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Jul 24, 2026·Libra
0 cites
Beyond Paper Tigers: Municipal Politicians and Democratic Resilience at the Grassroots

Dyutiman Saunik

Why do local elected representatives facing similar institutional constraints choose different strategies? This dissertation develops a theory of strategy choice under incomplete decentralization, where municipal councilors remain electorally accountable but depend on bureaucratic and higher-level political actors for implementation, finance, and approval. Administrative, fiscal, and political constraints define the institutional setting, while leverage, the capacity to induce response, and cover, protection from sanction, capture councilors’ unequal positions within it. Drawing on more than 450 interviews, 67 municipal council meeting transcripts, and an original survey of 506 current and former councilors in urban India, I distinguish collaborative strategies based on coordination and follow-up from combative strategies based on public pressure and cost-imposition. Collaboration overwhelmingly dominates. Perceived bureaucratic discretion is the strongest correlate of movement toward combativeness, while leverage and cover do not reliably predict the binary shift between strategies. Instead, leverage more clearly distinguishes procedural from discretionary forms of collaboration. These findings show that incomplete decentralization does not eliminate local representation. It channels representation through continued dependence on actors councilors do not command and shifts attention from whether councilors collaborate to how they collaborate and when they escalate.

Open access
Politics and Society in Latin America
Public Policy and Administration Research
Gender Politics and Representation
Original source
Nov 13, 2025·Dialectical Anthropology
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Networked alternatives against the state: zapatista autonomy and informality as resistance

Miria Gambardella

Abstract Since their 1994 uprising, Zapatista communities have built social, political, and economic alternatives within autonomous territories, setting an example for multiple Transformation Initiatives and social movements globally. Focusing on economic solidarity through coffee distribution, this article investigates how the boundaries between being inside, beyond, or against the state and the market are relationally conceived and performed by autonomous peasants and European activist networks. The study is based on multiple fieldworks between Europe and Chiapas and years of engaged research. Beyond dual rationalizations between silent and loud resistance, I argue that anticapitalist worlds surrounding Zapatismo connect everyday forms of struggle with broader, structural hopes for change through transnational alliances. It is the existence of an organized infrastructure that allows this form of trade to reproduce its own antagonism, in constant tension against the state, reified as the ultimate perpetrator of the neoliberal order. Revisiting informality through the lenses of anti-systemic movements allows us to decentralize resistance, encompassing non-hegemonic processes from below (and to the left) that cannot be reduced to Western categories nor trivialized as the sole weapons in the hands of voiceless and powerless societies. Articulating Marxist anthropology with decolonial thought through the framework of Zapatista autonomy suggests that it is not enough to categorize resistance as visible or invisible, formal or informal. The study of economic solidarity surrounding the Zapatista experience provides an understanding of the complex realities of anticapitalist resistances today, where collective organization is as much about survival as it is about reimagining power and economy.

Open access
Agriculture, Land Use, Rural Development
Global trade, sustainability, and social impact
Politics and Society in Latin America
Original source
Jun 30, 2021·Journal of Economic Studies
4 cites
Political machines and the curse of public resources in subnational democracies

Andrés Cendales, Néstor Garza, Andrés Mauricio Arcila

Purpose This paper argues that decentralization reforms in Colombia, implemented since the 1980s, have led to the decentralization of political clientelism rather than its demise. Clientelism is a system of political and economic institutions that turns every local democracy into an extractive political institution. The authors theoretically demonstrate that an increase in public resources will increase corruption. Design/methodology/approach The authors develop and test a subnational public choice model, where clientelism in elections and corruption in public administration constitute a stable long-term institutional equilibrium. The model comprises two linked subgames: electoral tournament and corruption in public policy. The model makes two predictions that currently oppose predominant approaches: (1) increasing the severity of jail sentences to electoral crimes increases their price and the predominance of machine politics, instead of improving the quality of electoral tournaments and (2) increasing local governments' public finance increases clientelism in elections and corruption in public administration. Findings The authors find evidence in favor of the theoretical model of curse of public resources, using difference-in-differences estimation with a database 2016–17 of Colombia's 1,034 municipalities. This country is well-suited for our analysis because it has a long-term commitment to formal democratic processes (since 1958), while plagued by endemic corruption and clientelism problems. Originality/value (1) The theoretical approach is innovative and disruptive of current models on the problem, (2) the model builds upon the Colombian situation, a country with prominent corruption and political violence problems regardless of its relatively long-term commitment with free elections (since 1958) and (3) the theoretical discussion is tested using a comprehensive set of difference-in-differences estimations.

Corruption and Economic Development
Fiscal Policies and Political Economy
Politics and Society in Latin America
Original source
Mar 5, 2019·Anthropology & Education Quarterly
4 cites
Reforming Schools, Disciplining Teachers: Decentralization and Privatization of Education in Honduras

Jordan Levy

This article examines how teachers in post‐coup Honduras approached implementing neoliberal school finance reforms with which they disagreed. The laws in question decentralize national public education and demand that teachers secure funding for basic school infrastructure and academic programs from private businesses. I show how teachers reluctantly engaged aspects of this legislation, but for their own reasons, and suggest that their partial compliance is illuminative of how teachers in other contexts may approach policy implementation.

Global Educational Policies and Reforms
School Choice and Performance
Politics and Society in Latin America
Original source
Jan 1, 2019·Perspectivas: Revista de CiĂȘncias Sociais
0 cites
Terceiros partidos podem ser competitivos nas eleiçÔes presidenciais estadunidenses

FlĂĄvio Contrera

This article aims to discuss the competitive viability of candidacies by third or independent parties for the presidency of the United States with the adopted electoral system, the federal decentralization, the existing legal order for competing and receiving campaign financing, the consequences of gerrymandering, the analysis of legislative behavior and strategic interaction. From a rational institutionalist perspective, the hypothesis defended is that the institutional constraints of the American political system restrict competition to the two main parties, Democratic and Republican, which reinforce this tendency by choosing to interact only with each other.

Education and Public Policy
Brazilian History and Foreign Policy
Politics and Society in Latin America
Original source
Feb 5, 2015·HAL (Le Centre pour la Communication Scientifique Directe)
0 cites
Un-encounter in the public governance and inter-ethnic conflicts in Colombia

Carlos Duarte Torres

This research focuses on the analysis of the Colombian multiculturalism through an operative characterization. In this sense, the assessment of multicultural policies goes beyond the traditional discourse analysis, and instead it empirically reviews the implementation of differential rights translated into concrete public policies. To meet this goal, this study first explores the different symbolic schemes of the relationship between the State-Nation and the indigenous populations. In a second stage, it analyses how the policies that recognize cultural difference since 1991, are articulated with a project of state modernization of neoliberal characteristics, that is exemplified by the territorial decentralization phenomena. Finally, this research presents an analysis of the actual effects of multiculturalism in the fields of health, education, economic production and political governance for the Misak people, specifically for the Resguardo Mayor de Guambia, an indigenous reserve located in the department of Cauca. From this case study, readers will be able to discover how in the Colombian context, there are un-meet aspects (des-encuentros) and paradoxical effects between the Government’s neoliberal vision on public policies, the dynamics of ethnic recognition promoted by the state and the communitarian autonomous processes advocated by indigenous organizations.

Open access
History and Politics in Latin America
Politics and Society in Latin America
Original source
Jan 1, 2012·Latin American Politics and Society
6 cites
All by Myself: Personal Qualifications versus Party Affiliation in Colombian Mayoral Elections

Claudia N. Avellaneda, MarĂ­a C. Escobar-Lemmon

Abstract Political decentralization has been promoted as a way to devolve responsibility, bring government closer to citizens, and improve accountability. The shift prompted new local elections, but were the elected officials responsive to citizens or to national party elites? This study examines unique survey data from 125 Colombian mayors to identify the factors they believe were critical in their victories and thereby to identify the people to whom they believe they owe loyalty: citizens or party leaders. Examining the relative value mayors assign to their own actions versus those of the party, combined with information on how they financed campaigns, sheds important light on subnational electoral dynamics in Colombia.

Politics and Society in Latin America
History and Politics in Latin America
Electoral Systems and Political Participation
Original source
Oct 1, 2008·Comparative Politics
6 cites
Parties and Patronage: An Analysis of Trade and Industrial Policy in India

Charles Hankla

Charles R. Hankla Assistant Professor Department of Political Science Georgia State University PO Box 4069 Atlanta, Georgia 30302-4069 chankla@gsu.edu Phone: 404-413-6172 Fax: 404-413-6156 Abstract What political factors influence the allocation of economic patronage in democracies? Answering this question is vital to improving our knowledge of how states and markets interact. In this paper, I argue that changing levels of party centralization can drive important changes in the allocation of state largess. When governing parties are centralized, national party leaders will control sources of patronage, targeting benefits to particularly influential regions and industries. By contrast, when governing parties are decentralized, influential sub-national party leaders will advocate for their constituents, allocating patronage evenly through a national logroll. I find evidence for these relationships by comparing India‟s distribution process for industrial licenses and government finance under a decentralized Congress Party (1954-61) to its distribution process under a centralized Congress Party (1969-75).

Electoral Systems and Political Participation
Social Policy and Reform Studies
Politics and Society in Latin America
Original source
Jan 31, 2005·D-Scholarship@Pitt (University of Pittsburgh)
4 cites
Unraveling the Politics of Decentralization: Argentina and Spain in Comparative Perspective

Jorge P. GordĂ­n

This dissertation explores the politics of fiscal decentralization in comparative perspective. Case studies of Argentina and Spain are used to provide insights into the way that the distribution of institutional and economic resources in multitiered polities shapes the extent to which the policy of transferring revenue and revenue authority to subnational governments can be exploited for political gain. This approach draws attention to the political conditions that inhibit the coordination of fiscal reform efforts between the different levels of government and perpetuate the financing of subnational spending with revenue collected by the national government. This political context undermines national fiscal adjustment efforts and leads to economic catastrophes such as those experienced in Argentina throughout the last two decades. Specifically, this study uses statistical analyses and empirical institutional theory to show how patterns of territorial representation and bargaining strategies hindered revenue decentralization in Argentina but advanced it in Spain.The research suggests, first, coalition-building goals drive national executives in Argentina to reach out legislators of the opposition by means of allocating larger shares of federal transfers to the provinces the latter belong to. However, all else equal, legislatively overrepresented, i.e. economically marginal and sparsely populated, provinces will be targeted first. Second, the increasing role of regionalist parties in Spanish national politics and their acceptance in joint-policy mechanisms tilts the allocation of chosen federal transfers slightly in favor of economically developed and densely populated autonomous communities, which are generally governed by regionalist forces. Third, whereas Argentine subnational interests are "locked-in" at the Senate level and intergovernmental negotiations are conducted bilaterally, open-ended institutional arrangements and a relatively impotent senate in Spain boosted the redressing of regional concerns through informal intergovernmental fora and increasing multilateral collaboration Fourth, such differences in patterns of institutional representation and bargaining strategies explain the paucity of fiscal decentralization in Argentina and its relative progress in Spain.

Open access
Local Government Finance and Decentralization
Political Systems and Governance
Politics and Society in Latin America
Original source
May 1, 2001·Hispanic American Historical Review
11 cites
Party Formation and State-Making: The Conservative Party and the Reconstruction of the Brazilian State, 1831-1840

Jeffrey D. Needell

In the nineteenth century Brazil was considered unique not only for its size and Portuguese heritage but also for its distinct social and political characteristics. Brazil was an established slave society that was maintained in peace and unity under a constitutional monarchy. Traditionally, historiography has separated these elements. Most recently, the social history dominant in the Brazilian and Anglo-American academies has given us rich studies of slave society, without sustained reference to Brazil’s political history. In the nineteenth century, and in the earlier political analyses of the twentieth century, the monarchy has either been abstracted away from socioeconomic analysis or reconstructed as an apologia for Brazilian essentialism and authoritarianism.1Since at least the 1970s, however, political analysis has addressed the relationship between state and society, but with debatable success. It has generally reduced the monarchy to an instrument of the ruling class, or reified it as an autonomous model for the military statism of 1964–85, or dismissed it as the convenient provider of stability and patronage for the socioeconomic elites. Few studies provide a detailed analysis of the political trends of the era, much less a discussion of their seemingly false or complicated ideological struggles. Although the works of JosĂ© Murilo de Carvalho, Thomas Flory, Ilmar Rohloff de Mattos, and Roderick J. Barman are exceptions to this rule, their contributions are necessarily limited by their particular foci. Each, whether studying the state and its cadre formation, the ideology and programs of the Liberals or the Conservatives, or the complex detail of the political narrative explaining national consolidation, tends to neglect the dialectic with socioeconomic conditions. In other words, they shed little light on the specificity of the linkages of that context to the political struggles and ideology of the era.2Party origins and organization provide telling ways to understand such matters. The Conservative party has traditionally been considered to be the dominant of the two parties of the Second Reign (1840–89), the era that has generally been taken as the basis for analysis of the monarchy. It was the Conservative party that defined and defended the mission of the monarchy as an authoritarian, centralized state, and it was the party most identified with the dominant planter-merchant elites who battened off African slavery and its export production. The present study, focusing on the crucial, formative period of 1831– 40, offers an analytical explanation of the early development of the Conservative party as an integral part of the evolution of the Brazilian monarchy by addressing some of the weaknesses in the canon noted above. This essay provides the socioeconomic context of political developments; offers a new synthesis and analysis of the political narrative; clarifies the ideological and organizational nature of party origins; and shows the specific linkages between state and society, party and province. It will also revise our understanding of the coffee planters’ role in the Conservative party and conclude by pointing to the essential dilemma presented by the contradiction between the monarchy’s architects and the monarch’s role.The able political analyses and narratives we have, while useful for many things, are inadequate to understand party formation. The latter requires a return to parliamentary annals and other contemporary sources for a more specific ideological and organizational analysis, as well as the integration of the political narrative with a synthesis of the more recent studies of socioeconomic development and elite formation. These strands, some old, some new, but all newly knit together here, will comprise the first part of this study. It forms the necessary context for the analysis to follow.Although its mission was national, the Conservative party was provincial by birth. Indeed, to the extent that the geographic origins or social ramifications of the party are noted at all, they are noted as fluminense—as having to do with the port and province named Rio de Janeiro.3 The colonial port and captaincy, which had also borne those names, were intimately linked to two distinct processes of the century, of Portuguese had the of the Brazilian had the and of the that the of and the of the to the of the had or the had in from the slave of had and were less in those of and and the was by on by the century, or or of the two and the basis for the of the port those the in and most of the port and which were by that of development from the of Rio de the and of and maintained their and their by to the of for the established and in the more for the port in Rio de and African from the port to and in and to the and in Rio de the the that the of the and the of and that that and the of the Brazilian the and early nineteenth century, history a political to the socioeconomic processes above. the of the de state in the and of Brazilian the of of and the of of This in the of and Portuguese was by the of the Portuguese to Rio de in The of the elite who were either the and of the and port and slavery of Rio de or the and from the of the shows that most of those by the of were of or more Portuguese These or for the most had and in the port or The most were those the of the of and the to state and and to the Portuguese and elites the in Rio de The to the established by were as were the of on and to the Portuguese and who elite or in and the of to and political many as well as the in Rio de to with more political with the of and The state was identified as a constitutional monarchy from its the nature of such the ideological and political of the Reign and those who a and all those who had and the the first of with the and to for more constitutional on the and and however, were with the of the who to the and a as for Brazil’s socioeconomic with the political ideological are The most with the in and the new monarchy been were a of in which recent Portuguese or and and with were either in the recent or in the of these to the monarchy with with of from and they with who their established and were for a more of The most of the latter were with the the however, they also had as those in other in as those in for of in Rio de and of these were of the the and The of a more for a that the of the and for and all of these of political had a to the of their political instrument in the new of which in Rio de to the of new from the of It the by of in a of and as the to the and The the of the The and the and the to the and of the Although the was by a of to by in the be by the and was by a of for by the from a of by the noted for and by the was by the and had to be by the taken by the also had to under the and as that many of a to Although the was under the of the it had and from the which the to their from the of a and parliamentary it for their a in and all of these to in and while in the and in the was to the to to the of a constitutional in which in with a from those who had the in the a to the a the to by the and with a in Rio de in of and a of on the of de to to to the Portuguese that the a to In for it was the that The the it of the the of to The of a a but was an to be and with the as the two of provide the political of the most and for the of the era, either be for the in the had who were most at The were as were the and as for the return of a Portuguese The and of the to to from the the more the political to the their of the and the state and they all as in with while from its and for the with the as well as for the on the state and the has two the colonial political of and the of the in the era This be The of was part of a national, and political It on its the of the to the for and The political of the first the first of the in these and political their all of a for the and of the Portuguese were and the for was as a which had to be the first had to while of state It maintained social in the and and the of the and the of constitutional as ways to national unity and a provincial These constitutional were of identified with the political that had to and to the ideology of that of the the of political while and with the Portuguese were as either or or The of from the and its to the and provincial elites and provincial provincial in and and and the of the and its of and the of the also for the national of a on the These most of which were in the of the of the state and the of the early on as a to political social and national useful to the context for such the Brazilian elites. The of of some by we from the for and of these were of the most were of African and or African with some in in as away from the and of the was in the most Most of the were in the most of Rio de and and in which and to the of Rio de In most of the were the in all the and of were the In a the to the and its and political were with the history of and the of to Indeed, was not the era of and the new for political at the and the national to between elite in Rio de and in the between and and between and or national established were in in and of was a that from in the of the Indeed, a in linked to that of and In Rio de were two in and in was a in in a slave in in a in Rio in most a and social in in and the from to The its with an in in and a social in in the under the of by the the of social and national by on the and the on the the in two and the to they not do they the state and that state and Indeed, and that the most such as and were also the of state the and its defended the state not only as the most but by in and a of political on These to of the in Rio de and the the to the had in to the and the state to a the by the of the and with the and of and the to a political to this to a the as a national in to a new the for which they has been that the origins of the Conservative party with the and to this The in the to their the that was to for the of the with the the of constitutional was the it was the first a to that the and it in the to the Indeed, that the in and of had a which not be were to the state and society, to the Conservative was but only the of and by the this Conservative be In were Conservative and Conservative In the of the was as much a the had been able to as it was a of the as and the was a in the history of the the of and two and the a of of the and ideological Indeed, as the first was a of most with and with the with which was identified are to parliamentary in the of Traditionally, this has been the role of to the Conservative The in the to be de the historiography not state that and JosĂ© a and were in to the for to those of Indeed, they had the early in the and and from the of with it of the party in the This of the party to the organization of an party of to and the by This under and was the basis for the historiography has the Conservative party of in the and to the that in of its new, a of the de to be of by the of constitutional the of and a from the This was the of the by with in the to and the as the new the narrative a the by many the origins and of the party that in the to a Conservative party in are Barman do not to a Conservative party in the we the its origins and ideology and its with the of of the party of the parliamentary or the party of was this the new party and its it that little of in the be defined as we party was a and was its relationship to the This a complicated of all, we was elite parliamentary and the for having been in for the of the and in the new had to to the for of their the the historiography little the new and of the we little the between the to and the of who had the in all of these complicated by the we only in the are that the to by and the and the Conservative party in and that the latter was and the and those with the of the coffee of the we all of this little and some of it these and processes by the narrative the socioeconomic and political context of the Reign and the at the of a more political narrative of the in the that we to the ideological and of the party and its and the in which the party was to the provincial us the the political the of to the of between the and their in the and the to the with and was other was a and the other two political in the were to and other had defined as and These in and to the that between and the had the two other political the of political In the and the dominant political they and to be not to the but to the constitutional monarchy and the social and national of the This to not only to as a with other in but dilemma as Indeed, with from the and of the party by and other in the of and with the of the state, had a to that in to as in the political that was the and the other the It was who linked the the and the as early as a and a of and the of the and the in particular de in the and of a with political well the was of the that in Indeed, it was as early as that of and a party in the and the nineteenth century, the parties and as for the of the of the for the of that and for the they the of In and the in of only two the or and the or those the those in those who and those The was its it ideological and an of all who or the and and on all in the to their on the and as to the other also to the of a this to and with the of either the or the established not the to a for from the in in and this The of and the between and the a not the necessary the the only political to or the to the of the ideological and the and the and for a new to The had separated who the from the who their state and national Indeed, that the of the was only to a with and the to to a well as to the de the it with the and as with a a of the it was that was to be the for the new of by and by to for Indeed, by the of the de but in Rio de only on to the of their as a for the this in the to the away from the who the of the most of the and a to the the most provincial and to of de de as a was an of had to JosĂ© of the to Carvalho, a was a and a and who had the of and in early was a noted in the a military and a who had been in the to and the as a of their and of the was by a of of the and most of the of This to only by some in of had been a Indeed, not only by a a the that to a of the established to a in parliamentary and provincial of more of the first of the de by the of a the had to the the more of their the by and In the latter to be to a to the constitutional of Indeed, given the the the not only the to with the of the Portuguese and Reign in but the and their of constitutional of and the for the party of that by the of This on of the of It was in that that the to the the of Rio and in a to the of and the to national analysis, it and a of the political not with to the with the be to to the political and ideological history above. we the of to the social and we return to the context and of the most in the were not the new party of or in de de of their provincial or they were and they not the of their and however, those with the were to in their The Portuguese and of Rio de were These were between the provincial but in and the and of the Portuguese to be and as many of the first and other The of Rio de was by the of such and the of the and their and and had in the and such the and with the and the The early in the to the Portuguese and the as of this such the well also the and of the we the and The who from the two in the and of The for the however, In of and only was to the established of and the port to the of Rio de It that in the province was Indeed, in the Rio de of the early had was an to a new in those early generally the port from the their socioeconomic This was a which and was to the which the in for such early for the only be however, the to the newly established and to a of in that explanation many of the Portuguese and been the by the generally had little to from the and to by and a in which they had In the to the they their established political by a new political with the newly of and that had the of in and the parliamentary of in this light new of The of had from an of the and the provincial of the The the between Rio de and the provincial and this political The new was It a of the political linkages between the Portuguese and Brazilian of the port and in Rio de and their as well as an with the in and The and were of the more provincial of and the as well as the was socioeconomic for the new political Indeed, between dominant in and and had been in the and and to more in the These had to do with coffee in the the first of the to the and the Although most of the and in the province in the of the de and new and were the of coffee in the the of the while its in at the of that coffee was to in the the in the that the to the coffee had been to of new sources of in the from which established to as The in from as the new coffee The and for in and the that coffee was first with by and an of in the of Rio de in the these were first taken and the in the a for the and of the the for that and the that the were also taken the to the at on the it to the and Although some of the first in the were Portuguese and to with the they who were the new most of the first coffee were either with the from established and with and or or from Rio de who in the new its in the and by their The were the coffee as the Brazilian were for the slave In of the of the slave had the Rio de and they with in Rio de The however, had their by at the coffee was The Although only of were to Brazil between and in the that to and much more to in In a society in by contemporary a of new in by a recent in to these given the coffee the political from the planters’ were also The in the and the new provincial were to the African the of the on Although the the the to the It was in the first provincial in a by a by JosĂ© in were in the first of the new, The between that the export and and the to the on are as JosĂ© it that it was at this that and had the new for political organization and by the new of a provincial that in the first two and at least of the were linked to the Indeed, in the some of the were of national The new as will be the new a for political organization and that and their role in the in Rio de also this political of and the of who are of the more of the slave and party had linkages to these had been a Portuguese and a for an in who in Rio de had and a in and on to the in the Although as only and to and their not in that to or in Rio de of the other however, such linkages are from a with in and Rio de the of a Rio de a and this of and the to and in the and to to a of and some of in the coffee was a by was part and of the the of was a Portuguese of the provincial JosĂ© the from a Rio de a and a a of the de and were from the of the the to the The de de was the of and a of were and political the of or political or of two of was de who de a and was an established in the from the early The de had in JosĂ© de at to Brazil to at was in of and and that was a in Rio de by of was by and and their of the de de de to and to the latter two their between and was and was first of the of Rio de as a provincial in as provincial from to was also by the to a with to the their of that the of the of and to with and of the architects and of the new in the party more to its Portuguese and JosĂ© who we in the provincial the slavery was a Portuguese of this had been a in the colonial period and the had and Rio de to to in Brazil in of to as a Rio de and the role in was by the for part as of to the early by the was on of and of the of a Portuguese in Rio de and to the and in the and in and JosĂ© new as an de as a JosĂ© given in Rio de and Portuguese and of a in the party of in the and the provincial Indeed, this as a in the early many who had in the by and not to the the was much a in the Portuguese and elites of the port and province. was in the of two Portuguese de a and the from to Brazil was to in and in in Rio de the of the first of the of the newly a from the new of at the first at a and Rio de of a in the and peace of the port and political in an era of political and These those of of of and of the in and for role in the new of the and of that a of elite political with a and the and political of port and province. from also that had the de from Portuguese and by and a It little first party be of to a to the provincial in was to the in was of the of the a political linked to the province. The for the in the of for the new party of This was the was in political not The as in were the who were by and the newly in the of the of as It also that the and the to the of the were of Rio de or or the of the new of the in were or their this de basis for the early to the coffee in the were also from the in and or provincial to the newly established of the of was de of recent Portuguese of military and between Rio de and was a of provincial of a and had a role in by the was a of the in the was of the coffee as a with to the party to these coffee were also to for provincial and the It to that some of these of and and the colonial and Reign were political by the of and its and from that but not for or for or their the of the of Rio de in the colonial period this a Portuguese who a Rio de the of the province. de a who in the first political elite and a with The as a political of the by the and had as a in the provincial of by of in that and to the noted and to the noted it to that the and between and the new party was present from the but to in the of and the which the historiography has with the basis of the Conservative be to be to the origins of the This was a of their new and in the has been here, it was the more established and and of port and from which many of the coffee which the in the to This not only in the of the but in the only the port and to this was In the of were only of which were The who in Rio de of the provincial only in the the in of which and the two of of the and The for was the with of and with it be the and their Rio de and who the political most the of well The of the at least early on in the a role of It of this that the the most and of the to the such were to the and the of the they not of as and generally of state and to the party they in the This was on the a of to in Rio de an era of political on of the the were to and that with our that we political and that by our and we separated from and of the that we in this but we the Conservative which we sustained with with and all, the monarchy which we and for the party of be The in of its was an of and of It was in the were together by to and to the The who to and this established in the party and a of to their of were able to their with that of the the and as their ideology with defended by the The given it

Brazilian History and Foreign Policy
Politics and Society in Latin America
History of Colonial Brazil
Original source
Apr 1, 1994·Journal of democracy
211 cites
Latin America's Emerging Local Politics

Jonathan Fox

Latin America's Emerging Local Politics Jonathan Fox (bio) Does local democratization really matter for national politics? For those who value accountable government and civic participation, democracy at the local level is obviously important in and of itself. This essay makes a different point, however—that the degree of democratization of local government affects the prospects for national democratic governance. Most Latin American nations made the delicate transition from authoritarian to elected civilian regimes in the 1980s, but in the 1990s many still have not firmly consolidated their democratic gains. The wave of regime transitions in the 1980s created opportunities for experimentation with more honest and effective styles of governance, but so far most of the new regimes have failed to produce successful results at the national level. Traditional centralized, top-down approaches dominated national governance thoughout the region during the 1980s. Key characteristics included centralized and militarized police powers, appointed rather than elected mayors and governors, and extreme fiscal and bureaucratic centralization. These problems of top-down governance were compounded by systemic defects such as the lack of independent judicial authority and highly opaque, discretionary policy processes. Remarkably, most of these practices could be found across the entire political spectrum, from the moderate civilian governments of Brazil, Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, and Colombia to revolutionary Nicaragua and Cuba on the left and military-dominated El Salvador, Guatemala, and pre-1989 Chile on the right. The view that policy solutions should necessarily be national is now [End Page 105] widely questioned throughout Latin America. The role of national governments is changing in two ways: international economic integration is limiting the scope for market regulation, while on the domestic front national authorities have begun to devolve major responsibilities to local governments. For example, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Colombia all began decentralization programs in the 1980s. Many of these decentralization plans were enshrined in new or recently reformed constitutions, though the actual resources and autonomy ceded to local authorities varied greatly.1 Decentralization does not necessarily involve the democratization of local government, however. In Chile, for example, General Augusto Pinochet's military dictatorship gave huge policy responsibilities to appointed mayors. Local democratization has two dimensions. First, it involves opening up territorially based subnational governments to electoral competition (mayors and governors had traditionally been chosen by the president in many Latin American countries). Second, it entails the elimination of exclusionary political practices, including fraud, unfair limits on voter registration, the lack of ballot secrecy, voter intimidation, and vote buying. These are issues of electoral freedoms, as distinct from issues of electoral fairness (e.g., media access, campaign financing, etc.). This essay focuses on exclusionary political practices in "local" politics because that is where most citizens either gain access to or find themselves excluded from the state more generally. But authoritarian local politicians—especially those challenged from below—usually need national allies to survive. Local democratization affects the prospects for national democratic governance in four interrelated respects. First, elected civilian regimes cannot be considered democratic until authoritarian enclaves are eliminated and the entire citizenry is effectively enfranchised. Second, pluralist politics must be learned, and subnational governments make a good school. Third, rising democratic leaders can most credibly challenge the corrupt old ways if they are forearmed with successful records in local government. Fourth, the widespread transition from traditionally paternalistic social policies to more efficient and targeted programs depends on balanced partnerships among national governments, local governments, and new social and civic actors. Eliminating Authoritarian Enclaves National political conditions certainly shape the possibilities for local democratization, but the reverse is true as well. If enough authoritarian enclaves persist, democracy's consolidation at the national level may be jeopardized. Longstanding exclusionary practices will not disappear because of the signing of decrees or the transfer of the presidential sash in national capitals. [End Page 106] The persistence of authoritarian enclaves under civilian rule prevents the effective extension of basic political rights to the entire population. The proliferation of seemingly small free spaces within civil society greatly helped to weaken centralized authoritarian rule in many a Latin American dictatorship. Now one encounters a mirror image of that situation—elected civilian regimes rule nationally, but the societies...

Politics and Society in Latin America
Political Conflict and Governance
Political and Social Dynamics in Chile and Latin America
Original source
Mar 1, 1991·Annals of the Association of American Geographers
17 cites
Primary-Care Decentralization in the Southern Cone: Shantytown Health Care as Urban Social Movement

Joseph L. Scarpaci

Redemocratization in the Southern Cone has contended with a fiscally weakened state and ideologically divided groups. Years of free-market military rule have scaled back the welfare state and deteriorated public health care. Draconian cutbacks in public spending have forced private voluntary organizations (PVOs) to provide care for the urban poor. Shantytown health care and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have surfaced to fill the gap created by a shrinking public sector under military rule in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay. This paper overcomes some shortcomings of Weberian and Marxian analyses of bureaucratic behavior and empowered social groups through the study of shantytown health care as a new social movement. A comparative review of medical-care policy in Buenos Aires, Santiago, and Montevideo reveals that only Santiago and Montevideo hold promise for decentralization. Neighborhood-based activities in shantytowns remove primary care from the marketplace by decommodifying it. Success of shantytown health care under democratic rule depends on its ability to remain autonomous. In doing so, it would avoid cooptation by political parties and the stigmatized public health system.

Latin American Urban Studies
Politics and Society in Latin America
Original source