37(3), 1120–1149. https://doi.org/10.1257/jel.37.3.1120 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2019). Making decentralisation work: A handbook for policy-makers. OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/g2g9faa7-en Pasha, H. A. (2016). Fiscal federalism in Pakistan: The 7th NFC Award and beyond. The Pakistan Development Review, 55(4), 387–410. https://doi.org/10.30541/v55i4IIpp.387-410 Pressman, J. L., & Aaron Wildavsky. (1973). Implementation: How great expectations in Washington are dashed in Oakland. University of California Press. Rana, M. (2020). The 18th Amendment and bureaucratic resistance. Pakistan Journal of Public Administration, 18(2), 55–78. Rondinelli, D. A. (1981). Government decentralization in comparative perspective. International Review of Administrative Sciences, 47(2), 133–145. https://doi.org/10.1177/002085238104700205 Shah, A. (2012). The 18th Constitutional Amendment: Glimpses of multi-order governance. The Lahore Journal of Economics, 17(SE), 265–284. Shah, A. (2019). Federalism in Pakistan: The 18th Amendment and beyond. In N. Aziz (Ed.), Pakistan’s constitutional journey (pp. 145–176). Oxford University Press. Stepan, A. (1999). Federalism and democracy: Beyond the U.S. model. Journal of Democracy, 10(4), 19–34. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.1999.0072 Supreme Court of Pakistan. (2015). Government of Punjab v. Federation of Pakistan (Civil Appeal No. 12 of 2015). Talbot, I. (2015). Pakistan: A modern history. Oxford University Press. Thelen, K. (2004). How institutions evolve: The political economy of skills in Germany, Britain, the United States, and Japan. Cambridge University Press. Treisman, D. (2007). The architecture of government: Rethinking political decentralization. Cambridge University Press. United Nations Development Programme. (2013). Federalism in Pakistan: Opportunities and challenges. UNDP Pakistan. United Nations Development Programme. (2023). Devolution in Pakistan: Status, challenges and way forward. UNDP Pakistan. Waseem, M. (2019). Centre–province relations in Pakistan. In L. R. Singh (Ed.), Federalism in South Asia (pp. 123–148). Routledge. Watts, R. L. (2008). Comparing federal systems (3rd ed.). Queen’s University Press. Weber, M. (1978). Economy and society. University of California Press. Wilson, J. Q. (1989). Bureaucracy: What government agencies do and why they do it. Basic Books. World Bank Group. (2017). Pakistan federalism and service delivery. World Bank Group. World Bank Group. (2022). Pakistan: Fiscal federalism and service delivery. World Bank Group. Zaidi, S. A. (2014). The bureaucratic steel frame. Economic and Political Weekly, 49(12), 45–52. Zaidi, S. A. (2020). Issues in Pakistan’s economy (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press.
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South Asian Studies and Conflicts
Politics and Conflicts in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Middle East
Background: The Ayushman Bharat - Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (AB PM-JAY) is the largest publicly financed health insurance program globally, covering over 12 crore vulnerable families in India. The program empaneled hospitals throughout the country, both government and private. Within the geographical boundaries of a state, State Health Agencies (SHAs) have administered the scheme, however hospitals run by various Government of India (GoI) ministries (e.g., Railways, Defence, Labour/ESIC, Coal, Steel, Petroleum) were directly overseen by the National Health Authority (NHA), creating a dual administrative structure within a state. On 23 June 2025, the Government of India issued a notification transferring the AB - PMJAY operations of all GoI hospitals under AB PM-JAY from the NHA to respective SHAs. Methodology: This review critically analyzes official policy documents, existing literature on federal health governance, and operational guidelines of AB PM-JAY. Comparative assessment was undertaken to examine the pre- and post-policy administrative structures with respect to the above-mentioned notification. Key themes including efficiency, accountability, resource utilization, and cooperative federalism were explored. Results: The transition of administrative authority from the NHA to SHAs is expected to streamline hospital empanelment, claims processing, and grievance redressal by better integration of GoI hospitals into state health systems. Anticipated benefits include improved efficiency, stronger accountability, better beneficiary experience, and enhanced utilization of centrally managed facilities. However, significant challenges were identified, such as inter-ministerial coordination gaps, variation in SHA capacities across states, IT system interoperability issues, claims management delays, and risks of grievance escalation. Conclusion: The transfer of GoI hospital management to SHAs represents a pivotal step in strengthening cooperative federalism in Indian health governance. The policy demonstrates the Government of India’s commitment to decentralization while retaining national-level oversight. Mitigation strategies-including capacity building for SHAs, IT standardization, robust centre-state coordination, and proactive beneficiary communication-are essential for ensuring a smooth transition. If implemented effectively, this reform could serve as a model for integrated governance in large-scale health insurance programs and contribute significantly to India’s progress toward Universal Health Coverage (UHC).
This paper looks at Pakistan's decentralisation policy under the Musharraf era and emphasises how it has affected the bureaucratic and administrative structure of the nation. The main contention is that Musharraf decentralization imitative were designed to improve governance and address disparities between the civilian and military sectors. The research technique, which draws from a variety of government and academic sources, involves a thorough analysis of legislative modifications, policy changes, and their practical ramification. The article summarises Musharraf's original seven-point plan, emphasising the transfer of financial and administrative authority to local levels. The national reconstruction bureau NRB and the provincial finance commission PFC were two important reforms that attempted to transfer authority and funds from the federal to local governments; nevertheless, bureaucracy and political parties posed strong obstacles to the execution, which reduced the efficacy of these changes. The results show that while decentralisation attempts enhanced women's participation and community involvement and briefly strengthened local governments, they were eventually undermined by a lack of resources, poor administration and ongoing military supervision. Although the national accountability bureau was established with the intention of combating corruption, it was criticised for being abused for political purposes. According to the report, improved coordination between different levels of government, a sincere desire on the part of the political class to maintain changes, and continued support for local government are all necessary for decentralisation to be successful. Developing institutional capabilities and promoting an open and transparent culture are essential for long-term success.
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Politics and Conflicts in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Middle East
The evolution of organised crime in India and its transforming relations between power and criminality increasingly reflect the logic of decentralisation, digital technologies and networked connections. The gangs headed by dons, which rely on sharp hierarchical authoritybased structures and are punctuated by layers of absentees serving only their personal interests, are giving way to a quasi-invisible architecture of fluidity, cell-based interactions and technological apparatus. Our paper places the Lawrence Bishnoi Gang at the centre of the inquiry of a contemporary interstate gang network in the digital era, exploring the dynamics of how new digital appreciation, reconnaissance, social media, encrypted exchanges and prison forays emerge to provide new reach and resiliency. Networks beg to differ; if we are to extend networkable theory to include also the study of criminality, then the Bishnoi network is the proof in the pudding. Making a special place for the records of recent homemaking, we examine how they view high visibility, dalliance in extortion, recruitment, targeted killings and crossborder desiring playing host to an archipelago in constancy even as the leaders are locked away in prisons away from home. Features like the need for hub and spoke models and high visibility required need to be varied in digital amplification, conspiring to leverage symbolic power, fear and reputation that take over physicality and locomotion for effective control over regions. Under considerable stake in the legal framework, the duration study examines most existing laws in the Indian Constitution that deal with gangsterism, such as the Indian Penal Code, better coupled with the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and new media protocols dilemmas seen in the context of jurisdictions, lax borders and differential standards in prosecuting loosely accreted actors. Themes, such as suggestions, Honda variants like focus on interstate security units in combating the malady of cyber threats are safeguarded, and digital surveillance, though with care for the future.
This paper examines the concepts of federalism, fiscal federalism, and fiscal decentralization, with a focus on the Indian context. It outlines the constitutional and institutional foundations of India’s federal structure, tracing the historical evolution of fiscal decentralization from the colonial period to the post-independence era including pre- reform era. The study analyses revenue-sharing mechanisms, taxation policies, and grants-in-aid, alongside the roles of key institutions such as the Finance Commission, GST Council, and NITI Aayog. Findings highlight persistent vertical and horizontal imbalances, the positive impact of GST on state fiscal autonomy, and the continuing need for equitable and efficient fiscal arrangements. The paper concludes with policy recommendations aimed at strengthening cooperative federalism, enhancing state-level fiscal flexibility, and improving transparency in intergovernmental transfers.
The constitutionalising of local self-government through the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments marked a significant moment in India’s democratic and federal evolution. These reforms sought to deepen democracy by devolving powers, responsibilities and resources to local governments. More than three decades later, decentralization in India has produced institutions that are electorally vibrant but administratively constrained. This paper examines the paradox of extensive formal devolution coexisting with persistent state control. Using the analytical framework of finance, functions, and functionaries (the “3Fs”), it argues that decentralization in India has unfolded as a managed and politically conditioned process rather than a comprehensive transfer of authority. While fiscal transfers and functional assignments have expanded unevenly, control over administrative personnel has remained firmly centralized. The retention of authority over functionaries emerges as the central mechanism through which state governments preserve power over local governance. The paper contributes to decentralization scholarship by shifting attention from constitutional design to political economy, highlighting personnel control as the key constraint on substantive local self-government in India.
The foundation of rural local self-governance in India was laid post-independence, inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's vision of Swaraj. The Indian Constitution institutionalized this vision through provisions like the 73rd Amendment Act, which established the Panchayati Raj system as a three-tier structure for decentralized governance. Articles 243G and 40 emphasize empowering Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) for economic development and social justice, while Articles 243D, 243E, and 243I provide for reservation, periodic elections, and financial autonomy.Despite these constitutional provisions, challenges persist in rural governance. Villagers often lack awareness about government schemes and their legal rights, leading to underutilization of available resources. Administrative inefficiencies, limited participation in decision-making bodies, and issues of transparency undermine the effectiveness of rural governance. Additionally, inadequacies in the selection and training of government personnel hinder productive interactions with elected representatives and villagers.Reforms are needed to address these issues and enhance rural governance. Strengthening awareness campaigns, reforming recruitment and training of personnel, and institutionalizing mechanisms for greater villager participation are essential steps. Leveraging technology through e-governance can promote transparency and accessibility, while robust financial empowerment through State Finance Commissions can ensure PRIs have the resources necessary for development. Accountability mechanisms, such as social audits, can further improve trust and performance in rural governance.The role of new actors like civil society organizations and private sector collaborations is also crucial in bridging gaps in service delivery and promoting participatory governance. While India has achieved significant milestones in its 75 years of independence, consistent efforts and structural reforms are vital to realizing the constitutional vision of Swaraj and ensuring effective rural governance that empowers communities and fosters inclusive development.
from the release of Joseph Pulinthanath's Bangle (Mathia, 2004) to Jacob Tripura's Song of a Flute (Sumuini Khorang, 2022) becoming a new-wave sensation, films and video-cinemas in a complex sociopolitical milieu are proliferating across the far-flung frontiers of Tripura, Northeast India.1 Joseph Pulinthanath's feature-film narrative combines mainstream Bollywood love-story tropes with distinctly Tripuri2 elements that include local customs and folk beliefs, the isolated Tripuri village setting, and the use of the Indigenous Kokborok language. Jacob Tripura's award-winning Kokborok-language short establishes its independence from commercial Indian cinema of various sorts through its powerful minimalist story that takes audiences into the world of an impoverished Tripuri husband and father who is thoughtlessly killed as he returns from the local marketplace to his remote home, exposing the dark underbelly of corrupt political forces. These productions serve as a prism through which the multifaceted dimensions of society, culture, and language are refracted. As screen media assume new forms, interface with evolving technologies, and interweave the intricate threads of linguistic diversity, the cinema landscape of Tripura emerges as a microcosm of a dynamic cinematic ecosystem marked by Kokborok, the primary Indigenous tongue, reverberating alongside Bengali, the Indic language spoken by the non-Indigenous majority in the state as well as West Bengal, parts of Northeast India, and Bangladesh, to create a unique linguistic heterogeneity. Although rooted in specific cultural legacies, the confluence of the Kokborok and Bengali languages in locally produced Tripuri cinema3 reveals deeply ingrained historical narratives that reflect the region's sociopolitical metamorphosis.This article explores the intricacies surrounding the emergence of effervescent film culture in Tripura, where the locally produced Kokborok- and Bengali-language films and music videos serve as profound articulations of identity, political-cultural struggles, resistance, and hybridity. The discussion uses Tripuri cinema as an umbrella term to analyze Kokborok-language and Bengali-language screen productions, which exist alongside features, short films, and music videos in other languages to constitute the array of cultural texts produced and consumed in Tripura, irrespective of the natives’ linguistic dispositions. Employing the overarching banner of Tripuri cinema to describe the provincialized work in a region historically relegated to the shadows of canonical Indian cinema, this article sheds light on the production, distribution, and extensive consumption of small-scale locally produced Kokborok- and Bengali-language films and music videos—or, in Appadurai's (198) and Larkin's (407) terms, “parallel modernities”—that flow outside the confines of traditional theatres, cater to linguistically defined audiences, and are characterized by unique infrastructural and narrative strategies. In doing so, the discussion illuminates the other fragmented but multifaceted industrial and cultural practices that have orchestrated Tripuri cinema's recent manifestations, which involve both emulations of and challenges to mainstream Hindi cinema and the evolving negotiations between industry demands and the infrastructure that sustains them.The lacuna in scholarship concerning Kokborok and Bengali films in Tripura prompted the article's research, which was conducted at Jadavpur University, India,4 and involved archival sources and materials such as VCDs, DVDs, and digital formats, complemented by interviews with key industry figures, including acclaimed filmmaker Joseph Pulinthanath, cinematographer Sandip Debbarma, film scholar and filmmaker Prajapita Debroy, and photographer-filmmaker Alston Kalai. These discussions illuminate the fascinating dynamics of the Kokborok and Bengali film cultures, revealing technical inconsistencies and filmmaking strategies, as well as issues of representation, specificities of language, and popular forms. They show that modern technology's widespread availability and affordability have empowered aspiring filmmakers in marginalized locales. However, Tripura's homegrown film industry remains relatively unorganized, which necessitates identifying key elements that shape its narrative and aesthetic ecosystems amid organizational challenges.Considering questions of cultural hybridity,5 the article delves into how Tripuri Kokborok-language and Bengali-language films navigate tradition and modernity, while simultaneously borrowing from and defying prescribed Bollywood cinematic norms. In subsequent sections, the article examines the role of Tripuri films and music videos in preserving cultural heritage, destabilizing conventional narrative structures, and serving as catalysts of resistance to established cinematic patterns. Through a combination of film analysis, ethnographic observation, and interviews with key stakeholders of the industry, the article sheds light on the evolving landscape of Tripuri cinema, emerging trends, and contemporary practices; the role of infrastructure in the production, distribution, and exhibition of these audiovisual narratives; and how technological advancements redefine the aesthetics, narratives, and impact of local productions in Tripura. Emphasizing the convergence of technology, economics, politics, and culture, the study positions Tripuri cinema within the larger discourse of Indian cinema to generate a new historiography of Indian films on the periphery, one that centers marginalized screen productions that talk back.Sharing borders with the international territory of Bangladesh to the north, south, and west and with the Indian states of Assam and Mizoram to the east, Tripura, India's third-smallest state, reflects a complex fabric of diverse political and cultural experiences, comprising as many as nineteen Indigenous and several non-Indigenous communities that interact both harmoniously and contentiously with the mainstream national culture. Throughout history, Tripura has been a wellspring of cultural abundance and diversity, stemming from an amalgamation of various dialects, languages, and cultures fostered by the state's diverse ethnic groups and subgroups. From the ancient rhythms of folk music to the evolving choreography of Indigenous dances, Tripura's cultural continuity unfolds as a dynamic narrative, resonating through the ages. Historically, the region's demographics have exponentially shifted; where the Indigenous Tripuri communities, who were the original inhabitants of Tripura, once dominated, they are now reduced to approximately 30 percent. In contrast, the non-Indigenous Bengalis constitute a substantial 70 percent (approximately) of the population, according to the 2011 census.6 This demographic inversion, however, does not diminish the historical significance of Tripura as a cultural hub, tracing back to its early Sanskritization7 and interactions with Bengal. The royal court of Tripura, a historical bastion of cultural patronage, fostered the growth of music, dance, poetry, literature, painting, theater, and photography, albeit initially in Bengali due to the absence of a script in the Indigenous Kokborok language. Despite this, the cultural resilience of Tripura endures, exemplified in the making of the first feature-length film of Tripura in Kokborok, Longtharai (Dipak Bhattacharya, 1986), by a Bengali native. The film depicts a Jhumia8 romance in the scenic landscapes of the state's Longtharai hills, showcasing the convoluted interplay between cultural diversity, demographic shifts, and the evolving artistic expressions of the region (Barma 8).The initial wave of Kokborok-language films in the late 1980s and 1990s explored the representation of Indigenous communities and the challenges faced in the wake of globalization. The Peak of Life (Langmani Haduk, Ruhi Debbarma, 1993) exemplifies this trend while also exploring the complexities of patriarchal norms in a Tripuri society. Inspired by the conventions of social/family melodramas in Hindi cinema, this film set a precedent for Kokborok-language productions that challenged the status quo and reflected the changing times.At the same time, native to Tripura and distinct from its larger counterparts in West Bengal (Tollywood) and Bangladesh (Dhallywood), the Bengali-language Tripuri cinema emerged in the early 1990s with Transformation (Rupantar, Debasish Saha, 1991). The film, borrowing conventions from West Bengal's Tollywood cinema while retaining a raw Tripuriness,9 echoes local concerns about sustaining folk performative traditions at meager wages against the sweeping tides of modernity and urbanization.Although Bengali-language films from Tripura share similarities with Bengali films from West Bengal and Bangladesh in terms of narrative conventions, aesthetic diversity, and filmmaking techniques, they also reflect the cultural nuances and historical trajectories of Bengali-speaking communities across the region. These films serve as mirrors to society, reflecting the hopes, struggles, and aspirations of the Bengali people. The use of music, folk melodies, and traditional songs enhances emotional impact and cultural authenticity, while visual storytelling techniques, cinematography, lighting, and mise-en-scène create evocative imagery and convey poetic symbolism. Nonlinear narratives, flashbacks, and character backstories add depth to the emotional core of the films, forging a tripartite narrative bridge that mirrors cultural motifs within the Bengali-speaking community, both nationally and internationally (Barma 26, 37–40). It is worth noting that Tollywood, rooted in Kolkata's rich cinema heritage since the 1920s, is celebrated for its aesthetics, diverse genres, and preservation of Bengali culture and the long-standing influence of Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941) on art-house as well as commercial cinemas. On the other end of the spectrum is Bangladesh's distinctive Dhaka film industry, which reflects its intricate cultural journey through Bengali-language Bangladeshi films, narrating national struggles and sociopolitical evolution, since the Tripuri films also an role in and to the state's exemplified by the of film and by the Bengali in the region. The elements the cultural and cinematic forging a cultural heritage and that Bengali-speaking communities across and a of on Tripura's film distribution, industry that the Tripuri film industry an of to feature-length films a and an of to to and the industry has a in the of music which have from to on the to approximately music videos and video-cinemas in recent In of this filmmakers in Indigenous local languages from challenges in which to on through a The for has these local to films that with not audiences, script and and popular with diverse that are of contemporary Bollywood In these small-scale films and music videos traditional elements of local culture, and with contemporary of popular culture to for cinema in Tripura are to and into the of the local Tripuri films for with mainstream Hindi films, other productions, and films, of Tripuri cinema is an of Hindi cinema and not (Barma these local screen productions, by traditional cinema as well as and national while to local norms. They to and digital such as narratives from about historical and contemporary of the and political The local productions in and These narratives on between and and are with in local with from and romance to melodramas that reflect the of society, and the faced in with modernity, and In to the of preserving Indigenous identity, these films a for as they in filmmaking these films not and techniques, but also the of cinema, established and and cultural in is a multifaceted across various such as and The of Indian cinema culture the and traditions The the and cultural expressions of in to the and and of marginalized Indigenous local In this Tripuri films in language that remains in the to the Indian Bengali films from Tripura that with mainstream Bengali cinema and Bollywood is a for to films in Indian languages, such as films in the Kokborok Bengali languages from Tripura, to the historical of and cultural against the Indian these small-scale productions, and the of and at the of the as a of Indian the dynamics of Kokborok and Bengali film within Tripura, is to the sociopolitical and ethnic that have on this region. Tripura, historically as Tripura was characterized by its and royal which the for the region's demographics and the subsequent emergence of media forms. The state was by Indigenous who to traditional of marked by practices such as and The of the of Bengali who both language and to the region. This not to cultural but also and the of Bengali and was to the state's status and Tripura of to demographic in the region that were by the Bengal of which by the the distinct West Bengal, with a Bengali-speaking population, and Bengal, which into Bangladesh, with a majority The of Bengali to in with Tripura emerging as a for in the This of by the and of the Indigenous by the subsequent in political and and in a in Tripura's demographic the established and within these communities and for independence against to the sociopolitical milieu of Tripura. In as and the was to and Tripura a profound As the of Tripura, the Tripura on and the state was into the Indian Bengali to the state's language, while Kokborok, reflecting the of the Indigenous Tripuri as a Indigenous language. In Kokborok was as one of the native languages of Tripura, but the one to challenges in literature, and cinema Bangladesh in to the of Bangladesh and profound for Tripura, as an of Bengali-speaking into the state, now in the This demographic not the demographic but also established Bengali as a language for and this Bengali in Tripura, Indigenous languages This linguistic in a on Tripuri cinema narratives, storytelling techniques, visual aesthetics, and and cultural In this historical and sociopolitical the emergence of Kokborok and Bengali films and music videos in Tripura takes on new as the demographic and the of Bengali and Kokborok languages set the for interactions between these linguistic and cultural in the of These media not a of the changing landscape but also a for these communities to and in a world and parts of Tripura serve as primary of to the which Tripuri cinema, of Kokborok and Bengali films and music is In Tripura, in many other local in such as and film initially involved struggles that due to by technological in the exhibition industry have the of Tripuri such as that media texts the various of have been and has been by digital in the the audiovisual industry, in the of Kokborok Bengali films, the a in and The film industry in Tripura small-scale which commercial aspirations on a (Barma and In the to and affordability of digital and film the of a of and from diverse These by a profound for film This to local including popular local and for for music, for in these films and music The use of from the and is not due to the of that a majority of and in the industry have and the of the industry, within the local film to a of for including local and of of a for The use of traditional and these are from music and from the the which reveals the absence of an The of filmmaking marked the from and to such as As a popular film is in homegrown within the from conventional practices is the use of which local to and for songs in the films the revealing popular visual cultures, industrial and the of This evolution, exemplifies the of Tripuri with a of and digital to a distinct audiovisual is to that Northeast a long-standing of film and by diverse in as well as the infrastructure of cinema remains with a in of Tripuri cinema, the of at in the state of in the This between the historical tradition of film and exhibition across the region and with to cinema, and of films, which in an of cinema in Tripura a narrative of not the state's sociopolitical but also the between the local and the as the emerging on the of films in and digital as in the emergence of and such widespread audiovisual practices the to both the region and the cinema as a of Tripuri films is by and with a such as and short films and music Kokborok-language film such as and The have been by Kokborok the and the Tripura and the of the state These the rich of Indigenous Tripuri communities, serving as of narratives from and elements of cultural Bengali-language films for by the of and the of Tripura, and political including of the This the role that and political in a region's cultural The for Bengali-language films and the growth and of these the of political to the dynamics Tripura's film industry and questions about concerning cultural representation, and political emergence of and music videos the of in Tripura's digital These audiovisual a for from to showcasing music videos narratives, with a This to as as by a of in while groups of digital for both the and the has emerged as a in Tripura. As a music videos as of and that with customs and also into for and new at the of Tripuri cinema in the digital with in the industry a of contemporary filmmaking techniques, in a of of in filmmaking which is from how are with as an not but as a The filmmaking with and the absence of with a on a a to while is the of also across as this, Sandip to including visual and a of of light and are in these productions, in in the These are where is It is that Tripuri films distinct navigate a as by the absence of and The films also to in technical inconsistencies in lighting, and and productions that short on industry the and exhibition practices of Kokborok and Bengali films in Tripura into and the region's of films the of the of India, through such as and in of the established is of the technological that film in Tripura (Barma and these films are not reflected in due to Kokborok-language films, in a unique They such as audiences such as the Indigenous and linguistic to with Indigenous communities across the Northeast Indian These films to these Indigenous communities in that have the narratives have a The affordability of from to to the and of society. outside of conventional these films have established a within the region's films produced in Tripura also an with making on such as and through from both and However, these screen productions with as to the widespread of Kokborok-language films, the of which in a multifaceted interplay of and Prajapita Bengali films in Tripura with a as audiences are about and to West Bengal and Bangladeshi counterparts to the with with established media while the demographic to exploring local films from West Bengal and Bangladesh, have and the of in Tripuri cinema with the through with society, and Bengali culture, through and cultural that the Bengali-speaking communities of Tripura, West Bengal, and The remains of the that Bangladeshi melodramas and in the in the of Tripuri Kokborok- and Bengali-language films distinct and at Kokborok films from the of that local filmmakers to a diverse of in native the historical of Tollywood and the of cultural to Bengali cinema to locally produced Bengali films in Tripura. However, Tripuri cinema, its and a the in film has not into a in This is as and the of in the industry and that depth and for and as strategies. This in contemporary Tripuri films, reflects the evolving of filmmaking and in Kokborok- and Bengali-language Tripuri films and music videos distinct cinema characterized by storytelling and Kokborok filmmakers are to Indigenous and traditions as they a unique of storytelling that Indigenous narratives with mainstream In contrast, Bengali-language Tripuri films navigate a between the cinematic traditions of Tollywood and mainstream Bollywood in industry from Bengali films produced in West Bengal with popular Bollywood and tropes and strategies. 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This chapter examines the interplay between existing physical works and social irrigation behavior in a tank system in Madhya Pradesh, particularly the linkages between main system operators of the tank and main canals and farmers. Breakdowns in the organizational interface between farmers and main system managers account for a large portion of diminished productivity of irrigation water. Community development analysts recognized that conflict existed between individual interests and the requirements of collective community development action. The Balwantray Mehta Committee, appointed in 1957 to look into the problems of the Community Development Program, suggested a three-tier system of democratic decentralization known as Panchayat Raj. The Integrated Rural Development Program as implemented did not succeed in decentralizing authority. The traditional village had a more or less autonomous political structure with little direct linkage to state bureaucracy.
Abstract The authority of political leaders in Bangladesh rests on diverse qualities, not least of which are the muscle and finance they can mobilize, and the relationships they can craft with senior party members. These are utilized to confront rivals both within and outside their own party. In some instances, the intensity of intra-party competition can be so severe that a further quality emerges: the capacity to find allies among enemies. Building local inter-party alliances can bolster the authority of politicians, yet be to the detriment of party coherence. This argument is developed through an analysis of mayoral and parliamentary elections held in the past decade in a small Bangladeshi city, where a ruling party member of parliament (MP) and opposition mayor appear to have developed such a relationship. This has thwarted the electoral ambitions of their fellow party members and has posed a serious challenge to party discipline. While political competition is often seen as being either inter- or intra-party, here it is focused around inter-party alliances. This portrayal suggests we need to give greater emphasis to the decentralized and local character that political authority can take in Bangladesh.
Changing the formal structure of Indian federalism may have been difficult, given that altering the Indian constitution requires super-legislative majorities which are harder to mobilize in a fragmented party system than in a one party dominant one. The dynamics of Indian federalism underwent significant change due to the transformation of the Indian party system and economic liberalization. Decentralized spending with centralized financing through grants, from a public finance perspective, serves to help central governments implement redistributive programs. The effect of party politics on federalism is felt most intensely in those sectors of government which are open to direct party political influence. Economic liberalization built on central deregulation and party system fragmentation is likely to generate centrifugal tendencies. With it comes the expectation of more policy divergence across the states.
India adopted an ambitious reform policy of rural and urban decentralization in 1992, under which powers and finance are transferred to new local and regional bodies. These are governed by elected councils, in which women and members of disadvantaged groups/castes have a fixed quota of seats. While the legislation is still relatively new, some states have been able to make fast progress in decentralizing tasks, power and funds, while others have been much slower. This article presents an initial review of the decentralization efforts, exploring administrative, fiscal and political dimensions, and the implementation problems at central, state and local levels. Most emphasis is given to development at the local level: the panchayats in rural areas and the ward committees in urban areas, which is where the impact of decentralization should be felt. This article assesses whether increased proximity between citizens and government leads to increased transparency, accountability and participation.
This chapter examines the issues involved in the continuation of both Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and parallel bodies or merging of these two institutions or convergence of these institutions at the grass-roots level. Andhra Pradesh is one of the first two states in the country to establish the PRIs much on the lines of the Balwantrai Mehta Committee Report. The objective behind establishing the Panchayati Raj system has multi-fold purpose. Apart from providing civic and developmental services the core objective includes strengthening the grass-root democracy by making the people to participate in the decision-making process through delegating the authority to the lowest layer in the society. Most of the parallel organizations are working in the field of agriculture, health, education and finance. Among them some are created by central government through centrally sponsored schemes and by the concerned state governments through state-sponsored schemes. The parallel bodies (PBs) are created for supposedly speedy implementation of rural development policies and greater accountability.
The Indian federalist system is a unique variant of federalism. Introduced by the British in 1935 and fueled by the popularity of federalism in the twentieth century as practical for a heterogeneous society, the Indian constitution framers decided on a distribution of powers between the center and the states. The uniqueness was that the constitution recognized a strong central government that directed the economy and could exercise certain legislative and executive powers over the states in times of need. Although designed as a federal system, the Indian constitution refers to it as the Union government, and is considered a centralized federation (Singh and Verney 2003). In Federalizing India in the Age of Globalization, the authors M. P. Singh and R. Saxena adopt an analytical approach to explain the development and expand understanding of federalism in India. The authors argue that this book is “the first comprehensive and systematic study of the processes of greater federalization of the Indian political system since the early 1990s” (p. ix). Chapter 1 begins with a discussion of the devolutionary decentralization in precolonial India followed by a review of the political system in British India. Chapter 2 is a comparative examination of the concept of federalism in the United States, Canada, and other countries in an attempt to draw on some commonalities and explain why a federal system of government works better for India. The authors allude to the conditions of federalism as propounded by other political scientists and expand these in the Indian context in Chapter 3. Here nationalism, multiculturalism, and federalism are explained taking into account cultural, religious, linguistic, and ethnic diversities. Noteworthy in this chapter is the discussion of the shifting territories and boundaries of the states against this diversity resulting in a push for more federal democracy through a separation of powers, and the rise of a capitalist society due to global influences. In Chapter 4, the authors discuss six indicators of increased federalization in India by underlining the decline in the central dominance over state administrative and legislative matters, the increased involvement and interest of state governments in treaties with other nations and private organizations, and increased push for functional autonomy by state governments. The authors argue that factors such as increase in the number of political parties and transformation of multiparty configuration with federal coalitions have brought about these changes. They also argue that liberalization of economic policies that led to privatization of most industries resulting in globalization and influx of global companies is another reason for the increased federalization. In the same vein, changes in judicial review and behavior pertaining to important constitutional items also are a factor in the increased federalization in India. Chapter 5 is a very interesting discussion of the formation of states in the pre-British period, during the British period, and reorganization of states post independence in 1947, with the most recent one in 2000 and another brewing in the form of Telangana in south India. Cultural and religious heterogeneity and economic disparities characterize each state, and a major reason for reorganization of states. Furthermore, this chapter briefly touches on models of state making (pp. 72–73) along linguistic lines that could be applicable in the Indian context. The authors, however, caution this trend by stating that the difference in representation between north and south India, creation of new states as a political strategy to satisfy certain groups, special status enjoyed by certain states that previously witnessed violent insurgencies, and the multitude of religion, castes, and ethnicities within each state cannot possibly be addressed through fragmentation and reorganization. Chapter 6 discusses in detail the asymmetries with respect to the constitutional provisions accorded to the states of Jammu and Kashmir and Nagaland, political asymmetries in terms of state representation in the national parliament, and fiscal asymmetries in the distribution of funds among states. Chapter 7 discusses the role of the federal second chamber, the Rajya Sabha, in the Indian Parliament in effectively representing each state’s plurality. This chamber has very little power and therefore, the authors question if its representational imbalance could be reduced through reconstitution, which then could lead to effective representations of the diversity within each state. In Chapter 8, the authors discuss the transformation of the judiciary from restraint to activism by citing federal–state and interstate disputes. The authors discuss intergovernmental relations (IGR) in Chapter 9 in the context of the executive relationships in policy making and implementation in the central and state levels. It can be understood from the discussion that besides competition by the economically developed states to attract more investors post 1991 economic reforms, not much have changed in the arena of IGR. Then in Chapter 10, the authors talk about the active participation by some state governments in the forging of international treaties by the central government, even resorting to judicial intervention in opposition to certain international agreements that were against their political ideology. In the absence of an institutionalized consultation or collaboration process between the center and the states, tensions in the center–state relationships often occur. Chapter 11 discusses the role of the centralized election commission, an autonomous body that is external to the government, and responsible for holding elections in a uniform manner, which is nondiscriminatory in nature, and allows for partnerships with local administration. The authors highlight the activism displayed by this commission as necessary in a fragmented society and for the success of electoral democracy. In Chapter 12, the authors explain the transformation in the party systems from single-party dominance to the rise of multiparty system with increased instances of minority government or coalition government, all of which contributed to increased federalization through power sharing and integration. However, the authors also recognize the multitude of pressures on the executive, and suggest electoral and party reforms akin to Canada, and active interventions by the intergovernmental bodies in generating federal consensus. In the last chapter, the authors describe briefly the development of local governments and their relationship with the center and go on to highlight the increase in democratic decentralization with increased self-governance and inclusivity to gender and castes. In sum, throughout this book, the authors advance explanatory factors for the increased federalization trends in India. In doing so, they bring to our attention several important issues, such as multiparty coalitions, competitive federalism, fiscal federalism, regionalization, judicial activism, and so forth, which are transforming the Indian political and administrative processes. The authors took pain in researching the historic basis that makes the changes more striking albeit somewhat distracting or informative based on one’s perspective. Yet, blending India’s rich history with the modern challenges of operating a country marked by plurality in every sphere is what makes this book so interesting and distinguishes it from other books on federalism. Features that are significant but not captured in this book well enough are the roles of the media and the civil society. While civil society is mentioned in the passing in the conclusion section, it could have been discussed in detail as a distinct chapter considering the important activist role that this sector has played in the Indian context. Nevertheless, this book is a comprehensive discussion of the changes in India’s political systems resulting in an evolving federalism. The judicious blend of rigidity and flexibility in operations offered by the constitution without any changes to its basic structure has equipped the Indian federal system with the strength to withstand any challenges of time.
Since the 1980s, the conflation of political violence and the cocaine boom have devastated rural Colombia, fueling the displacement of some 4 million campesinos—mainly by paramilitary groups. Colombia's northwest region surrounding the Gulf of Urabá has been an unruly epicenter for this mass of dispossessed humanity. Established by narcotraffickers and agrarian elites, paramilitary groups simultaneously act as drug-trafficking private militias and counterinsurgent battalions, and they use land appropriation and agribusiness as conduits for money laundering and illicit profit. When paramilitaries assaulted Urabá in the 1990s, thousands of campesinos fled their homes and, to this day, await government restitution of their lands. Other peasants, however, have collectively mobilized and peacefully seized back portions of their stolen farms from the armed groups. The Afro-Colombian campesinos of the Curvaradó River, for instance, have established “humanitarian zones” and “biodiversity zones” as a way of protecting themselves and inching back onto their occupied farms. Few places in Colombia exhibit all these tendencies—forced displacement, campesino militancy, and violent forms of accumulation and rule—in such abundance as Urabá. Urabá, however, is not simply a tale of political disorder. My research argues that the region's combustible mix of narco-driven economies of violence, peasant struggles, and deeply contested forms of governance have converged into a deadly form of frontier state formation. “Frontier” is not meant in any originary sense; I deploy it critically to conjure the spatial production of places like Urabá in Colombia's historical geopolitical imaginaries as “stateless” and “savage” zones of irreconcilable alterity (Serje 2005). While all the region's social actors are implicated in producing the norms and forms of everyday governance in this frontier zone—despite evident imbalances in power relations—the violent incoherencies of this process stem from the political alignments and misalignments of the multiple, overlapping territorialities being produced. Dominant narratives in Colombia claim the root of the problem afflicting places such as Urabá is the historical and ongoing “absence of the state”. Paramilitary commanders explicitly couch their activities as the “creation of a state in its absence”, while local residents regularly lament their “abandonment” by the state. With this in mind, my research asks, how is “the state” produced in a region where it supposedly does not exist? In other words, how does the abstraction of the state gain its everyday socio-spatial dimensionality—materially and symbolically—through the confluence of paramilitary networks, economies of violence, and peasant struggles? And how do campesinos’ territorial assertions challenge Urabá's ensembles of organized violence, accumulation, and rule? Struggles over the state in Colombia are being expressed and conducted as territorial struggles; the various actors discussed in my research—whether peasants, narco-paramilitaries, insurgents, landowners, or government agents—are all in the “business” of producing territory (Brenner and Elden 2009). Indeed, the interconnected dynamics of frontier governance, narco-fueled economies of violence, and peasant resistance have made territory itself not only an object of political contestation, but also a collective springboard for peasants’ reclamation of stolen lands. Even by conventional conceptions of the state, Urabá has hardly ever been “stateless”. In fact, the efficiency with which paramilitaries seized the region in the late 1990s was in part due to existing structures of government. Municipalities had recently gained new political, administrative, and fiscal power under the decentralization reforms of the 1991 Constitution, which was widely seen as a peace offering of political inclusion to guerrillas. But it was the paramilitaries who harnessed municipal structures, becoming the local handmaidens of the decentralization process (Ballvé 2012a). Following practices pioneered by rebel forces, paramilitaries not only infiltrated Juntas de Acción Comunal (Community Action Boards)—the country's most subsidiary form of local governance—they also established Juntas where these did not exist. Commanders began implementing agribusiness projects on displaced people's lands through a complex circuitry of local institutions, narco-capital, NGOs, politicians, government grants, international aid, and private firms.1 The favored form adopted by these paramilitary-backed agribusinesses is a type of corporate-peasant contract farming dubbed “strategic alliances” that the government and aid agencies have sometimes negligently helped fund. Under Washington's antidrug and counterinsurgency program known as Plan Colombia, USAID supports “strategic alliances” with its “alternative development” programs in addition to municipally oriented decentralization projects aimed at “local development” and “institution building”. Taking advantage of the strategic alliance structure, paramilitaries engaged in widespread “land laundering” by divvying up vast swaths of land and parceling them out to front men and sham “peasant cooperatives” (Ballvé 2012b). Discourses of local, green, participatory, and multicultural grassroots development with their attendant institutional forms and practices became utterly instrumental to how the land grab was executed and laundered in practice. Paramilitaries churned up the old spatialities of production and governance while consolidating new ones that proved well aligned with government imperatives of counterinsurgency and export agribusiness. In short, paramilitary activities are not anathema to projects of liberal governance, usually associated with tropes of the “rule of law” and “institution-building”; they are deeply tied to initiatives aimed at producing governable spaces and subjects, expanding trade, and attracting capital. The ongoing social, spatial, and historical production of the state as a “realized abstraction” (Lefebvre 1991) in Urabá emerges from these intersecting and contradictory forces operating at multiple scales—from campesino mobilization and armed left vanguards, to narco-capitalist agribusiness and global geopolitics. Through the situated struggles of these intersections, distinct territorialities align and, fatefully, collide. After the violent displacements of the late 1990s, the peasants of the Curvaradó River began trickling back to portions of their lands, establishing small “humanitarian zones” and “biodiversity zones”. Despite constitutionally protected status as collectively titled Afro-Colombian property, most of the land remains controlled by paramilitaries. Nonetheless, the campesinos have slowly expanded the zones, incrementally encroaching onto their farms and forests. Marked by subsistence and mixed agro-ecological practices, the motley landscapes of the reclaimed lands stand in stark contrast to the grid-patterned plantations surrounding them. Under siege by Urabá's violent regimes of accumulation and rule, the Curvaradó's campesinos have articulated “global” discourses of humanitarianism, environmental conservation, and ethnic rights with localized political cultures in defense of their collective property, which they insistently call “territory”. While the discourses help peasants gain a modicum of protection through transnational advocacy networks, the state remains a central node of their political demands in so far as it is constantly hailed as the principle arbiter—and violator—of their rights. Despite being embedded in state-centric contemporary liberal praxis, the ethical-political registers of these discourses are being repurposed by peasants in ways that exceed liberal pretensions. Humanitarianism, environmental conservation, and ethnic rights have become springboards toward more inventive and affirmative political horizons that insist on the mutually constitutive integrity of life, land, and livelihood—in shorthand, a politics of vitalism. Territory, as they conceive and enact it, is the centerpiece of this political project. By trying to turn the tide against paramilitary dominion through the production of territory, Curvaradó's politics of vitalism is a lived critique of the necropolitical “spaces of death” surrounding them (Taussig 1984; Mbembe 2003). Indeed, when asked to define what “territory” means, they simply respond, “Territorio es vida” (“Territory is life”). This project emerged from 4 years in Colombia as a researcher and investigative journalist covering similar issues. Before that, I worked for 5 years as an editor and writer for the NACLA Report on the Americas, an independent left-wing journal on Latin American affairs based in New York City. It was at NACLA that my interests in research, writing, and politics first converged professionally; and it was with this same hope of convergence that I returned to academia in 2009. I am deeply honored and grateful to have received this generous award. It has already helped me organize a panel at the 2012 Latin American Studies Association conference. With perspectives from anthropology, geography, journalism, and literary criticism, we discussed the theoretical, methodological, and narrative challenges posed by the recent explosion of Latin America's drug wars. The award is also helping finance travel for interviews with jailed paramilitary commanders. Thank you, Antipode. A heartfelt thanks also to my advisors and fellow graduate students at Berkeley for their camaraderie and their imprint on this project.
Sandeep Tambe, M. L. Arrawatia, Anil K. Ganeriwala
Rural development is a vast sector that encompasses infrastructure creation, sustainable livelihoods, and decentralized governance. Mountain landscapes, with their inherent constraints of remoteness, sensitive ecosystem, and marginality, pose unique challenges to rural development. We undertook an assessment of the evolution of development themes and rural development progress made in the mountain state of Sikkim over the past decade. We found that a rapidly growing national economy has facilitated a 4-fold rise in investment in key rural development subsectors in Sikkim over the past 5 years. This significant enhancement in financial investment, coupled with good governance and innovative policies, has ensured that human development indicators, along with social infrastructure creation, have shown impressive progress. Setting up village cluster-level support offices to strengthen governance, transforming regular programs to mission mode with great political determination by adopting a saturation approach, financing improved earthquake-resistant housing for poor households, and promoting climate change adaption measures to enhance rural water security are some of the innovative approaches that have the potential to be transferred to other mountain areas. We propose a further expansion of capacities and economic opportunities in rural areas by prioritizing the self-employment sector, by expanding the nonfarm rural economy, youth training and placement, and continuing commitment to strengthening democratic institutions and procedures to ensure more rapid and inclusive growth of the rural economy.
Abstract This chapter examines the contemporary relationship between politics and evangelical activity. Focusing on the northeast Indian state of Manipur, it makes comparisons with Mizoram, Nagaland, and Meghalaya and draws out the implications of the historical data for the contemporary political climate. The first section explores the interaction among Christian missionaries, tribals, and the British state in the colonial context, showing how the attempt of missionaries to build an autonomous tribal leadership was hampered by the diversity of tribal groupings and the ties of the missionaries to the colonial state. The second section focuses on two themes: how evangelical practices of congregationalism have given expression to diversity, but also how, in a context of ethnic violence and rivalry, this decentralized organization leaves the church unable to overcome fragmentation. The final section explores a third theme, suggesting that the evangelicals' desire for stability in the region has impeded their ability to foster social movements for justice and equality, leaving the space open for insurgent and terrorist organizations.
As Gandhi often pointed out, India lives in villages and unless village life can be revitalized the nation as a whole can hardly come alive. When India became independent in 1947, perhaps one-third of the villages of India had traditional Panchayats and many of them were far from flourishing conditions. The congress government has made a determined effort to promote the creation of Panchayats and to make them effective units of local self- government. Article 40 of the Constitution clearly declares ‘The state shall take necessary actions to organize village Panchayats and to endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as units of self-government’. The aim was to foster democratic participation, to involve villagers in the development of the community and to reduce the burden of higher level of administration. Though various steps were taken by successive governments to revitalize the system, Gramswaraj through village Panchayats remained as a distant dream till 1992. Bureaucratic apathy, indifference of the people, lack of political will, lack of uniformity etc were the main factors behind the failure of the system. Realizing the potential of the PR system, Rajeev Gandhi government initiated a process of Constitutional amendment to give sanctity and uniformity to Panchayati Raj system so that it can be immune from political interference and bureaucratic indifference. Rajeev Gandhi introduced 64th Constitutional amendment Bill in 1989. But the Bill did not materialize because of the fall of his Ministry. Finally the P.V.Narasimha Rao government introduced Panchayati Raj system in India through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment in 1992. \nThe article mainly focuses on the effectiveness of 73rd Constitutional amendment in securing empowerment of people. The article tries to capture the efforts of various states to implement panchayati Raj system and makes a comparative study of performance of states in terms of people’s participation, capacity building, de-bureaucratization and decentralization of powers. The salient features of 73rd Amendment Act including reservation of seats, provision for separate election commission and finance commission, gramsabha, taxes, periodic elections etc are discussed. More over it examines the initiatives of state governments towards democratic decentralization and highlights special programmes initiated by Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh etc to make the system effective. The article critically evaluates the effectiveness of PRIs as a system of governance for increased people’s participation empowerment and social change. Here attempt is made to incorporate the results of impact assessment studies conducted by World Bank. Concluding section highlights the need for revitalizing the system through integrating NREGP [National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme] and NRHM [National Rural Health Mission] etc
Community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) is the joint management of natural resources by a community based on a community strategy, through a participatory mechanism involving all legitimate stakeholders. The approach is community-based in that the communities managing the resources have the legal rights, the local institutions and the economic incentives to take substantial responsibility for sustained use of these resources. This implies that the community plays an active role in the management of natural resources, not because it asserts sole ownership over them, but because it can claim participation in their management and benefits for practical and technical reasons1–4. This approach emerged as the dominant conservation concept in the late 1970s and early 1980s, of the disillusionment with the developmental state. Governments across South and South East Asia, Africa and Latin America have adopted and implemented CBNRM in various ways, viz. through sectoral programmes such as forestry, irrigation or wildlife management, multisectoral programmes such as watershed development and efforts towards political devolution. In India, the principle of decentralization through ‘gram swaraj’ was introduced by Mahatma Gandhi. The 73rd and 74th constitution amendments in 1992 gave impetus to the decentralized planning at panchayat levels through the creation of a statutory three-level local self-government structure5,6. \nThe strength of this book is that it includes chapters by CBNRM advocates based on six seemingly innovative initiatives being implemented by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in ecologically vulnerable regions of South Asia: two in the Himalayas (watershed development programme in Lingmutechhu, Bhuthan and Thalisain tehsil, Paudi Grahwal District, Uttarakhand), three in semi-arid parts of western India (watershed development in Hivre Bazar, Maharashtra and Nathugadh village, Gujarat and water-harvesting structures in Gopalapura, Rajasthan) and one in the flood-plains of the Brahmaputra–Jamuna (Char land, Galibanda and Jamalpur districts, Bangladesh). \n \nWatersheds in semi-arid regions fall in the low-rainfall region (500–700 mm) and suffer the vagaries of drought 2–3 years in every five-year cycle. In all these locations, the major occupation is agriculture, most of which is rainfed or dry. The other two cases (in Uttarakhand) fall in the Himalayan region (temperate/sub-temperate climate), which has witnessed extensive deforestation in the last century and is now considered as one of the most vulnerable locations in South Asia. Terraced agriculture is being practised in these locations for a long time. The last case (Gono Chetona) falls in the Brahmaputra–Jamuna charlands which are the most ecologically vulnerable regions in the sub-continent with constantly changing landscape. Agriculture and livestock rearing are the main occupations, and there is substantial seasonal emigration for wage labour by the adult males. River erosion and floods force the people to adopt a semi-migratory lifestyle. \nThe book attempts to analyse the potential as well as limitations of NGOdriven CBNRM endeavours across agroclimatic regions of South Asia with emphasis on four intrinsically linked normative concerns, namely sustainability, livelihood enhancement, equity and demographic decentralization in chapters 2–7. Comparative analysis of these case studies done in chapter 8, highlights the issues that require further research while portraying the strengths and limits of NGO-driven CBNRM. In Hivre Bazar, the post-watershed intervention scenario is such that farmers often grow three crops in a year – kharif bajra, rabi jowar and summer vegetable crops. Productivity has increased in the dry lands due to improvement in soil moisture levels. The revival of johads in Gopalpura has led to the proliferation of wheat and increased productivity. In Lingmuteychhu, productivity gains have also arisen, but more due to the introduction of both local and high-yielding, new varieties as opposed to increased water availability. In the case of Gono Chetona, improvements have come due to diversification of agriculture; for example, the promotion of vegetable gardens. CBNRM interventions in most cases have also led to new avenues of employment and income generation. \nThe synthesis shows that CBNRM efforts have made significant contributions to livelihood enhancement and only limited gains in terms of collective action for sustainable and equitable access to benefits and continuing resource use, and in terms of democratic decentralization, contrary to the objectives of the programme. Livelihood benefits include improvements in availability of livelihood support resources (fuelwood, fodder, drinking water), increased productivity (including diversification of cropping pattern) in agriculture and allied activities, and new sources of livelihood. However, NGO-driven CBNRM has not met its goal of providing ‘alternative’ forms of ‘development’ due to impediments of state policy, short-sighted vision of implementers and confrontation with the socio-ecological reality of the region, which almost always are that of fragmented communities (or communities in flux) with unequal dependence and access to land and other natural resources along with great gender imbalances. Appalling, however, is the general absence of recognition of the importance of and the will to explore practical ways to bring about equitable resource transfer or benefit-sharing and the consequent innovations in this respect that are evident in the pioneering community initiatives such as pani panchayat, etc. \nPertaining to the gains on the ecological sustainability front, Hivre Bazar and Thalisain initiatives through active participation of villagers have made significant regeneration of the water table within the village, and mechanisms such as ban on number of bore wells, the regulation of cropping pattern, restrictions on felling of trees and free grazing to ensure that in the future, the groundwater is neither over-exploited nor its recharge capability impaired. Nevertheless, the longterm sustainability of the interventions in the case of Ghoga and Gopalpura initiatives as the focus has been mostly on regeneration of resources, and less on regulating the use of regenerated resources. Further, in Lingmuteychhu and Gono Chetona, the interventions are mainly household-based and the focus has been less explicit on ecological components. \nThe studies demonstrate the livelihood benefits to all of the interventions and significant variation in achievements with reference to sustainability, equity and democratic decentralization depending on the level and extent of community participation apart from the vision of implementers, strategy (or nature of intervention shaped by the question of community formation), the centrality of community formation and also the State policy. Case studies show that the influence of State policy is multi-faceted and often contradictory in nature. This necessitates NGOs to engage with the State in a much more purposeful way than in an ‘autonomous space’. Thus the role of NGOs in CBNRM is complementary, wherein they provide innovative experiments that the State can learn. This helps in achieving the goals of CBNRM through democratic decentralization. The book addresses the vital issues related to natural resource management and interests of the community. Key topics discussed throughout the book are still at the centre of the current debate. This compilation consists of well-written chapters based on rigorous synthesis of CBNRM case studies, which will serve as good references for students, researchers and practitioners in the years to come.
The 73rd Constitutional Amendment of 1993 giving local government a constitutional status introduced new institutions into the working of Indian democracy through several significant innovations, such as reservations of seats for marginal groups, women, Dalits, and Adivasis; creation of a decentralized planning mechanism; establishment of state election commissions to oversee local elections and state finance commissions to prepare a blueprint for sharing of state revenues; and institutionalization of the village assembly (gram sabha). This article examines the implications of these innovations for local government and vulnerable groups in the context of Indian democracy. It does so within the larger debate on the capability of political institutions to produce outcomes and so a new political culture.