On a sweltering day in August 1873, Eliza R. Snow stood in the Ogden, Utah, tabernacle and addressed her sisters in the Relief Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. She recounted that church president Brigham Young had told her that he wanted a “good many” sisters to get a “classical education” and then to go on for further training in medicine. As described in the Woman's Exponent, the Salt Lake City–based newspaper that published on topics of interest to Latter-day Saint women, it is not clear which sentiments were Young's and which were actually Snow's. The article explained that younger women should train in medicine and older ones in nursing and obstetrics. In her concluding remarks, Snow summarized what had become a rallying cry of the 1870s. Women's “first business” was to their home duties but, Snow continued, “by seeking to perform every duty you will find that your capacity will increase, and you will be astonished at what you can accomplish.” Seeking to motivate her listeners Snow observed, “Don't you see that our sphere is increasing? Our sphere of action will continually widen, and no woman in Zion need to mourn because her sphere is too narrow.”1Eliza Snow was not the only Relief Society leader who recalled Young's call to action. That same August, Bathsheba Smith also remarked that Young encouraged women to receive training in medicine. The “President had suggested to her,” the Woman's Exponent explained, “that three women from each Ward in the city be chosen to form a class for studying physiology and obstetrics. Also, that one woman from each settlement be sent to the city to study the same branches, and that the Bishops see that such women be supported.”2 Both Snow and Smith were forceful voices in the Latter-day Saint community. Each had known the prophet Joseph Smith (Snow being secretly sealed as his plural wife) and made the arduous trek across the plains to Salt Lake City. Bathsheba was also one of the seven wives of George A. Smith, who was Young's first counselor in the First Presidency of the church. Within the decade, Latter-day Saint women established Deseret Hospital.Catholic residents of the territory of Utah were also calling on women to expand their traditional roles as healers. About the same time that Eliza Snow delivered her address, a mining foreman became concerned about the mortality rate among his workers.3 The completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869, the improvement of smelters and mills, and the arrival of non-Mormon workers had transformed Utah mining into a vast (and dangerous) commercial enterprise. Marcus Daly contacted Lawrence Scanlan, a fellow Irishman and newly arrived Catholic priest from San Francisco. While ministering in the raucous mining camp of Pioche, Nevada, Father Scanlan had raised funds to construct a small hospital for the injured and sick. Daly and Scanlan believed that something similar could be built for Utah miners. The hospital established by the Episcopal bishop, the six-bed St. Mark's (1872), was no longer adequate for the growing population. In October 1875, two Sisters of the Holy Cross who had recently arrived in Salt Lake City responded to Scanlan's appeal for women to nurse the sick by opening a hospital.Holy Cross Hospital expanded throughout the late nineteenth century and flourished for more than a hundred years. It closed in 1994 when the sisters sold it to a private hospital organization. On the other hand, the hospital established by Latter-day Saint women floundered. Deseret Hospital closed after little over a decade of operation. This article contends that while Deseret Hospital has been presented as an example of Latter-day Saint women's achievement in nondomestic occupations, in reality the care facility only had limited success. Indeed, part of the reason why Latter-day Saint women failed at establishing their hospital was due to the success of Catholic women in establishing theirs.In general, historians shy away from studying failures. However, by studying a short-lived project like Deseret Hospital, we can see the underlying structures that have limited women's achievements. This examination of why it failed (rather than simply celebrating the hospital's establishment) reveals what actually hampered women from widening their sphere of influence in a modernizing America.4 During the 1870s, both Latter-day Saint and Catholic women attempted to respond to the needs of the sick, but only Catholic women were able to effectively negotiate the transformation from home-based to hospital-based medical care. The Sisters of the Holy Cross were successful because they had perfected a system that was well adapted to modern medical care, unlike the women who founded Deseret Hospital. This essay presents a critical history of Deseret Hospital and concludes by briefly comparing Catholic women's efforts to those of the Latter-day Saints.Eliza Snow's 1873 call for women to study medicine paralleled instructions from Brigham Young to the Saints to maintain their frontier independence. As the railroads brought Mormons into the and Young the of the of the community. women to train in of medicine was only one of the Young Latter-day Saint women During an 1873 Young women not only to be but also to their by the to for the of the Relief were to the to the and and the in his address, women were told to to and in the While it was for the sisters to the of every other was for had about about women and have had a in but the of was more In 1869, Young and their as a to their and at Young that more than The Latter-day like of other that the be by and Mormons and the Woman's Exponent published Eliza Snow's call for it for is a and from the of and on the in the Latter-day Saints the by women at paralleled their in the of the and the the 1870s, the Saints were also Young a little time not a woman in will to have a can have a by was for more than and the cry for a Young in you have a in the for a and a The Latter-day like other were to the class of who their and Young had encouraged a to go to study and it not be that his Eliza Snow that the same should be for to at home well into the of medicine that a of and the sick in was to what become it not be after Young's in that women be to medicine and among the Saints. In the of a in the Church explained that one and while George and of the two and from the Women's of her in from the of While more were at other the only who were by Latter-day Saint an Latter-day Saint not simply the and the but also the and the The women had from medical they a of and training to an of and a hospital-based medical the same because their the of and medicine also the of the community. women had chosen a and church their by the of and the of a from other the women to the care of the Saints as a is not to the to which Latter-day Saint women the of medicine. history of Utah medicine that women were by the Relief on the and became in the no is for As we will not the and medicine throughout their have women who and in Utah the late nineteenth and but of were by Latter-day Saint church due to the of Utah and the of medical training of the were Latter-day Saints in Salt Lake City. Indeed, the successful of the was who was in Utah, and in was an and was in studying medicine in the growing of women in medicine throughout the to the of the in the when women were of that medicine became by women could study briefly and call in the women from a of simply Latter-day Saint had more and in medicine than in other of the it is to that the had their by the Relief Society of the for her medical her from for the Woman's to one it was her who built her a to her and to the of and he to her every it was a Relief Society Eliza R. Snow a and a in but no that sent other While at the as a in a and During her for a fellow medical arrived in Salt Lake to her a on the physiology and of the system and to to the The Woman's Exponent that the was a and the in every as as the the and the for were was a However, it was not was in not been The Exponent of the for in and become the and also a of to a on her in the efforts were not to for a medicine in a small to her made by and her private to train and the women a the Relief Society the training of and care, but it on the of the training of from being by the the and to find the funds for their and and to in the Latter-day Saints not such During of the nineteenth and other However, a of the late nineteenth and was the of for medical than became the of for and of the of medicine was the that and who in that the of medicine and to in and to to and that only could of training which to to as in a their was a women had and for their medical it was for to and to away from of the in medical that it is not that in two after from her medical published an article in the Woman's Exponent calling for the of a The not unlike the one it be to women and training and be and the of the Latter-day Saint of article also made it clear that believed medicine was not for those that made medical training to be one of to Salt Lake City had two but of those had been founded by three In Deseret Hospital in a of the hospital in to The one in and on a history of Latter-day Saint women a Deseret article that by the is for the only for that by hospital Eliza Snow and described the as and the capacity of and The medical that a of over to the that could not at Deseret Hospital. who could private to care for their at a hospital was to be a of their of the hospital as in the care of women and the that Deseret Hospital and and those in and of the church. after it in Deseret Hospital an for and women, one private and a the medical were and and for the hospital explained that Latter-day Saints more in an could and the sick, from the of those not of their the training of the and Deseret Hospital was not by Relief Society Latter-day Saint church While Relief Society on of Latter-day Saints Deseret Hospital in by mining and in the Deseret Hospital In on the day of the hospital's church the women's a newspaper that it was Salt Lake City who over a for to In the Deseret Hospital a for his of of and the raised by the as well as by the women and of the The Woman's Exponent and were to for Deseret Hospital. was while the Latter-day Saint the hospital the women to after Deseret Hospital Eliza president of the had to her fellow Saints that the hospital was a a that had to the about the hospital the Woman's Exponent after to the to the The then appeal to women and Relief were not in their and that was a Deseret Hospital In after the hospital into a the Deseret that while the could the of the Relief Society and Young in the was for funds to in the The Deseret Hospital told the that Hospital In the Woman's Exponent that about on the of but have the first into the the became in the hospital the Woman's Exponent one of a and made in a had been could not in an As for medical Relief Society women had they could not on a from church the the church not Deseret Hospital is not the the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was a by and and Catholic that a Zion had been built by The women's Relief Society was a while more than they in the it on women's and to In the the continually the Latter-day Saint little in and was by a of Deseret Hospital at In the three were Eliza R. and women were Relief Society of women's and to that from to the a a of the of other Relief Society women and the hospital to that was in The hospital's first medical was a of Brigham Young and a church Young to have had little at the as at that time was of a Latter-day Saint hospital have been the of but when Deseret Hospital as first As in the hospital and medical in in and the of women and not have a medical She and her a in Utah in and were that in St. to Salt Lake established a in to to the of medicine. at in have more time on than of the and paralleled that of who also was a an and president of the Women's after the of Deseret Hospital, a the of by Eliza R. and it Young not to have been In the was brought the of the Salt Lake the Deseret published a of the by church were in the of of the an of the of a to the of Deseret Hospital had of being and believed was an a and a The not only the the women had about her to the that her had been in the of and that the the of the to when the her not that is of your that it is not simply the the to the Saints about the that the the Deseret Hospital and had to who those on the about for the sisters of the Eliza for the a was that only the hospital's was Snow had simply the and the but the The The had been Snow the sisters to those The was that made a of the and that Snow it for that the were not the they have the of the the of Deseret Hospital was and the church had to to the published by also Salt Lake of the that in every the was no to the of the Deseret Hospital that have and because to have and from those have been for and then of his not the Deseret Hospital to not to but he the to of by the and her to her and the he that what as and to the of the the women to and Deseret Hospital a of the that a of women as they to negotiate medicine be in a modernizing and in of their clear of the of the established and Relief Society women than the medical The church As they were well of of and and of was a but also was a a and not from a medical have her but her the of the Saints was church not to the they for The women, who and to in the one Latter-day Saint as women the care of the sick in their they in In the not over an The was not what Eliza Snow had in when women studying the of Snow to as the president of the Deseret Hospital In a and of the the hospital was became the president of the Deseret Hospital Deseret article published that same has Young as The of which to the of Deseret Hospital, was than of the of the Deseret Hospital in the of and in women's the and the Deseret Hospital from Utah women's The one on Deseret Hospital to a briefly and the not her and not Both Young and their which they had in when they had to the on a In to the delivered a to from the women of Utah, and their in became president of the Salt Lake However, after from the Latter-day Saint became a which to her in It was only then that Utah for The first of Deseret Hospital not into history and her has been Deseret Hospital no the who be the of the Relief Society In October a after into a to the were being at the facility and were for those a hospital of a two an a a a and a have no hospital from the at the but the Deseret on her in the from one and an on to two a from the of a who and the hospital after a at the hospital of her time and time to in In October secretly became the of as president of the Salt Lake on the Deseret Hospital of was and The plural two after the which such as a and a and a hundred was also and after to such as and were to be and their to to and were to In a to be a who a hospital a to at her and into In to a and when the their they to the and then on to after in her a the of as an in a not her medical in her She explained to her that her in had her for hospital was about being a in a on the of a on the at Deseret Hospital will be able to medicine day as She also told her believed from her time at Deseret Hospital. of to from at the of the at of the in and of She described being on call as a that on what to Utah from to only and in that known as the of to on then a that have of and could the but is not the not care for the of modern medicine. She not to in a system not only her but also after on in had more over who they as well as and hospital care was in to a hospital when failed the sick had no were the of the sick. a medical more like that of two other Latter-day Saint and Deseret Hospital, of women in the hospital's women in their and of their time in a they for and The delivered which brought than to and Deseret Hospital in her of Deseret Hospital had a which not published in and Deseret Hospital the care of for only a when over in October in the of the nursing in as in Joseph was medical but was no to the care of a a to be in the and to It over two for to become at Deseret Hospital. that his and to as became of the care was by was a in the medical In sold her home and and to study medicine. of her had of and the her In became the first woman to study at what become the Hospital. her funds the Relief Society her to the Women's of She her first and her on her for women's at as president of the Young and became a for the Relief Society were and her not in the She had and in the was However, like in a of Deseret Hospital, In secretly became his The hospital a of from to to in and of the for a to the and as well as one who was injured a of The for of and During the as and She also her by at the hospital on and we can of in the Deseret Hospital described her can only about the as the was that it could not be to reason for in her at Deseret Hospital is that not see her in a because the hospital was to Bathsheba Smith to her Relief Society sisters that Deseret Hospital was need of a little This in an on in for the in had on the hospital's and the of the women of the of the hospital by both and those simply at the facility She that for care and the not which is over one and hundred the of However, the hospital each and the at This was of the that have to the have not to the of the and were In a of that the facility for of in history is by a Salt Lake article that the hospital in because of the for the The Deseret Hospital The hospital have been in the of the in a woman as as the hospital's her was not only it was a for her the hospital and should for The hospital and the was into a for the of was the of Deseret Hospital was due to more the women could not the for training in what was an (and While was among of Deseret Hospital, women in Utah not have to the to train and as well as medical of the of the frontier nineteenth not the the Latter-day Saint women could not on a system to (and church had wanted a hospital and by Latter-day Saint women, they not have a to that The as well as were by a on was not the only reason that Deseret Hospital The that over to a was no in the of medical care from the home to the In the of women were at a because their were in traditional than had in in the her not to a frontier by and Deseret Hospital to and church who the their the also were not for the of hospital care in the late nineteenth In of her hospital little of at Deseret Hospital. that a of medical on the and by the her for her at Deseret Hospital, her about her we can have her time at the hospital and her about on her also to that too was by the of hospital-based medical care. Latter-day Saint women were and for the of of the that Deseret Hospital it is that it as as it However, what historians have in in medical care is hospital by women was successful and to the The Sisters of the Holy Cross had their hospital in 1875, two after Eliza Snow Latter-day Saint women to medical training and seven the of Deseret the St. Hospital of the Holy the they had became too small for their needs and the Holy Cross sisters and the then the to the Deseret Hospital which as their first Deseret Hospital to and Holy Cross Hospital The in at a of and could it first Holy Cross was one of of founded by Catholic sisters in the late nineteenth In sisters at Holy Cross Hospital and to by The sisters had a that a a and a of private were for women, sick and In to the was also a and a In the the care of one that of Deseret that in were only in Utah and to a Utah of was clear that of to be in a Catholic That the city not to to Deseret Hospital because the women as as the Catholic Catholic sisters who to Utah made about medical care that the women who Deseret Hospital. the sisters not have their were a modernizing medical care the women of Deseret Hospital, the sisters away from the hospital As as the sisters an of a a and be to the hospital for In the sisters mining to their Each who wanted to be into a to the sisters could on a of which and While and continued, funds the more and commercial of a modernizing from the sisters were able to and a hospital to those who could such care and who to that a than a was a of As frontier Utah to commercial Utah, the and Holy Cross Hospital the needs of a concerned class and The Holy Cross Sisters an that as as to have The in brought in when Salt Lake City that was the In a medical on and to than to to to Holy Cross had a of and the hospital is in a This was not simply because Catholic were at Holy it was because Latter-day Saints the more the that Deseret Hospital the Sisters of the Holy Cross a of and as the sisters not have to and their was in their to the of the needs of a modern Catholic were and on of was the of and also an form of when it to medical care. the Latter-day Saint women at Deseret Hospital, the Sisters of the Holy Cross were not Catholic women not such medical as a part of an women's sisters not in medicine. they need to in and to become Holy Cross sisters traditional of and that at first not to be modern but in the of century women their in a modernizing medical system in other sisters the of medical care because on In Catholic of women the and the that made a In the of Utah, the Sisters of the Holy Cross (rather than the the Sisters on the hospital's and the hospital's and and Sisters and the nursing that to their The of Holy Cross Hospital which could a a and a it be the who had the about the throughout the the of their perfected on their of to effectively over their were not by church as they had been at Deseret Catholic of women were not were not the of the Indeed, they had to the sisters they to their from the of an not the that the of The of the Holy Cross Sisters when one of their a hospital in one on could from a could the and the sisters the when hospital Catholic sisters also the of care. in the when to be more in hospital care, Catholic sisters their in their of is on and that a and of that can be established they need not be Deseret Hospital could not on a of and who their on to the of Eliza Snow a a in but of the from her and her as a and a to be a as an example of be in for an to over and However, a more is that the of an is for be it to be of the of the their into their the women were in medicine. Latter-day Saint women in time and not other the of Catholic sisters not become they other women Holy Cross Sisters and their than for the more training of Catholic sisters and Both the and the medical training that sisters were and their Holy Cross Sisters established of a not to to that he could hospital across the and could from to The women in it is to Latter-day Saint women to Catholic women who had been in the However, it is to that it was only the nineteenth century that Catholic sisters made to the modern of and In Holy Cross Sisters had to the of a two after their in than they had the hospital in In were about Catholic in the that had to In were hundred sisters in the that had to The success of Holy Cross Hospital was due not simply to the and of women but to the that the to Saint women, to the needs of the of also expanded their as they the and to be medical as Eliza Snow observed, and their However, what Latter-day Saint women (and failed to was to their and a for in a modern that women to in their Latter-day Saint women were but their were The of Deseret Hospital the of women to negotiate the and the of the
In his “Easy Chair” column in the September 1953 issue of Harper's magazine, Utah native son Bernard DeVoto reported on a newly popular form of lodging growing up all over the West—the motel. To him the word motel was an “awkward word, a coinage out of the folksiness that named the suburb's Kan-di-Korner,” but for the motorist it had conveniences that made it superior to a hotel. DeVoto dubbed the motel “the highway's hotel,” a boon to the motorist who wanted nothing to do with tipping bellboys or crowded lobbies but preferred to carry in his own bags to his spacious air-conditioned room.1 According to DeVoto, motels and their towns sprouted like mushrooms along the highways of the West.DeVoto's commentary is valuable for his accurate description and the signal it sent: motels were here to stay. They were everywhere in the West, along the edges of the highways and lining the town sidewalks. As DeVoto makes clear, motels offered a clean private room, along with the privacy and ease of parking right outside the door. This hybrid form of lodging replaced the old tourist cabins and courts with something new and modern, befitting the postwar era. World War II was over, and the consumer economy was heating up. American families took off in their station wagons looking for the authentic West of cowboys and Indians they saw in movie westerns. Traveling businessmen appreciated the desks, free stationery, and a telephone to the switchboard in every motel room. But the neon lights and the swimming pool were put in to attract the pleasure traveler who chose the motel while driving through what DeVoto dubbed “Motel Town.”The advent of the motel and its impact on Utah and the Mountain West was more complicated than DeVoto suspected. The building of motels at mid-century was spurred by the expansion of the highways and robust consumer spending but could not have taken place without the investment of capital and labor in the family motel business. Three Utah men played prominent roles in the growth of the motel industry in Utah and the Intermountain West: Ray Knell of Cedar City, Bentley Mitchell of Logan, and Ken Orton of Salt Lake City and Phoenix. All three were actively involved in creating business associations that set up the scaffolding for an extensive western hospitality network. The regional lodging associations were a crucial step in the metamorphosis of the lodging industry from small, family-owned motels to the later dominance of the nationwide motel chains like Holiday Inn.These three men helped enable the rapid growth of the motel industry in the modern West by founding affiliate organizations on a state, regional, and national level. For the motel entrepreneurs the organizations created networks of friendship that insulated the owners from the uncertainties of expansion in an era of ascendant Fordism.2 In the postwar era of increasing federal control, notably the expansion of the interstate highway system, the trade associations gave the owners a forum to voice their concerns. Small business associations lobbied for relief from the regulatory apparatus of federal oversight. Those associations would later become lifelines to their very existence as family-owned motels became overshadowed by the expansion of corporate lodging chains.Born in the early twentieth century and reared on farms in Utah, all three of the Utah motel entrepreneurs were embedded in a culture of market capitalism mediated by the Mormon historical experience and values. The Mormon value of cooperation, a hallmark of the faith's approach to capitalism, was reflected in the construction of the associations.3 The Utah motel men drew upon skills gained while serving as missionaries for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and through later church leadership experience. Influenced by the Mormon cooperative tradition, they formed networks of business connections to promote tourist lodging. A striking similarity among the Mormon moteliers in their religious practice and family relationships illuminates the cultures of capitalism in the Mormon culture region in Utah and beyond. By seeing the Mormon motel entrepreneurs as embedded in a culture of cooperative and competitive capitalism, we can better understand the forces shaping entrepreneurial tourism in the Intermountain West.4Utah played an important role in luring tourists to the West. Tourists to Salt Lake City on the Union Pacific Railroad in the late nineteenth century sought glimpses of the private life of polygamy, but local boosters turned their attention to the impressive architecture and birds-eye views of new parks and boulevards. Indeed, Salt Lake City was dubbed the crossroads of the West, and the “See America First” movement originated in the state's capital city. The expansion of state and federal highways across the West ushered in the automobile age, and Utah became a proving ground for roadside businesses like the motel.5The history of the distinctively American motel has generally been set within the context of highway travel. Historian Warren Belasco argues that the desire for comfort and convenience powered the tourist court mania and subsequent motel boom. While Belasco's book provides an excellent history of the genesis of tourist courts, it ends in 1945, before the postwar economic recovery gave a boost to motel construction.6 John Jakle and Keith Sculle propose that motels followed the same place-product-packaging marketing strategy as gas stations and roadside restaurants, relying heavily on branding to provide a reliable sameness to their customers.7 This story of a trio of Utah motel men demonstrates the importance of business associations in explaining the sudden rise of motels, the subject of DeVoto's 1953 essay in Harper's Magazine.8The foundation of modern tourism in the West, from highway towns to mountain canyons, began by building places for tourists to stay. The word motel was coined in San Luis Obispo, California, in 1926, but it was not commonly used as a term until the 1950s, at about the same time DeVoto brought it to the attention of his readers.9 The predecessor to the motel was the tourist court, a group of cabins around a filling station with an open court facing the highway. DeVoto did not think highly of the cabins: “A motel may be dingy or uncomfortable but at its worst it is always better than the highway's slum structures, the corn cribs and chicken coops called, offensively to our patriotic tradition, ‘Cabins.’”10 The growth of tourist lodgings in Utah followed the same pattern, of maturing from auto camp to tourist court to motel.11Motels did not “sprout” up, as DeVoto alleged, but many were built on the foundations of tourist courts already on Main Street. Courts changed their painted signs to electric neon and updated the architecture from homey to modern by building a shared roof and raised portico. Newer motels were built on either side of the highways outside town to lure tired motorists before they reached the downtown business district. The tall neon signs beckoned to the highway traveler who scanned the roadside at dusk to find a place to stay. DeVoto complained that his stay in Motel Town was often sleepless because “the whirr, hum, and flick of passenger cars continue all night.” Because of the glow of the colorful neon outlining the windows and eaves, “The tourist closes the venetian blinds, turns out the lights in his room, and may still read the Gideon Bible without eyestrain.”12 His observations help us appreciate the novelty of the both the architecture and the art form of roadside lodging.There was money to be made owning a motel in the West as tourism replaced mining and agriculture as a significant economic contributor in the mid-twentieth century. Motel net profits were reported to range from 36 percent in the late 1930s, to around 25 percent in the 1940s. The profit margins resulted from low and with on family labor and and the the motel the the of In the early the the industry trade magazine, was on the of industry percent of as net profit has reached a it attract and of were who could the labor of their and could on family for investment small, businesses became as the motels, family businesses that had a low to with the of a of Ray Knell of Cedar City the of building a motel business and associations to promote western travel. in Knell up on a in In for a in California, and his Bentley in They to Cedar City, and by the time a tourist court in they had three The along to new of construction with a for a of Knell the of a motel court the that modern of motel By the was on the of modern with its over the The with but the were very in in modern with venetian at the were with a used in was of a postwar business in Cedar City at the of automobile motels in town were to by at and The in Cedar City be to of the tourist in of the state, with a to provide excellent for a of up the of new motels and to the tourists driving the highways to the national City was the to and parks and the In the early twentieth tourists took the to the town the Utah by to the the advent of automobile the of a to the tourist The to the not the To to “the they in and they and for their to money from Knell the of and owners of the in to his on the side of the motel The Cedar City of a the town as the to the Utah a of and tourist courts the tourist of was an early of the The history of as the with his and in of In was not by but by a group of men Knell and John both from The motel men the for at a of the Courts in in or They were that Courts in was in its and that “the it offered were the group of entrepreneurs the and of and comfort in an era of in the motel was a boon to motel owners who wanted to to a motel of A at motel could the to a at motel for This was a valuable in an era were made by The the of the of western motel a for and be of the be for of the time the for but it was in creating a of motels a Knell was in on the ground of the As of a founding Knell along as as to owners to the the of in the same region to they were state and regional lodging By Knell was the and the of the Utah was the of the Utah Motel and a to promote tourism from to offered Ray and Knell the to As a of the national of of the American and his in City, and In the took a to the of at the of the to a in and to the his motel business Ray became a in Cedar to the of the 1953 of and of the Knell was a of the and the of As a the local to signs the at the and the at the brought business to Cedar City, state of motel owners and the Utah his church as a in local Mormon from until of his to his and a of his leadership was an early in the motel who his in Cedar City played an important role in and state tourism The of his and him to and the business and to better the of his was to motel and stay in a highway but his to and in trade associations had an impact on the of motels not in the state, but in the western Ray Utah motel Bentley Mitchell in his local to his in Mitchell a Latter-day to from gained a in the and became to church his Utah They in and on the family in In was to to as of the who had in as a him with their three in early Mitchell the construction of the Latter-day and a new for the in Church from Salt Lake City for the in and the was by three from as as While in Mitchell gained skills and in to his as Mitchell to than to stay on the family his to in Mitchell to a as a motel In the Mitchell Motel on the The low the and to cars up to the of their a story was A tall neon with at the with out in a the A of and modern the Mitchell Motel was of motels in along with the was in many and was an of the Utah Motel and the American In his motel Mitchell was more than a regional as of the of of the American out of City, In role sought from state on industry as the newly federal highways and the of with from owners of courts and motels from to was in the of the had at the Utah in Salt Lake City in September The in and to without a by the distinctively Mormon local the a to the Salt Lake for its and a of the city. the was a with by the of By the time they Salt Lake City, the would have had a to not Mormon culture in Utah, but Pacific as by was a founding of the a group of hospitality along from to The was at the of in in September by a group of hospitality owners of motels, and The of the was with about of the and in Utah, in and in A the of at the in Salt Lake City, a that many of the have been Utah founding in September for the of a of and the The was for the to be played in and on the the on had the of on by In the of the the was the on to the They with the on to and of in its from Utah, in to in Those the that were their and local were not new Mitchell the the to the Mitchell of built around the from of to the out to their of at the in they took through the a and a in business off by a of and all for While the businessmen and their the up the of for the and to in their of capital would be to the of by to be to But were signs of the of a of to in and the of for a movie the is but it that the in or a of and a nationwide of Bentley Mitchell may have played a in the of the was from up a new in for a local his in on with His was to their and the Bentley as was the of the Mitchell to its the motel a of business from Utah The to the of town In had at the Motel for the for an to a before their that the motel to to Indeed, to that were to by the motel the at the Motel and for the group to stay at the Mitchell they did of but by the of in the Pacific have made more to of the in provide that was a a Mitchell tourism in the a local to a group of tourists on a in with the and the and the tourists were to a and the of of the Utah and who of the put excellent that old Utah hospitality always The business of Mitchell the importance of the to the of motel Mitchell and his used the Mitchell Motel in as the for motel growth through the West. In his as an in and the Mitchell was embedded in national lodging networks that him to national in motel Indeed, his out of to his in the but his to within organizations and promote their him to within the a but on his Knell and Mitchell built their motels, Utah native John Orton his in in in Utah, his in began a Latter-day in Orton was of missionaries in all of with the of the and more The and the native and of the the was in three of His gave him valuable in and him to and they had Ken and a local business and in the of the the of the became its motels as a later by at as at old had money to a on Main Street. it for a it and later to the on By the late motels on in Salt Lake City, the and the The was a with Ray who was to his capital was to in on the ground of owning a Orton upon the of church who wanted to a to by the prominent The was a of The The a of by early church John became a of the for in its and to the Mormon son later was a family business in made the the and and helped with the and Orton to have been embedded in the of Mormon business and but had set his on a as a World War Orton was among from who the American in in was as of with the of more in to that did not motel owners to As that in to the the was to and of the that a who had than had to be offered a a that did not to In a in the Orton they to to open an in to for their Orton was in that and motels in profits because of the that they had to provide for the many and were from their was not until that the were still the importance of as a voice for motel owners was for the his The story is that the Ken to to his in a for the of have been the but more was to by the business in By had his Utah motels for a from the and a to The family to Ken the at West and it to His profits from were his hospitality business at a but more capital for a business a who was from a in a of took and formed a that the at and a in and the profits in his The in was while with his in that that the would The and put the in to over in the West. His businesses a of the World War and became as and Orton were in for the tourists who to to the motel Motel on on and motels in and But it they did not have capital to as as they in the for the the for to for to the and room, and to the and his in Orton a from of Utah, his life they had the and in early Ken to his still in a as as the is have to but have had for him the the was for the to his the court business a of more than and more to in to A they were of and of the to be to put in more the who the would have to and the they to a they were to from the the motels were took in in a percent over the to for of in the new in the The built their with the and in by from the and the the and and who a and motel in Salt Lake City, the group of would become the for their of built by In they built the at on from Orton took for the and it was as with courts and all the of a The architecture was of the motels, with open by made of by all painted in To in more a to motels and across the The to lodging with an of court, and the term from his hospitality business the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints him to as in the of his as a In late and his to of his was to better with the was in three and in increasing the of missionaries from to was in a of from the at the Orton the motel business was not as His took a from in to the family motel His to his of for profits and labor in business has off very were from for the have been and find that it is all over town but we to a to out more and to up more was to the business and did not have the to the Ken Orton an of and was from his a in Salt Lake City and to in Orton his with a hotel. In built the on A for the motel in the it of the modern a the by a swimming is by a room, room, and private a out of who had and the took out a in The the of the in the Orton and his had made the from highway motels to with and that for local organizations and private was the in at The was of a in the American West of and of the but have been by his for the of in the of Orton a his of the as son became a and the a in that took him to and The was turned over to but the families their in the until the and in the By building the motels as tourism to the owners a foundation for the growth of tourism in the to Salt Lake City to Orton to become a regional in the hospitality the to the Orton an business associations that helped him by building motels in the West. His in his experience in the growing hospitality industry in By his we better understand the highway motel gave rise to the of the story of the three Utah motel with its in the of Mitchell and Orton in us better understand the growth of motels in the West, as by The men their were in building business associations that the foundation for the automobile tourism of tourist courts and experience in church and organizations skills in the associations they and in the western They were with the motel owners from and were at business Mormon skills were put to as they up new to their own they to be to organizations they would and their church leadership they to and associations they helped a culture of capitalism that the edges of competitive The networks of state, regional, and national associations helped their in an corporate economy that was more subject to state and federal The associations were like before chains like Holiday the hospitality The organizations were not but became organizations in an era of expansion of federal business role of the of three men is more to Bentley Knell and Orton were as of their but Mitchell is to us because in the business can that were as the of motel owners their to The up for the and and The gave the a to the and The the a from the of on and for their motel were up in the local a that their in The history of their has to be but is to understand the of their motel on family labor and the capital from family networks and like life As family changed and federal highways from the motels were to in The of motels in the with in but began to by The of the era to the of the of family-owned motels, and by the early owners from chains like Holiday and The motel owners to stay and they began off motels in the early as the chains for the of who could better money at a and the of the were in the of the family-owned business. would be to that the chains motels were by their as changed who wanted to the business could do by a from a with and a highway motels have Ray who had up of to the of his motel took over the the of Knell in the was to become the by Cedar City, of the in the Utah the Mitchell Motel to as its of the motels was to the was to in The were of a of from who the motels by the and of who built in Utah, is a motel at every on and Salt Lake City, and in every town along the or a national their who motels, the on family capital and and a national business the American The of the the western lodging and its impact on Utah, is Mormon Mitchell and the for Mormon hospitality industry and the of America and America in and Utah, built his from in in the business did not until the and on the but his Utah Mormon his own business motel men in the Intermountain West created the foundation for the from family businesses to to the of Bernard DeVoto would have about the hospitality of is open for his clean his or the would have something to we were to read of his we would and our in But be to the of the mid-century highway motels at time the owners at the and their brought of to room. for old motels has spurred their motels, with their open colorful neon and convenience to tourists for an authentic in the of the old motels a of to motel towns all over the West. the tourists a while by the they a to the motel of the West.
After John J. Duff and John P. Frank published books on Abraham Lincoln’s legal career in the early 1960s, more than forty years passed before another book on the subject appeared.1 This remarkable drought for the fecund soil of Lincolniana ended, however, when the Lincoln Legal Papers project (LLP) revitalized interest in lawyer Lincoln. Under the leadership of Cullom Davis and Daniel Stowell, the LLP collected, cataloged, and scanned thousands of documents. A complete edition was published in 2000 in DVD format; it has been superseded by an online edition that appeared in 2009.2 A four-volume selected edition was published by the University of Virginia Press in 2008.3 Moreover, members of the LLP staff—the late William D. Beard, Davis, Susan Krause, John A. Lupton, Stacy Pratt McDermott, Christopher A. Schnell, and Stowell—also were producing much of the new scholarship on Lincoln’s law practice or, more generally, law in Lincoln’s Illinois.4In the antediluvian era, biographers paid little attention to Lincoln’s law practice. Lincoln biographies usually included a couple of chapters that touched on his legal career. Albert J. Beveridge, in his 1928 biography, mentioned a fair number of cases but discussed at length only a handful; those cases have become canonical. Until the onset of the LLP, most biographies only mentioned the same cases that Beveridge had highlighted: In re Jane Bryant (the Matson case); State v. Armstrong (the Almanac Trial); Illinois Central Rail Road v. McLean County; McCormick v. Talcott (the Manny Reaper case); and Hurd v. Rock Island Bridge Company (the Effie Afton case).5Biographers had neglected Lincoln’s law practice for a couple of reasons. First, as Herndon once wrote, “a law office is a dull, dry place.”6 Biographers weren’t interested in the legal practice, because they believed the legal practice wasn’t interesting. But there were other reasons as well. J. G. Randall, in 1936, noted how important sources for Lincoln’s law practice “still remain difficult of access.”7 Mark E. Neely, in 1993, concluded that “Lincoln’s professional life remains surprisingly inaccessible to the historian as well, though the problem in this realm is largely archival.” Neely also believed that “more specialized studies” of the “arcane legal practices” of Lincoln’s day were needed.8 Those two problems—accessibility of documents and demystifying specialized studies—have been met by the publication of the legal papers and by the extensive scholarship by the LLP staff and others.Although David Donald’s 1995 biography was written while the LLP was still collecting and sorting documents, it nonetheless showed the LLP’s impact on Lincoln scholarship. Donald hailed the LLP as “perhaps the most important archival investigation now under way in the United States.” Donald had been able to examine unpublished documents from the LLP files and thus gave the most complete accounting of Lincoln’s law practice in a biography. The benefits of the LLP were again seen in Michael Burlingame’s magisterial biography, published in 2008. Recent books that have focused on the pre-presidential years also reflect the influence of the LLP in their treatment of the law practice.9Other writers also have benefited from LLP’s vast riches. At least fourteen books on Lincoln’s law practice have been published since 2000. There have been two general treatments of the law practice, a study of Lincoln’s cases involving the medical profession, an analysis of Lincoln’s murder cases, a collection of articles on different aspects of the law practice, and two books examining Lincoln’s circuit riding.10 Seven books have focused on one particular case handled by Lincoln. Five are on canonical cases: two on the Almanac Trial, two on the Effie Afton case, and one on the Matson case.11 The other two books explore relatively overlooked murder cases.12Both Dekle and McGinty have taken great advantage of the materials collected by the LLP. McGinty notes that “all modern studies of Lincoln’s legal practice are indebted to the Lincoln Legal Papers project.” After noting the Legal Papers are “indispensable sources of information,” McGinty states, “This book could not have been written, nor could the story of the Effie Afton case have been told—or told as well—without them” (10). Dekle reproduces all the legal documents from the LLP case file on the Almanac Trial as an appendix (151–64). Both cases were included in The Papers of Abraham Lincoln: Legal Documents and Cases.13Dekle and McGinty have very different goals for their books. Dekle calls the Almanac Trial Lincoln’s “most famous case.” He does not argue that the case was particularly important for Lincoln or that it has any wider significance for American history. He is interested in trying to uncover what actually happened at the trial. McGinty calls the Effie Afton case the “most significant of Lincoln’s career” and “one of the most important ever heard in Illinois.” If anything, McGinty believes that this “strangely neglected” case should be more widely known. His goal is not only to tell the story of the Effie Afton case but to explain Lincoln’s role and to place the case in a broader context of the “epochal clash of the railroads and the steamboats at the river’s edge” (2). Both authors achieve their aims in writing these books. And both books share something else: well-chosen illustrations.Most of the documents uncovered by the LLP yield little without great effort. Docket entries, pleadings, and subpoenas are all mostly formulaic. The materials available for these two cases are markedly different, and the two authors capitalize on the differences. The Effie Afton case was one of only three cases handled by Lincoln that produced what would now be called a transcript of the trial (102).14 Because the Duff Armstrong murder trial was featured in Lincoln campaign biographies, participants and observers left behind many reminiscences.15 Dekle’s main task is sorting out these conflicting reminiscences to determine what probably happened at the trial.Both Dekle and McGinty are lawyers. James G. Randall in his 1936 essay “Has the Lincoln Theme Been Exhausted?” observed that “the hand of the amateur has rested heavily upon Lincoln studies.” Randall believed that Lincoln scholarship required “further critical development by historically trained scholars.”16 The hand of lawyers has rested heavily on studies of lawyer Lincoln. The first five books about Lincoln’s law practice were written by lawyers who had no historical training: Frederick Trevor Hill (1906); John T. Richards (1916), Albert A. Woldman (1936), Duff (1960), and Frank (1961).17 When Neely revisited Randall’s essay in 1979, he noted that “legal history is an area where professionalism has been slow to take command.” In 1979 this was still an area where Randall’s “trained historical specialist is rarely seen.”18Dekle in the preface to his book modestly admits he is “neither a historian nor a Lincoln Scholar” (x). Dekle practiced criminal law for thirty years as an assistant district attorney. He is now the director of the Criminal Prosecution Clinic at the University of Florida Levin College of Law. McGinty left the practice of law to become a professional writer and historian. Like Lincoln the lawyer, McGinty the historian is self-taught. Among his ten previous books are well-received studies of the Supreme Court during the Civil War and the case of Ex parte Merryman.19Both authors believe that their own experiences as lawyers help them understand lawyer Lincoln. This, in fact, is the central conceit of Dekle’s book. Dekle says that he “felt equal to the task of unraveling the Almanac Trial because if I had learned anything during my three decades as a criminal trial lawyer, I learned how to investigate, prosecute, and defend murder cases.” Dekle carries this argument of authority too far, and it sometimes leads him to presentism. He assumes throughout the book that practicing law in Illinois in 1850s is the same as practicing law now. Dekle often makes conclusions based on his own experience, assuming that his time spent in a Florida courtroom in the past thirty years are the same as Lincoln’s experiences in antebellum Illinois. For example, he says, “In my experiences as a trial lawyer, negative character evidence of this type is near worthless” (104).For example, Dekle points out that Duff Armstrong could have had a lawyer appointed to represent him if he couldn’t afford the services of one but that the lawyer wouldn’t have been paid. Dekle then asserts, “It is an unfortunate fact of life, however, that underpaid lawyers often do not defend their clients with the zeal displayed by well-paid lawyers” (3). But has this “fact of life” always been true? Armstrong’s case was tried when judges and lawyers rode the circuit. Each county of the circuit held two terms of court. Holding court was a form of public entertainment, and members of the community would turn out to see trials. With large crowds in attendance, wouldn’t even an unpaid lawyer have a lot at stake? Effective representation would be an advertisement for future legal services.This presentist viewpoint permeates the book. One example is the discussion of William Norris, who was charged with murder along with Duff Armstrong. Norris, who had been charged and acquitted of murder a year earlier in Macon County, did not attempt to change venue to another county, a move that might have benefited him. This fact has led to “unjustified criticism” of his lawyer, William Walker, according to Dekle, who explains that this “gross error” wasn’t his lawyer’s fault.The assumption is what is lawful or ethical for lawyers now was lawful or ethical in Illinois in 1857. The law of lawyering was not fully developed in antebellum America; there weren’t any laws or formal bar association rules that are analogous to modern codes of ethics or disciplinary rules.20Dekle rejects one version of Lincoln’s cross-examination of Charles Allen (which claimed Lincoln didn’t question Allen about the almanac but instead turned to the jurors and asked whom they believed), because it would have been “excellent theater but improper trial procedure. During the examination of a witness, the lawyers simply ask questions of the witness without making asides to the jury.” Lincoln’s purported behavior would have been a “breach of courtroom protocol” (88). While this behavior would undoubtedly be a breach of courtroom protocol in any modern courtroom, I’m not sure the rule applied in 1857. A complicating factor for Dekle’s assumption about courtroom rules is that in 1857, an Illinois statute said that the jury was to “be judges of the law and the facts.”21Dekle in his penultimate chapter is more careful about not applying twenty-first-century standards to the Almanac Trial. Some writers have characterized Lincoln’s final argument as inflammatory and unethical, as Lincoln assumed facts not in evidence and made emotional appeals based on his relationship with the Armstrong family. While Dekle concedes by “modern standards” Lincoln’s argument was objectionable, he answers this criticism by pointing out, “We have no business using a twenty-first-century yardstick to measure a nineteenth-century speech” (113). Another criticism of Lincoln is that he unethically refused to hear what a witness wanted to tell him about what he saw that fateful evening. Lincoln was planning to call Will Watkins to establish that he was the owner of the possible murder weapon. Watkins, who later said he had seen Armstrong strike Metzker with a wagon hammer, was afraid that once he got on the witness stand he would have to tell what he saw. According to one account, Watkins “began to tell Lincoln what he knew, and Mr. Lincoln would not allow him to tell him anything” (135). Dekle establishes that there would been no duty for a defense lawyer in 1857 to discover what Watkins knew. Finally, Dekle discusses whether the cross-examination of Watkins by the state would have been restricted to matters Watkins had testified about during Lincoln’s direct examination, as some writers have questioned whether that rule existed in antebellum Illinois. While Dekle can’t find a case on point from Illinois before 1929, he cites a U.S. Supreme Court opinion that in 1840 had recognized this rule as “well established” (115–16).Dekle presents three different versions of the Armstrong murder trial that he has found in the literature about the case. Version one has Lincoln securing acquittal by his masterful cross-examination of a key prosecution witness. Through the use of an almanac, Lincoln proves that the witness would not have been aided by moonlight to have seen what he claimed he saw. This version “has entered the pantheon of great moments in the history of American trial advocacy” (7). The urtext for the version was the novel The Graysons: A Story of Illinois (1887).22 Version two (which, chronologically, appeared first) has Lincoln securing acquittal primarily through an emotional appeal in his closing argument that mentioned Lincoln’s relationship in New Salem with Armstrong’s father, who had recently died. This version, which doesn’t mention Lincoln’s cross-examination or use of the almanac, was tied to Lincoln’s campaign for president; it first appeared in the Cleveland Leader the day after Lincoln was nominated for president at the Republican national convention. Lincoln’s representation of Duff Armstrong then figured prominently in campaign biographies, which obviously helps explain why it became Lincoln’s “most famous case” (13).23 Version three also was connected to Lincoln’s presidential campaign; it was the counternarrative advanced by Lincoln’s opponents. This version depicted Lincoln faking the almanac. Instead of the virtuous lawyer, there was “Lincoln the Trickster” (18–19).Dekle ultimately concludes that “the famous cross-examination” didn’t happen. He looks at the various versions of it. (That Dekle calls these versions “variant transcripts” is like calling a forged Monet painting a “variant Monet,” since none of them is a transcript of the cross-examination [87].) Some of these versions are rightly dismissed out of hand because they are fictional or dramatizations of what the writer believed likely happened. Others are dismissed because they are factually inaccurate. Irving Younger, an expert of the law of evidence, concocted a mixture of earlier versions (94).Dekle is convinced that Lincoln used an almanac to contradict Allen’s testimony. The dispute, for Dekle, “arises over when Lincoln did his contradicting” (87). Lincoln could have immediately confronted the witness during the cross-examination, or he could have waited to contradict the witness during his final argument. Dekle concludes Lincoln waited. J. W. Donovan, the first to claim that Lincoln confronted Allen during his cross-examination, did so in 1898 (over forty years later!) and appears to have appropriated the cross-examination from Eggleston’s fictional account.But what good did the almanac do? Dekle details the “precise nature of the contradiction Lincoln found in the almanac.” Charles Allen, the key witness against Armstrong, testified that he saw the by the of the Some sources claim that the almanac showed there was no in the that while claim Lincoln’s almanac showed the was near Dekle concludes that the almanac showed the was near He rejects those who the almanac no as their as they Dekle also rejects the which first appeared during the presidential campaign of for 1857 showed the on the the almanac would have been a because the for 1857 showed that the had not that the was a Dekle the that Lincoln used a almanac by pointing out that the would have him as Dekle had a McGinty the Effie Afton case on the The first five chapters the of the by the of the Effie Afton against the Bridge McGinty with a discussion of the of on the He also discusses Lincoln’s with and and his early for like and McGinty also details the of The chapter be the of Lincoln’s law chapter details the of the Rock Island In gave of way to public to any by a state to a The Illinois the Bridge it to a near Rock Island so as it did not the of the McGinty also does a good of the in and the legal in earlier One of the more aspects of Lincoln’s career is how some who would later prominently during the Civil War his years Davis the story as of the War Davis tried to the of the probably because he a to the The U.S. for Illinois to the but John McLean later in the McLean did that if were by any of by the then the would be chapter does a masterful of the which two after the The Effie Afton had and over of The of the the Effie Afton with a before for the When it was through the it one of the then and then a in the of the and The was also with the on the Illinois against the was The chapters are about that The were and had significant were also by in and other who for the After the was in court in for the of Rock Island Lincoln didn’t the defense after the was books are of how Lincoln often with other lawyers to In the Almanac Trial, Lincoln and William in Duff Lincoln the defense many had been and many had been was Lincoln’s McGinty fair with the evidence and concludes that the did not believe that Lincoln was to as Dekle’s book is based largely on McGinty on on the case that appeared in the trial for the and for the and later the McGinty notes that recognized the trial one of the most that had ever taken place in an American The trial in 1857. Lincoln does not to have taken in the The then over Lincoln does not to have made his during the case in was then the and McGinty were about to their by a lawyer from with a remarkable and a of trial as the lawyer for the Lincoln made his first in the trial an whether about the over the was The to this because it wasn’t to the of the first for the that “the good of the should be Lincoln then that the would not be a one in of the of the While the for an of the in Lincoln’s as they should to the nature and of McLean the evidence for the of the of the the evidence couldn’t be used to “the nature of the other significant to the defense was one of the closing to the closing and he only gave of what he the most important by the lawyers” McGinty is able to use to a of how good Lincoln was as a trial Lincoln by the jury did not to that he to as he but not Lincoln many used of two He that the of the the of railroads and and the of the Lincoln also that the was if the jury the would Lincoln are by the to the when a along it is for him to on of this which has been trial in a a for the since the had the of While the case wasn’t Lincoln’s tried their with other which didn’t One of the Effie Afton a which was dismissed in A to the was in Lincoln’s Afton career. He in my to the Effie Afton case a for Lincoln’s to the Because of the for Lincoln and at the state in were critical for Lincoln’s If Lincoln in then Lincoln wouldn’t have been the and there wouldn’t have been a and then Lincoln wouldn’t have been the Republican in explains that history two First, railroads over steamboats and a key role in a new Lincoln became a in an American The Effie Afton case how lawyer Lincoln to the with to the on the and to turn the an future of and books to Lincoln McGinty has written the of the Effie Afton case by not only the but also wider Dekle the of what probably happened at the Almanac the most famous cross-examination in American history didn’t actually But he written the on the trial. on Dekle’s a future of lawyer Lincoln to explain why this trial became Lincoln’s “most famous case.”
This study of Elizabeth Patterson Bonaparte recovers the life of an impressive woman who successfully challenged the gender, political, and cultural conventions of the early American republic to reinvent herself as a European lady of taste and refinement. Born in 1785, the Baltimore beauty rebelled against the democratic world of her homeland. Achieving personal independence through, ironically, her unsuccessful marriage in 1805 to Jerome Bonaparte, younger brother of the French emperor, she found her land of opportunity in the Old World, where she styled herself an aristocrat, attaining transatlantic celebrity. While most Americans prized democratic equality, she found a comfortable niche toward the top of a well-defined social hierarchy. When many in the new nation feared the corrupting influence of aristocratic luxury, she embraced lavish display as proof of superior culture. And even as most American men and women found themselves moving in increasingly “separate spheres,” with women building domestic virtue while men staked out their places in public, Elizabeth Patterson Bonaparte enjoyed “mixed-gender sociability” (p. 158). Rejecting domesticity, she asserted that “Marrying is almost a crime” (p. 205); moreover, her manipulative motherhood focused more on social positioning than moral training.
espanolEstudiaremos en clave argumentativa la contribucion de Alfonso Reyes a la polemica acerca del “mexicanismo” o de la “espanolidad” de Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, debate que se inicia en pleno ambiente revolucionario mexicano. El aporte que el diplomatico nos brinda ofrece material para aproximarnos no solo a la evolucion del debate, sino tambien a la verdadera apuesta de la discusion a los ojos de Reyes. Para Reyes, el debate gira en torno al nivel cultural de la colonia en los siglos XVI y XVII y concierne las posibilidades de desarrollo de un espiritu americano en las primeras decadas que siguen a la hispanizacion del Nuevo Mundo. El ensayista aprovecha el debate para recalcar como las culturas de la metropoli y de la colonia se fomentan mutuamente desde el primer contacto. Rebatiendo el ambiente nacionalista en el que el debate se inicio, Reyes convierte el caso Alarcon en otra prueba mas del enriquecimiento cultural que trae el intercambio de doble sentido entre Espana y la Nueva Espana. EnglishFrom an argumentative perspective, we study the contribution of Alfonso Reyes to the polemic about the New Mexican or Spanish identity of Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, a debate initiated in the nationalist ambiance of the Mexican Revolution. Reyes’ part in the discussion offers elements which enable us to reconsider the debate’s evolution, but also gives us the opportunity to examine the real stake of the polemic in Reyes’ eyes. For the essayist, much of the debate revolves around the cultural level of the colony in the 16th and 17th centuries and concerns the development of an American spirit in the first decades after the colonization of the New World. The essayist makes use of the discussion to emphasize the way in which the cultures of both metropolis and colony have cross-fertilized immediately after the first contact. Going against the nationalist atmosphere in which the debate had originally started, Reyes turns the case Alarcon into one more proof of the cultural enrichment that the two-way exchange between Spain and New Spain has engenderes.
This article examines the intersection of race, gender, and American political development in the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) in the mid-twentieth century. In the late 1940s and 1950s, the NACW was one of the last remaining autonomous Black organizations that could truly be called “civic.” Membership was decentralized, active, and widespread among female citizens who might not otherwise be engaged in public affairs. Political change and subsequent developments in African American and women's organizations in the mid-twentiethh century encouraged NACW leaders to begin considering new approaches to organizing Black womanhood. The collective identity that defined NACW clubwomen's public activism as local, nonpolitical, and nonpartisan eventually gave way to more deliberately nationalized, partisan, and political forms. This article argues that NACW clubwomen worked in solidarity and shared common goals with other African American and civil rights organizations, but faced a transformation unique to women's clubs, one that involved questions not only about who would participate in public life, but also about how and through what kinds of organizations. The struggles of the NACW to integrate the collective identities that defined their race and their gender, on the one hand, with forms, and, on the other hand with strategies of organization are particularly useful for thinking and theorizing about contemporary forms of intersectionality.
Race, History, and American Society
American History and Culture
Historical Studies on Reproduction, Gender, Health, and Societal Changes
A Catholic chapel stands above the town of Amecameca, built into the top of a tree-covered hill called the Sacromonte. A doorway in the back of the chapel leads to a cave of volcanic rock, where an effigy is located that depicts the deceased, reclining Christ. This Christ in the cave is an image of Santo Entierro, the Holy Sepulcher of Christ, and it is believed to be miraculous. Native leaders in Amecameca helped to establish the site in the 1580s and benefited from their founding of the place throughout the colonial period. Spanish friars and Nahuas had different ideas of what was actually miraculous about the location and the image, and each understanding involved different senses of history. For the original residents, the hill, the cave, the territory around the shrine, and the beneficent human beings who directed the construction of the chapel all played roles in an astonishing moment in the history of the town when the polity miraculously did not perish but, instead, found a place in the new Christian order. In this article, I place the European Catholic tradition of miracle narra tives within the ethnohistorical cultural context of indigenous political, literary, and territorial experiences and show how such marvels acquired uniquely Mexican meanings.When the Franciscan Order arrived in New Spain just three years after the fall of Tenochtitlán to Hernán Cortés, its members brought their devotion to the Passion, believing that miracles of the cross represented the triumph of Christ in the New World. Indigenous leaders and communities soon began to accept Christological symbols and reports of the apparitions of saints in Chalco in their own locally triumphal way. I argue that one cannot understand the whole meaning of colonial Mexican miracles unless they are interpreted in terms of their importance to indigenous territorial and leadership concepts and historical thinking. Where the wondrous events happened and who they happened to were of equal, if not greater, importance as the theological message of apparitions or particular Christian symbolism of objects, which the Franciscans emphasized. The gravitational cultural force that held land, power, and holiness in the orbit of the shrine was cyclical history. I show how this Mesoamerican way of making sense of the past is also displayed in colonial indigenous written traditions such as the títulos primordiales, the maps of the Relaciones geográfícas of 1580, oral histories taken in the Relaciones geográficas del Arzobispado de México, 1743; and the Séptima relación, an early seventeenth-century Nahuatl history by Don Domingo de San Antón Muñón Chimalpahin Quauhtlehuanitzin. The títulos primordiales are written and painted documents that established the preconquest foundations of indigenous towns and their legitimacy as loyally Christian in the postconquest era; they usually included maps of which were to Spanish as of the and written the of the hill and its cave in the of Amecameca of the foundations of the indigenous in to from the the were of of the roles of territory and This the that Franciscan and indigenous historical in in the new Mexican were in in the of Christ the and the of I arrived a of Nahuatl Spanish and a in indigenous in colonial this is not devotion or the of this of Christ and indigenous of miracle were to colonial Native and in the of Chalco and believed that which how members of the were of the of the miracles are not the of in which the the of the the of Catholic in indigenous in to of their to the and the meaning of Christ symbols the of the Nahuas of Amecameca, history the and after the hill as the and the around it were in the and of the The town of Amecameca is of in the and that the of the of the town of Amecameca are the and In one particular of the of Amecameca the the Chalco and the called held the Chalco in the of the of was in the of the of the of The was a in which to the and to a of In the of the the represented the The the of was the and were the the where human beings the The Nahuas to be and of were to the and were and human from the the who it were and and also had The the was a hill a the which is in as and in the were the of the and as the in the of of Amecameca, that a of the called to a an where they were the to and to and is written that the was the of the colonial period. from Amecameca documents a not place the the Sacromonte. the of Amecameca to the de that locally as in the of in Amecameca in San had the of the of the and the indigenous of were to was throughout the Chalco as a de of and the indigenous as a of had making around a the from when this was to the in Nahuatl which did not The in in a and the The was a place where indigenous leaders as I it was not a location of to but, instead, an of the of into the colonial indigenous and the who the hill of Amecameca to the hill of and its cave the of Christ. in the the of Amecameca the of the of the throughout the of where the cross miraculously in the the the the hill was an site indigenous as as of In the site was located within the of the town of de Amecameca, which was a town of San The in the the as did its of the towns that were Chalco was a to Amecameca and were located the from to the of by way of by from all The of to the site was the of events their the Christian of the of the in the were in the of the that they were in the This by the In the of that the of the Holy and Holy Sepulcher was one from of Chalco was the of and and each had which the indigenous of from devotion to and as of of into to the leaders of Amecameca, leaders benefited from In 1580, within the of a of into the of a who was in a place called a The and to In the about image of the of called de an indigenous directed who the and when the their they of miraculous of and by devotion and of the of was in Chalco and in and the of were the were miraculous image in the of and the that who brought and from and were of the Passion, or Holy Sepulcher of in in and in the of the The had a of miraculous in San in in in and in the de a of and its were by devotion to the In communities in the of and the displayed a that represented of Passion, and of the colonial miracle of the of Amecameca, was to the of Christ, and the Franciscan Order and its in the New de were in it in the the of Spanish the cave located the was an of the of the indigenous of New was the of a triumphal Spanish Catholic of miracles indigenous that the Franciscan and in the brought to such as the of postconquest New as the arrived in from Spain in they brought to the indigenous their devotion to the of Christ, the of which they had helped to in their de and of the de their to the of Christ This the of Christian in the and to of into the that de of in and of the and of and de that as a in was in and of the Holy the Franciscan of the of the the way the to indigenous The not Nahuatl and the Nahuas Christian and the Franciscan the the friars to the the of the and the which the and to the of was one of the of new concepts to the indigenous of New Spain just after their in In to of the the symbols of the the of the Franciscan indigenous in New San de in from the of de de San de indigenous or the de San in the in and it to as a This of is from of and and three an which Christ stands in are the cross and of the Passion, each in a that is of the of early colonial Mexican the de San is to an the around its its to in who had the of de The of the also of which they to in the of the they one in which Christ a its the of a by the symbols and of the 1580s and the of the had the indigenous of and had to the of Chalco the of the Franciscan and Franciscans of the and the of or in and this In Chalco the of Christ as miraculous the Santo de in and the Santo effigy de in had as a Christian site throughout the of that de from The of miracles the which are in Franciscan historical by de de and de European about the cross in cave above the Franciscan in to Amecameca, where saints and to as a in in the cave the Sacromonte. the of and to the the of Christ as into a the hill and in from the a from after from Chalco to that in the of was Franciscan a of their and and the of their in New the established a in Amecameca the the Franciscans to be a in their the a in Amecameca the location of and the of a from that the and the The were to the in a of and in believed in the of of a of the of The of the Franciscan to to the of the in New and the of in the that had the of 1580, to the of the and reports that when arrived in Amecameca from the in in the to and and that the Nahuas had it as a they believed it to the from an who had it in The also and and the chapel within the cave in the Christ effigy and in an and the Nahuas a in the are to as or of their they are to be of and The Franciscan as as the of were of the indigenous who their to the of not the of the indigenous the construction of the chapel in as the early seventeenth-century from the Nahuas did not in Nahuatl about miraculous events that the of New from the the indigenous of of the Sacromonte. interpreted in the of show that the cave was a of indigenous throughout the colonial period. In Séptima relación, a who was not a of in Nahuatl the miracle of the making of the The moment in of the is the of the chapel in which as a miraculous of Nahuatl how an indigenous historical was in which the of Amecameca the site into just a of European the Franciscan had the of the indigenous in the Séptima Chimalpahin the of the friars in the to that was a New as of Chimalpahin the and importance of the indigenous and Spanish in the in The miracles are found in the human that place the of the Chalco are as in the astonishing in which they into a chapel and of in the leaders the friars as they not to a triumphal Catholic Indigenous from Amecameca their to the friars in to to the in the of the of de in Amecameca, as the Franciscan the the of the cave chapel in the in the the de the cave it is in the context of events that the leaders of are that cave, and in is where the Holy Sepulcher of where they and In to are also in the what was miraculous about the In to the Franciscan Chimalpahin not the of saints and the of in a as they de and In this Chimalpahin the tradition of of one this in to of de in the Amecameca, Chimalpahin that the miracle in the cave was the of Amecameca as the place to an Chimalpahin not the that it was a who brought the image to the shrine above of the human of the the to the a of In the Chimalpahin the events the in of the who and of in the and three the Santo image in the cave, to to the terms and miracles that Chimalpahin did not the events as The miraculous were and For which is usually as the of In the it is in the that it or to Christ. The is to the Nahuatl that de as in the place of de The of to the that it to be in a to to or to This that Chimalpahin was making the the image and the Christ, which the image is a Chimalpahin did not the of the that which they were from of such of an image was not were that of the of a Nahuatl in the is which I as of miraculous The of is and it or which or the The of be found in the of de of The by the of the which of of the the image of the The of is a to the of image were Nahuatl the that to the of an or that an did not the of of the of that one Christian that of its and The meaning of the in the context of the is that human beings had a in the place the of which one Chimalpahin of the European Catholic tradition in of the be found in de of and that the of this The Spanish found in was when the of a miraculous image a of a a meaning to the Spanish is not found in the Franciscan histories of the Sacromonte. the terms are the Nahuatl that Chimalpahin the that human beings played in making the image as they were in miraculous to wondrous one of the indigenous to a new which was a that had a throughout the colonial period. of the of Amecameca who was as in the the of The Don de was the indigenous in which was an of the of In the the one Chimalpahin the indigenous the of the of the and their The which the new the leaders of as in the town leaders they in the which their the legitimacy of a In the of the who the of that a the new Christian and the preconquest This is in of Amecameca, the Don de of as as the de of and Don de of to and to and it cave top of the of which I as the which to the is the the or is this in the A as a by and of In this particular the three indigenous leaders are as of the who all to the as in Amecameca was to the cave where miracles their in an of by the as a a to the that the of the place particular and of the of the to were and The leaders were the of the and of and was an of in the preconquest and Christian The and of such of are when an in which Chimalpahin from Amecameca who of Franciscan in and to the of the of the as an of the in to the the of the Don de leadership as the of Amecameca and of the as a way of of The three communities represented by the three leaders were communities that to Amecameca also had each its own In the each had a that when it its to the as a in this In terms of was in the of that the top of and of Amecameca, Don de to the and was as a of the In the were the who as of the shrine were who were in the Don de the the leaders of the who the of of this site in and their this is by that to the of the de The of and of began in the of the chapel Sacromonte. indigenous leaders a of that the to the of the Catholic the of the colonial period. the Spanish that the to the Catholic and order. This in their in when the of Amecameca, Don de a of to of the from the also this period. Don de to cave into the Holy Sepulcher of the was the that the of of the Spanish colonial the the de to of their from the colonial In Don Don de to a to a a and to in a Spanish from Amecameca a of the years Don de a of located and of the town of was the by and the by the of the which included the This was its the and the the de which after Mexican leaders did not of the their own miracle the that Nahuas were and early in their of the Christian of the Franciscan and who to the New World. This was to in Chimalpahin established the colonial legitimacy of such as the de by their from preconquest the of the cave chapel in if the leadership the of of to a of and not a that indigenous the friars in the image of Christ in the they de cave into and it the Sacromonte. This was a the the Christ in the cave, which was the of their they their of place and which were in preconquest In the leaders of the by and making it the of their in their own this to they also helped to establish the new The the new Christian of their and by the Spanish Catholic order. The cave, which had the of the a of the the and throughout the colonial miracle and established the territorial of the For the of Amecameca, the Santo image of Christ, their of de to the cave and the into a Christian the as the in the of the Mesoamerican the Christ and in in the and 1580s established that as to which the Nahuas historical about the that they had making to the colonial the The Relaciones geográficas maps 1580, the and the of miraculous were all indigenous of which in the and early The in the Relaciones geográficas of towns and territory Catholic in the were to legitimacy to Spanish as as of of and the miraculous to the of towns and legitimacy in the of from the of the written cannot be the they early of such as of the they of a and tradition in which Mesoamerican to in the of are documents written and that indigenous documents and The and the all documents in their and the oral that the written were to be or indigenous included and in European and indigenous territory and events that had the founding of the the the the message that their communities were and the to how had in and the to they to colonial as of and the preconquest of who in the colonial Mesoamerican established that communities had to their the that they had not the of legitimacy the Catholic Catholic the history of the which were in the early they were written the of the friars and who to their towns and and their communities to the the of the a to the new colonial order. The that the of their towns the new is their of of are such as the of Catholic and of to Christian or histories the sense that leaders and the new and the the documents to oral events or or and the of are into a is and to a in the of history. The the the the of miraculous and the in their helped members their in a by their and the the of historical of the of experiences of to a past when the of oral and written miracle and the which they in and in how miraculous arrived in their communities in The in which they were the a Holy and their did not as in the were of the in the of the shrine of de in the a of a chapel which a miraculous image of was In the of San the of that an indigenous of as the to the miracles of their their image in the original where it in their all the members from the of The of San did not the of the they did and that had the miracles of the cross in had an sense of the past that it a the indigenous of the had their and who to In they as a the of Holy of the of Christ the of power, to the that the which in had its in the of the the the a the Christ effigy in the the indigenous in the and the new town the In indigenous the de a around the a Spanish in the the indigenous who had the own to the the town the and in of the was a the of their of founding events the sense of that the of the in the did and The of members to in the In and were from and town the founding which the of a and of miracle indigenous and of the founding of the the the of and a sense of the message that the had an to that involved the and of the of the to indigenous miracle that the as if they had to in a particular The miracles of the were that they not to from their communities of This in a in the Relaciones geográficas of a Santo image from that to In the of this image of the Christ, a of from had it in a to where they to it to in a cave in the way. they in the they found that the had to to the of they the and to the The that the be and they found that the image was had miraculously into the the built a chapel of the and the by it The Spanish who this that was written of the of the image in the and that had the from the indigenous a by the de in and in the image of de in a way. Don de who was as an the of the Holy the image a a hill called the of Don it it in a shrine or and it the image and found it in the place where the to Don de that to a chapel to the image the site of and of Spanish the chapel was built around which Don was In the Nahuatl of the found in de the image to in the was all by to the as is and as is in all of the image its own in one called and which to their documents symbols in to that that they and the by their to after the when was making and For in to a of the of in a a painted to colonial in as of the and territorial In the of town of who is painted as an a of the in as in the the the of their the and their to their territory a This is by a in which the are are to as in Nahuatl or as in the Nahuatl of or of which Chimalpahin in to de the the of the was from its as the from which members had territory and to in and established the of Amecameca the postconquest maps from and the the hill as the that the of the The that the from to by each of the The is from a that Don de in and and the is from the of the top of the Sacromonte. the hill was the place to all of the and of was the that the human the one to all the of the by the to the The this of the and the effigy of Christ in the back of the chapel are the as miraculous Christ effigy and the hill and chapel of Amecameca the the of and the of a of the colonial Nahuas the hill as a that to their such the that that they were The and miraculous image were of indigenous that a particular of as European of the in the indigenous the in the and the of indigenous of in the of triumph of did not the land, indigenous and the colonial period. This was a of the but, in the Franciscan of had the indigenous history. In the early to the Franciscans their the of the and this was into of leaders the that the leaders to the of Franciscan leaders de and de the of the and of to this of their in Amecameca the that as of legitimacy Catholic and of the of their which back to the colonial and of legitimacy by the indigenous were concepts of legitimacy in to their of as the colonial their of the miraculous image the the of their a new miraculous image of the of in the indigenous a of to that of A from the de the and how and the indigenous in to a miracle cross in a of the of such the of the of San a of the of a cross in the The to the as from the of also that were Spanish as in the the of the as and the the cross the of the of the the had arrived from to the of this The of the of Chalco from the de who was also an to the Don a of had the cross into the chapel of its had to the of the and the of who to understand if the miracle was or the indigenous town to to a chapel the were three from the and that they had the the indigenous of the that it to the de In to to a they to the that were after years of Catholic The be the site of their that triumph of their the indigenous the miracle in was by the that one of the communities of had a miraculous cross in the to in had an image of to be to a cross to the located in San In soon after the the members of the the image of Santo de to their in The of the cross did not the that the image had in In the a to the image that they believed and In the de that the of the cross in which the to a chapel their found original held a in the of as in of the of miraculous cave in the histories miracle and the from members of their town leaders and to miracles and as the of legitimacy to by to in the and to indigenous as the image or the original the that their miraculous image in their particular the context of New the of the was the of European triumphal and Mesoamerican of the postconquest The of the of the the site its historical the the of Amecameca to the traditions of and such as that of of The of Catholic symbols and into the of apparitions that and indigenous to the all into of the the Christian the of in Spain that are and to the events in New Spain that are in this to of and towns of New symbols that had represented the of the and of For of Christ and of all this to the a in the of the and the years of in the to the in of the to in Holy and of were their in the to the and when Spain was and the was from Christian the cultural to to by the of of and were the of such devotion in soon as the and such was and towns of the of Amecameca as a of European traditions is to the such a site the and was to the who were different in Spain and the to New indigenous was its by years of and to was and from European Catholic tradition is one of cultural the historical meaning of the Amecameca A the Spanish and the Mexican miracle traditions is the of and of miracles and miraculous in the New In Spain and to miraculous all of the miracles that indigenous to the of and did not the apparitions of The was in New who had miraculous as that miraculous image where were had the as the títulos primordiales, and the Relaciones the and early Nahuas their that their had this and to in and the of the this moment in and they a sense of In Franciscan the apparitions of the saints and miracles of de in Amecameca, that the Nahuas of Amecameca believed in a that miraculously their in a wondrous chapel the of this was not to the history of Mexican by to be the found in indigenous written and I that and historical to be indigenous and Franciscan the triumph of their in the and if one is in of the historical the of that and in New land, and did not that the of was to of European histories and the of indigenous above to the indigenous and of New Spain the of the miraculous cultural and indigenous The of the indigenous in the of the triumph of indigenous
The American present is at odds with representations of the American past. The American present witnesses the steady aggrandizement of executive, administrative, emergency, penal, military, and war powers as contemporary commentators such as Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, and Giorgio Agamben contemplate the contours of American hegemony and superpower in a new era of empire.1 The global impact of present American politics, political economy, and foreign policy is obvious to any casual observer of current affairs. The story of the American past, on the other hand, continues to be told in narratives that seem to be heading off somewhere else. In place of the growth of power, the history that America most frequently tells itself highlights a story of relative powerlessness—a usually benign tale of legal-political self-abnegation, emphasizing constitutional restraints such as federalism, checks and balances, the separation of powers, limited government, the rule of law, and laissez-faire. When presented more positively, American history is usually framed as a quest for freedom—the struggle for political liberty, emancipation from bondage, the rise of civil, economic, and social rights. Property, contract, and freedom of speech, press, and association form the constitutional backbone of a free market, a vigorous civil society, and a democratic polity—hallmarks of a free people. Oddly, key elements of this tale are kept alive in both older political histories of the liberal tradition in America and newer histories highlighting the rights and agency of particular cultural communities. Coming to terms with the historical rise of the mechanisms of legal, political, economic, corporate, and technological power that currently shape so much of the globe is thus a more difficult task than it should be. A true philosophical and political history of the American present continues to elude historians.2 This disjunction between historical perception and political reality is not an entirely new phenomenon in the United States. As early as 1887, in a penetrating essay titled “The American State and the American Man,” Albert Shaw chided Americans for their laissez-faire fantasy: “The average American has an unequaled capacity for the entertainment of legal fictions and kindred delusions. He lives in one world of theory and in another world of practice … Never for a moment relinquishing their theory [of laissez-faire], the people of the United States have assiduously pursued and cherished a practical policy utterly inconsistent with that theory, and have not perceived the discrepancy.” Surveying thousands of regulatory laws passed by state legislatures in the late nineteenth century, Shaw concluded that “the one common and striking characteristic of this huge collection of new statutes is its utter disregard of the laissez-faire principle … They deal with the citizen in every conceivable relation. They seem to have left nothing for future Legislatures to regulate.” One hundred years later, in the middle of Ronald Reagan's America, Senator Ernest “Fritz” Hollings (D-SC) similarly observed the powerful role of government in the construction of modern life and its renunciation in the American historical self-conception. Seeking the 1984 Democratic nomination for president, Hollings delivered a stump speech deploying several different versions of a story about “a guy who came home from the Korean War, went to college on a form of the GI Bill, opened a business with a Small Business Administration loan, made sure his parents' farm was adequately wired through Rural Electrification and irrigated with assistance from the Army Corps of Engineers, saw his kids get subsidized school lunches at a school that received lab equipment from a National Science Foundation grant, got his mortgage from the FHA and hurricane disaster relief from FEMA, and one day, took AMTRAK to Washington to complain to his congressman about getting big government off people's backs.” Like many Americans, “the guy” never saw the role of collective power in the creation of his individual declaration of independence.3 Shaw and Hollings reveal a disconnect at the heart of the American experience—a tension between the story that Americans themselves like to tell themselves about individualism, self-reliance, voluntarism, associationalism, free labor, and the free market and the actual history of the “concrete national institutions,” as Shaw put it, that have been capable of wielding such broad interventionist, coercive, and regulatory power at home as well as abroad. Samuel Huntington once dubbed this yawning gap between facts and norms “cognitive dissonance”—an almost pathological tendency to confuse a fictional American ideal with historical political reality. From Thomas Jefferson's elision of slavery in the Declaration of Independence to Ronald Reagan's anachronistic invocation of John Winthrop's shining “city upon a hill,” examples are obvious and legion and not always merely rhetorical. At the turn of the last century, Roscoe Pound surveyed the damage done when the United States Supreme Court took a “long step into the past” and imposed the fallacy of “liberty of contract” on modern industrial labor relations, as if the parties were still individual “farmers haggling over the sale of a horse.” As Pound's example suggests, the problem is one not so much of psychology as of political economy. Shaw and Hollings foreground a particular American version of the tension at the center of social and political thought—the between and power, freedom and and and and A of this American the power, and of the American much of modern history with the of powerful and the of their and of the American state one of the more in in a different and a The “the American is as of an in a of and When at the American version of a state is as not to the that modern and tendency to the American state its history as continues to a with American power in the The and of this historical of the American The of the American state is to the history of American the is to American constitutional and laissez-faire is to American political economy. Like the of and the of a American state is the of a tendency to American history as the history of the of a the historical and of is of the of America as a place of American from a state of As John with almost in the the was The the of individualism, civil society, free labor, and a free in American it the more historical and role of collective law, government, and in American In this the state itself is as of a that never a place in a and The of a American state in and on individualism, associationalism, and to the power of the state in many of democratic and have his American state was in “the government of the United States is to get by it from its of it the of the tradition of in the American state not on perceived to be an from the United States was a at “The of the of this State is not and and the for a not for a State and a a of has the of the late nineteenth and were of commentators to the to is in the United in an American political a characteristic the for the of the of the American state was the the heart of In the of with American to between American and the a of on an national historical American in liberty, voluntarism, and a market, the role of the state in social and In political such as to a a and national that as the of a for over individual over collective and and over and state this the history of the American state its and almost and regulatory in the of national cultural of was the American it was a the of an to new for the of the of and free the most to the of the of the American state is the to this has been by with and an social in the and the state to the of American by historical such as and political such as the of the American state The tendency to the American state as of a to of a continues the of of American political As American has not been by it has on a new new form has a of that the as to and American state power with and for another and The modern American state is still as and the of historical and by social in the of the nineteenth The tendency to about the American state the of has never been more for most the of that an of still to be The American state in of the most historical and “a “a “a and “a a an of the modern American state is an and its in the has a historical This on the of an of Samuel Thomas and the and the actual power and of the American state in this have been for the new and into state by their and early to such as in American and the of this has on a life and of its a more of and political who have of in an era when state have and more the American form of legal and is the The obvious present reality of American state power in the early is a of the history of the rise of a global The most and of this is that the American state is and always has been more interventionist, and than was in of histories of the American state to one of the facts about modern American of a and is contemporary American to the of of the and of the American American history has the in the of one of the most powerful in world that American history of the construction of American state power from the of the to the past. for has the history of the American the creation of a that “the true of the American was not to to more power, to and an entirely new power was a state in the United it have been the of government in a most of has similarly the of a powerful and national to the of the the historical that a national and regulatory the of the John has almost of the of government in the nineteenth through his of the role of the state in the and of from the to the and has government power at the center of the new history of and and As the of a of social and cultural and and of and were not the of laissez-faire a to on the powers of the state a for people The of the state is over The powerful role of the American state in labor has been the of a of on “the state and the has on the role of in the creation of a national in the United States. power was present in the social from such as to more in and is in this that John examples of in came from the United not and the of the The powers of American and are new has the history of American state of has the history of national and disaster a of new histories from John and have to the powerful of social and social The growth of and in the has on new in the histories of and One the rise of American national and the role of the the and powers in American to a state The of American state is the past, and for the in present should not be into that the American state is the and the and to a more of and laissez-faire. the the power of the government to and its well as other never been As contemporary should be to the of in late is and In to the of the American the historical well to the and construction of new of state power American This story of state not into such as modern social it not the to about American voluntarism, it is the story of the creation of powerful modern mechanisms of American and the rule of were of this new state as 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Reviewed by: Slave Agriculture and Financial Markets: The Bank of the United States in Mississippi, 1831–1852 Jessica Lepler (bio) Slave Agriculture and Financial Markets: The Bank of the United States in Mississippi, 1831–1852. By Richard Holcombe Kilbourne, Jr. (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2006. Pp. 202. Cloth, $99.00.) In Slave Agriculture and Financial Markets: The Bank of the United States in Mississippi, 1831–1852, Richard Holcombe Kilbourne, Jr., aims to rekindle interest in the "bank war" of the 1830s. Once the fodder of arguments between giants like Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., and Bray Hammond, the story of the demise of the Second Bank of the United States (BUS) starred in the narrative of antebellum America until the new social history removed the spotlight from powerful, dead, white men like President Andrew Jackson and BUS President Nicholas Biddle. Although many historians lost interest in the bank war after the 1960s, economic historians performed econometrical analyses of the available statistics to locate the financial cause of one of the worst depressions Americans had ever experienced. In 1969, Peter Temin's The Jacksonian Economy (New York, 1969) supplied quantitative evidence of macroeconomic forces stretching from England to China that replaced the contest between Whig and Democratic fiscal policy as the explanation for America's hard [End Page 134] times. Written almost four decades later, Kilbourne's monograph is an attempt to refute Temin's theory and return to an interpretation of the bank war that relies on American domestic fiscal policy. Despite the mention of slavery in the title, Slave Agriculture and Financial Markets does not try to spark new interest in the bank war by linking recent social, political, and cultural studies of the early-nineteenth-century market revolution with quantitative economic history. Rather, this is a purely financial and legal history of an ignored sector of the 1830s economy that makes some astounding discoveries and specialized historiographical arguments. Whereas previous economic historians have examined Jacksonian era banking from the perspective of either the federally chartered BUS or the decentralized state-chartered banks, Kilbourne scrutinizes the intersection between national and state institutions by focusing on the Natchez branch of the BUS before, during, and after the expiration of the federal charter. Employing the surprisingly complete financial records of this institution and other Mississippi banks in conjunction with familiar documents relating to the Philadelphia-based BUS, Kilbourne has crafted a case study of the rise and fall of the Natchez branch of the BUS. Each of Kilbourne's four chapters targets a different historiographical literature on the bank war. In the first chapter, he dismisses studies that blame the financial crisis on inflated bank paper by analyzing the competition among Mississippi banks for the more lucrative trade in commercial paper. He shows that in the early 1830s, the BUS opened branches in Natchez and elsewhere to control local banks and profit from the intra-national circulation of commercial bills of exchange and other financial instruments. Kilbourne finds that during these prosperous years, the investments of the branches of the BUS supplied the central bank with the majority of its profits. After Andrew Jackson's refusal to renew the BUS's charter, the financial flow from periphery to center reversed direction. As Kilbourne argues in his next section, after 1836, the branches drained Biddle's Philadelphia institution of its liquidity and, eventually, forced banks throughout the United States to suspend specie payments. Kilbourne blames the Panic of 1837 and the subsequent depression on the events following the expiration of the BUS's federal charter and its recharter in Pennsylvania. Although Kilbourne argues for domestic causation, his sources document strong connections between financiers in Mississippi and London that reaffirm Temin's international thesis. Thus, Kilbourne's reconsideration of the financial causes of the Panic of 1837 [End Page 135] should inspire new scholarship that synthesizes national and global perspectives. Switching from the terms of finance to the letter of the law (subjects that explain but do not excuse jargon-laden chapters), Kilbourne next considers the BUS's attempts to recover losses in Mississippi through both state and federal court systems. Countering a historiography that posits that commercial law responded to economic development, he finds that...
For many observers of contemporary American politics, the Republican Party's nomination of Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater in 1964 signaled the arrival of Sunbelt conservatism as a potent political force. Once dismissed as historically insignificant given the magnitude of his loss to Lyndon Johnson, Goldwater now appears to many as the forerunner to Ronald Reagan, Newt Gingrich, and George W. Bush. There are indeed important roots of the contemporary Republican Party in the early 1960s, but narratives of conservative triumphalism overstate the degree of conservatives’ success within the party and the nation. Scholars must avoid painting too straight a line between Goldwater and later politics and policy. Rather, the history of the Republican Party in the mid-1960s should be viewed from the starting point of Goldwater's defeat rather than through the prism of subsequent Republican success. Such an approach foregrounds a sense of contingency and shows that conservatives’ takeover of the party, though real in the long run, was neither inevitable nor immediate. Sectional and ideological tension remained strong well after 1964. Goldwater made a breakthrough with conservatives across the nation and especially among whites in the Deep South, but, as Richard Nixon and others astutely realized, his approach could not be copied directly if the GOP wanted to overtake the Democrats as the majority party. This article will look at divisions within the Republican Party between 1965 and 1968 over racial matters. Race was one of several issues that figured prominently in a vigorous debate about the party's identity and future. In recent years, numerous scholars have crafted a rich history of the grassroots rise of Goldwater and battles to control the party in the early 1960s, but they have paid too little attention to the political and ideological tug-of-war within the GOP after 1964. The image of Goldwater delegates at the 1964 Republican convention booing Governor Nelson Rockefeller (New York) as he called for a more progressive stand on race and other matters symbolizes to many the death of liberal Republicanism. That was a moment of conservative triumph, but the next four years were a time of ebb and flow as various factions battled to define and control the party. Sunbelt conservatives, led at first by Goldwater and then by figures such as Strom Thurmond (South Carolina) and Ronald Reagan (California), scored some notable gains, but liberal Republicans, including figures such as Senator Jacob Javits (New York) and Governor George Romney (Michigan), continued to shape civil rights in and about the of race in Republican political such as and Senator to a with the of Richard Goldwater wanted to the of the party and not an on several including civil on racial issues from his conservative of the The Arizona was not a he and for the and with he in the he with by to that Goldwater was one of Republican to the 1964 of a he the and on the rights of and Goldwater more than Goldwater to a political by the to his that among whites across the Goldwater his party in to in the as some in of the Goldwater's that in the GOP from rather than political in the South, as with the Democrats to the and was to a though not to the South, and the Goldwater in a of Republican little for the of Goldwater the Republican the early 1960s, the of whites through to in the and the Goldwater across the from party in the for convention at the convention they to have the GOP a rights Goldwater racial matters for of the of a over in the of in several but in the he and in and of at a with Strom a over the stand on Goldwater's was on other racial but many whites to as an Goldwater among of the and the Republican by of racial and to in a Republican in to a Lyndon with The Republican Party in a at that and of of in and from the after the the American in several to American by that not be if they in with the on such as American at the to the for the Democrats by to to in on the Goldwater's to party in the and the in the of the 1964 that a between the on racial That the Republican Party one of the in American political Goldwater in the Deep and of the The Arizona were the South, and of were in conservative the a racial that Democrats in the but such to Richard Nixon in Goldwater in and among a than Goldwater of the a from the Nixon and the by in Republican well the of the as the party a of and in and the of by in and Goldwater's loss a debate over the Republican Party's identity as well as for to the for the Arizona as a to a Goldwater in the were by his in and the of was the first time that the GOP The first Republican in the to in the than in the Goldwater a majority of in across the Deep from the in one in and of the 1964 conservatives that Goldwater and a for the party in on and a conservative of The party, they to Goldwater's to in the and such as that was whites and are of will for then that one of will for should time and Republicans, to a strong for the on racial matters and from the that the that the were too on race and several other that Goldwater than Nixon in GOP in as on racial they viewed for civil rights especially the 1964 as with the of and for success. The of the to in the as well as in American that the Goldwater approach continued in the GOP a party. The a of Republican in that Goldwater's stand on civil rights more than his approach to other after the Javits an article for the that the party was at ebb Goldwater's of and as a for and for a of on civil will be the 1964 for years to if not to he Governor to that they are not Republican of the of for the 1964 in of the were There were many but to they the of a racial as an force. several defeat in on a defeat in the have to the party from an not to the South, the GOP that in the conservatives, continued as to a party that the for four of the years, Senator of a strong civil rights in 1965 that the party be to and in the of the to majority if the that to in that the GOP not control the of of the in the of the The Republicans, to look to the to in other of the that the arrival of the with conservatives on to Republican in the they that the party This was in by a to racial but by political with his of in and The that by 1968 an American the Goldwater of and to the Democrats the GOP The of American across the the and continued that a the will be as important to the as the in the in the in The party to of the to be he that could not to the of Democrats on racial a progressive Republican party could at some of the American as they in the first were to be an of the Republican the liberal to the party's to they as an Goldwater his success in and the Deep Thurmond well in his but he than in and Nixon in in and other that Republican at and in 1964. liberal Republicans, Goldwater the of the to to in the and in and was the of politics, the from on race as the continued and political with the of the nation. on the of have a will be paid in over the next several the not a the in 1965 he have to and the for were that whites in the and a Republican Party too with nor conservatives were to control of the party in the of Goldwater's Rather, remained of the from and the was for The Goldwater continued to in the Deep in The GOP a that to was to in the party and Goldwater's the of in after the Democrats of his for his of The Republican to a in the Republican to Republican he civil rights on the to in with and to from his he later to to liberal be of the of party were to success they could the conservative by to shape the party in after the 1964 Thurmond Nelson Rockefeller and other to the in the of 1965 that an from was the Governor that were they of to as in they the for he the of Republican was of several liberal as of and the of the and party to the party's stand on civil rights from of such as This a from of liberal he on to a Republican as long as he a Republican and the of his over party for at the in in 1965 by with to a Goldwater over the first a for the he a that that Nixon to a in that in in to through a was more in party than in in the ideological between and to the in and then to the of the to on the and to more attention and to American a in but he to the rather than a about in Republican not to a of to for the Party for and are to with For the was the to This liberal Republicans, that by the the for and the one liberal could the conservatives’ to in the by and progressive whites a that the then that was in to racial he Goldwater the of a but conservative across the nation in that was a but real of in the for for The Deep remained conservative but the to be more In the party from from the to the 1964 In GOP party of the to the The Republican for of of the on his to in In for the a Republican of the in and the first Republican to in the the 1964 through the of the of with of the In of on his to in the Goldwater's among and a liberal as that the party's among not and to in the South, in that the GOP to to some of that to not in but among progressive whites and across the nation as in American of the civil rights and over 1965 more for the of the party with the continued to In for and Republican a on the GOP and the The was a after the 1964 by of the Senator to Goldwater The in was of and at and to The liberal about was the to to a and racial among The over a Republican Party in the Deep and on Such a gains, they but that civil rights not the loss of to of racial they a strong for such as and as the continued in the to in the political The that the race a political in the of a of politics was at for the of a Republican Party the long of race as an in the of the that the rise of a Republican Party to racial to the of and to a the a for the party. such as to more to from Democrats the party if they and the made by The in the to an to party and a civil rights in the in as a the of a progressive Republican Party in The they to vigorous with and and liberal to conservative with a of The and for a of in the GOP and The the divisions over race in 1964 by in of racial Democrats but to liberal they the party. the political was in the and the and was time for the to a The of racial politics Republican the in that that Republican in as racial though he that the in the Deep was more must after the in the as well as in the he of the could be in a on by the Republican The to American and political in of the and and the GOP to more for through in the Deep continued to the of the Republican that the of the they The of are of the that are There are in the Republican party in the as the party Democrats for several and delegates at Republican in a by that in he called for a GOP from the that several for liberal were in the over and as and whites they as American for that they whites at they viewed as to to but to that whites that was too was strong in the South, of that some and for are many more to The rights on as for in several the to be The that of the the was too was the the in that especially whites in about for and as a for and other and at in the well to and that the to the GOP as the party in the and The as the of but was more of a strong racial was the astutely with the the Ronald Reagan the in the of in the race the from to civil rights in and over especially well in though race was not a in many of for liberal of the American That was from the the party in but from the Goldwater years The party of to 1964 among in several of the Republican were from the party's progressive and of the first American to in the in he the a in the for the 1964 was too to In the at the time was as a racial a George Romney and Nelson Rockefeller of American in the and to the from with of the of strong rights liberal Republicans, the from 1964 and were Republican by a though not a of American civil rights not from the line to at of the liberal Republican of be continued to in the Deep convention a and the of in to his racial an of in from Richard Nixon and other that be the Republican for in the made the a for civil rights he was with not conservative on racial conservative was The Republican Party was too across the to in many of the the point in for Republican between and were in the Deep South, but and across remained Deep Republicans, including and as well as such as as they could not to the of on racial matters. for in the was from in and in the South, Goldwater of that the of racial such as between and of the in a in a civil rights of the in his in and Rockefeller of Governor Nelson in a in the The over the party's on race was in the for the 1968 Republican from the liberal of the party George Romney and Nelson to Ronald Reagan, Richard the a given contemporary of the GOP by Romney many and at the time as a strong for the Rockefeller that he not for the Romney the of the liberal of the party. of the American Romney of in and in 1964 and to in the and Romney a to American of the in he on to in 1964 and years for some his to racial from and some of he his of racial Romney a progressive civil rights that of his could a of of the in the early 1960s, he for a civil rights and the of a civil rights he to that In he an and in a civil rights in an Romney the liberal Goldwater at the 1964 GOP convention and then to that after the Romney Goldwater a that he not the a Goldwater's Romney party's to more should be to the of the 1965 rights in he in a civil rights in he the convention of the Republican that a vigorous to Romney at the of racial politics in the and of a race that after a in an American more than were and of of was that the a to his the of politics with the by that the first not in the after he and a after a racial in the a to the of the of between and the nation that more than and led to the the nation from racial Romney a that he his of were as his about the of and he the to more about and on the Romney not his but was an that he the GOP over a he at one were that they look of his Romney more than that a the will be to time to the about his Romney continued to on the In early he called for a in the including in the and a in some of have Romney be by with the nation to from and and to the from the Such divisions between Romney and conservative Republicans, civil rights the and Democrats for in the For liberal Republicans, was and to be the the of 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Nixon he in the to a in and as a of in the Rockefeller and a that a in Rockefeller that have over the and and the and he that and were to and a sense of to the Nixon and many other the in that to on to Rockefeller called the a of and the nation to the Such political in the Rockefeller a of in the civil rights by Rockefeller an in the Republican nomination that he could his in the in delegates and in the Republican a liberal could on from of the not the of of remained the control of conservatives and political Rockefeller to that he was a and that a strong among party his defeat in in That was a made by the that Rockefeller was among many the South, of Rockefeller more at the 1968 convention than in years to Goldwater's success four years The of the convention delegates to the of the from the and viewed Ronald Reagan as the to Barry Reagan was not a in the of but that not conservatives, especially from to Reagan his among the Goldwater of the party for the Arizona in and his conservative he politics years Reagan and other Republican on racial matters. was to the of Reagan the 1964 and the of his he the rise in civil rights of civil for a in civil as and and called for a of he as an on the rights of the that in the of Reagan continued to civil and called for a of and dismissed the as a and and an American that to have other but to a and for Democrats made that could not he For Reagan, the the for Richard Nixon the the conservative and liberal on racial Nixon a strong conservative stand on and by a for and for and be with Nixon and other including some liberal and that from and wanted a of civil many and to have racial viewed at in as on civil rights and American Nixon to through crafted that to rather than through to he the of by in in the next he in a that the nation to be and to with if and that the and of will be and the Nixon was civil Nixon the on as the of as on but the he a of by civil rights and Democrats with the of the that Nixon that the more to in the than the for on Nixon from Romney with for in the of 1968 that the as the and that the too the Nixon conservative on and must not from a he in to the Reagan in the for continued and The nation to for too Nixon and could not in given other he that not but for Nixon a of in and of a but in through to in the and to American and to the of the Nixon that the be and in the sense of that Nixon that to the Republican Party they that the of were and the not The of conservative was his of in the at a in though he than four years that the for the GOP by Republican in several In the of Goldwater's strong in the Deep and Nixon a line on racial issues in the one he continued to his for the the 1964 and the In he to and to to the George and to the of political from the of racial The Nixon were the party of racial conservatism for to such as and of and of Nixon that a in the and from and other liberal by that was and for the to of from his in the by for Republican in in 1965 and Nixon continued his to in the of 1968 by of to to and and by the that to and that he not for was more of the on he in with party and that he conservative to the the of from that were in and to the on his of a The next Nixon the of Strom to on his by to from Reagan at the Republican convention and his as an in the Nixon at a liberal on especially on matters. and he were issues that the of but not the of was the of Nixon some in for the he as of the on The was to in with the time he the Nixon of were at not that in Nixon signaled for racial by from the that in the have to have more than an and should be given a to for and in Nixon a that the 1964 and the 1965 were a that of but was now time for of through Nixon on in his were as as he in were more conservative than the by but they signaled a between Nixon and such as stand Nixon with conservative by of liberal on civil rights was in his for for the in the of Nixon continued to that a of especially among Reagan his as the Republican convention in in Nixon the by that he a in that the to more on racial and a not the party. that Nixon a liberal such as were with his of of and the Thurmond delegates to The Nixon paid as he the nomination was in of political nomination was not from the control of Republican first to Romney and then to Nixon to Nixon was among first was to were by party were to in the party by The was a in Nixon to at some if he were to be the the Nixon the racial he in the his for the and the civil rights of and but he on to he with the of and through such as and the of for was the and for the in and and not to racial and about and the Nixon that for and were not and that were not for the and of of his of to in but were to that some to but approach many American and liberal such as at one was by the of that he with Nixon about but he in one that on to the with an especially strong in the the South, and the among at Nixon liberal and conservative civil rights in and other the of on he an racial that was to liberal than to not as the important Republican of the racial politics and policy. Scholars have that approach to race in the 1968 a to an political to the political with George to his and liberal to his That as as but civil rights roots in the within the Republican Party Goldwater's a of the party's that conservative was to the but he that to a Goldwater on race in the was a were not as conservative on civil rights as Goldwater and not as to the the Arizona The of a a in the Goldwater of 1964 than Nixon conservative from the of That was in by the of in but not a Nixon have the conservative with more rights and but were and over and and the he with an approach that on and signaled a between whites in the and on racial matters. he was not a The debate within the Republican Party on the of the party's on the the as to political from grassroots In political to racial across the There to but the was a of and must be as of a political the could the in the of a the of the was not at that an of conservative within the party, and subsequent success in politics, was The with the of the Deep South, in 1964 racial across the nation. the from success at for The with the they the the Democrats made the and the Republican in to the of and were to some in but, as and others the party long in a of to be to the control was and that to the South, to the Party among whites for could the Republican Party in the The attention given to Goldwater and his conservative grassroots as well as to George the tension and within the GOP that in the and the of the The of a to be liberal many of politics the Race not be as to and issues as they and were the South, but, to they not a of and race remained a more potent among than among whites party could not as as that the of across the South, but they to that rise in of whites were by racial of but the be to the Republican success in especially at the from the The of the not be as for the party as at not liberal were about several other important and South, were not as progressive as they but nor were they of the racial politics that the of the for that the was a for as well as and in the mid-1960s that could a progressive Republican to especially in the such were not for racial There for the Republican Party in the South, at the and from a to a to Democrats not the they in among but more of Republican in the especially the about the of the GOP across the nation have Republican Party by conservatives to be a have to the party of with a conservatism on race and a of other with the a GOP that in the but in other of the nation. The in recent and the of the Republican Party in the in not have Jacob Javits Nelson whites have the especially in the George W. a majority of the in and in the political the Democrats not have a with have a he In the early the Republican with a as and to in an nation. and was not an that the Republican Party to at convention and that the made to that and in especially the of have the GOP to avoid the of liberal about contingency in the political history of the were after of to the more liberal of the party, but they were not Goldwater a of conservative important in the Republican Party in the and the point of 1968 and the early of the four for the 1968 Republican nomination and the Goldwater on race and other matters. was by that conservatism was the of the for the Nixon too liberal on race for the conservatives the party for the of Romney and Rockefeller in 1968 a to the Republican Party more progressive if not to of they in the that Nixon and in several Romney an Nixon for the party's 1968 but he several of about that a with Nixon Thurmond and his among party have long the in the Party the 1960s, as and a that figures such as Lyndon and should that divisions in the GOP well the Goldwater success of 1964. In the first scholars have divisions within the party of over race and should divisions over more in of the
Abstract In this paper I investigate the community-level articulation of imperial and local political structures during the Inka occupation of the Collagua Province, located in the Colca Valley of highland southern Peru. Combined ethnohistorical and archaeological analysis document the emergence of a hybrid imperial/local political formation in the shift from autonomous rule during the Late Intermediate period (A.D. 1000–1450) to the Inka occupation during the Late horizon (A.D. 1450–1532). Documentary evidence reveals considerable but uneven penetration of Inka imperial institutions across the two ranked moieties that structure local community organization, with remarkably close conformity between Inkaic ideals of rank and hierarchy among the communities (ayllus) of the lower moiety, but greater autonomy among the higher-ranking ayllus of the upper moiety. New data from a systematic survey around the provincial capital documents a decentralized Late Intermediate period settlement pattern associated with fortifications, suggesting segmentary autonomous political organization. The subsequent Late horizon settlement pattern signals overall occupational continuity, but with the establishment of an Inka administrative center and the installation of central plazas and Inka structures at large settlements with local elite domestic architecture. The two data sets combined provide a integrated view of centralized, but locally mediated, Inka administration.
What are the social, political and institutional conditions for organizational heterogeneity and the production of new organizational forms? I address this question using historical methods and time series analyses of 3145 mutual fire insurers — important cooperative alternatives to markets and hierarchies. Developing politically oriented neo-institutional arguments, I show that mutuals were vehicles by which property owners and agrarian interests resisted corporate consolidation and secured conditions for autonomous economic development. Mutuals embodied a vision of a decentralized, “cooperative commonwealth” of farmers, merchants and independent producers. And they rested on a socio-industrial order characterized by political struggles against corporations; anti-monopoly social movements; immigrants and other cultural carriers of mutual organizing templates; and an institutional infrastructure of protestant churches and local movements.
Artisans had autonomously decided the work processes and the wages in the traditional craft production, and their workshops was the basic unit of artisans' community. Between 1780 and 1820, however, the craft economy was radically transformed. The major impetus for change came from expanding markets. Recent work by a number of labor historians has shown that metropolitan industrialization did not proceed directly from craft to factory production in a single bound, but rather followed a more uneven course. Production was expanded in the antebellum decades through the reorganization of work and the division of labor rather than through the adoption of new machinery and methods of production. The high point of artisan protest, at least in New York and Philadelphia, was reached in the 1820s and 1830s with the formation of three successive workingmen's organizations: the Working Men's political parties of 1827-1831; the city-based General Trades' Unions of 1833-1839; and the Loco-foco Party in New York City of 1835-1837. Although none of these organizations lasted more than a few years, they have been viewed by many historians as the first signs of working-class consciousness in the United States. Artisans responded to metropolitan industrialization by calling into question existing economic and social relations and constructing in their stead a new, more class-conscious view of the world. Especially, the Working Men's parties and GTUs displayed a new level of collective identity or solidarity that enabled artisans to unite across the traditional boundaries of their trades. Thus, in the 1820s and 1830s, artisans' loyalties were no longer restricted to their craft, but increasingly were drawn along class lines, as artisans and employers began to organize across trades. Artisans drew on long-standing republican values to criticize the new economic order. Artisans extended the eighteenth-century assumptions to their own world, the world of work and production, and created their own variation on republican themes. Displaced artisans drew on republican notions of political rights and civic participation in order to protest the economic inequalities that accompanied industrialization. The major contribution of the republican tradition was that it provided displaced journeymen with a set of values and precepts with which to challenge the economic changes under way in the early nineteenth century. However, the principal social cleavage in the 1820s and 1830s was not yet between labor and capital, or workers and employers. Instead, skilled artisans considered themselves to be producers, allied with master craftsmen, small manufacturers, and farmers against the non-producing classes. Bankers, lawyers, merchants, and land speculators were the quintessential nonproducers. Producers were well aware that the world of work had changed dramatically in the first three decades of the nineteenth century. But producers did not understand such a change in the context of a struggle between capital and labor, but saw them in light of their established worldview. The division between producers and nonproducers undergirded antebellum social relations and political alliances as well. By 1870, workers' optimism about the possibility of sustaining a decentralized political economy based on the republical values had been considerably shaken. The process of industrialization in the United States shattered the producers' vision of regional economic growth, and as a consequence transformed workers' relationship to the state.
Richard P. McCormick and The Second American Party System Lex Renda (bio) In his American history survey lectures at Rutgers University, Richard P. McCormick often placed politicians at the center of history while irreverently poking fun at their inability to control long-term events. On the one hand, he argued that partisanship in the Jacksonian era originated in the contest for the presidency and politicians’ manipulation of the electoral system, not in doctrinal disputes or social cleavages. On the other hand, politicians were at the mercy of fate. Neither the Whigs’ issueless, hoopla-dominated campaigns, replete with military hero candidates and absent of party platforms, nor the Democrats’ “Jacksonian Strategy” of laissez-faire government could withstand the sectional tensions that eventually sundered the parties as well as American society as a whole. The incredulity of Whigs toward one delegate at their 1840 national convention who daringly proposed a platform, the explosion on the U.S.S. Princeton, which took the life of John Tyler’s secretary of state and permitted his replacement, John C. Calhoun, to breach the hitherto stifled Texas annexation issue, the insulting rant of Michigan’s Charles Stuart at the 1860 Democratic convention, which precipitated the bolt of southern delegates and the subsequent break-up of the Democratic party — all figured prominently in McCormick’s humorous anecdotes about antebellum politics. Leaders created events, yet when structural changes and transcendent sectional animosities are factored in, their influence appears enigmatic, akin to that of the broker in a stock market that ultimately crashes. This role is most visible in McCormick’s The Second American Party System: Party Formation in the Jacksonian Era (1966), 1 a book which remains equally enigmatic in its seminal importance and ambiguous legacy. McCormick received his graduate training at the University of Pennsylvania under the tutelage of Roy F. Nichols, the preeminent “politician’s political historian” of his day. Nichols’s account of the disruption of the Democratic party in the late 1850s provided an organizational interpretation of political history that challenged the “irrepressible conflict” school of Civil [End Page 378] War causation. 2 Although McCormick would implicitly reject Civil War revisionism, Nichols’s assumptions about the impact of politicians, especially their ability to exploit voter impulses, would permeate The Second American Party System. Nichols fostered in McCormick an enduring appreciation of the autonomous nature of political parties and the propensity of politicians to act with personal goals in mind. The genesis of McCormick’s interest in the development of the second party system lay in his own earlier study of voting patterns in New Jersey, as well as in his reading of Maurice Duverger’s comparative analysis of the world’s party systems. 3 Duverger concluded that the American political system deviated markedly from every model. American political parties were, in essence, electoral machines — institutions more adept at electing candidates than in articulating convictions, educating voters, or fulfilling policy goals. For McCormick, the proximate cause of American exceptionalism in this regard was structural. The decentralized system of government and the various constitutional provisions which by design frustrated majority rule ensured the creation of parties more capable of winning elections than of governing. Americans’ persistent ambivalence toward both, power and the legitimacy of political parties, undergirded these structural impediments. Of all the party systems in American history, the second was most clearly an electoral machine system, McCormick implied, for not only did its component parties abdicate their responsibility to govern, but they had to exist in defiance of the most divisive issue in American history: black slavery. 4 The complexity of the federal system of politics led McCormick to write The Second Party System in an unconventional manner. His account of political development was based on neither national nor local events exclusively. Instead, he traced party development in every state which entered the Union prior to 1824, excluding only South Carolina, where no state-wide elections were held before the Civil War. This comparative approach allowed McCormick to ask the same analytic questions and to deduce with reasonable accuracy the timing of party formation everywhere. 5 Indeed, the timing of party development was McCormick’s principal concern, and that too distinguished his book from others...
Abraham Lincoln, as most antebellum lawyers, believed that lawyers should serve as peacemakers. His slander cases show that he often took advantage of opportunities for mediation and compromise. Lincoln was able to resolve many cases by repairing the damage to the plaintiffs' reputation. In several cases, the defendant attested to the good reputation of the slandered plaintiff, which settled the case. In some cases, the defendant consented to a large judgment, which the plaintiff then agreed to reduce to a much smaller sum. In others, the plaintiff, after a jury had awarded damages, agreed to remit most or all of the award. Lincoln acted as a peacemaker and showed sensitivity to what was actually at stake in those cases.Antebellum lawyers celebrated the 'sober judgements of Courts' as a means to maintain social order.1 At the same time, however, they also believed that they should serve as peacemakers who prevented disputes from going to court. Thus, they reflected a larger ambiguity in American culture about the use of courts to settle disputes. Americans acknowledge law as 'a vital part of culture and of the social order,' but the invocation of formal law often is viewed as an antisocial act and as a 'contravention of established cultural norms.'2 As Noah Webster explained in his American Spelling Book (1823), 'Somebody is always the worse for lawsuits, and of course society is less happy.'3Antebellum lawyers in general, and Lincoln in particular, did not want to resolve all disputes with a formal adjudication. Lawyers were not simply courtroom advocates for their clients; they also served a mediating role. As Robert W. Gordon notes, antebellum lawyers 'who took seriously their status as republican mediators were encouraged to run their office as little chancery courts.'4 That mediating role was particularly important in small communities where lawyers were keenly aware of the social context of purely local disputes.5 One of Lincoln's former law clerks recalled that 'the very character of this simple litigation drew the lawyer into the street and neighborhood, and into close and active intercourse with all classes of his fellow men.'6Lincoln himself described the lawyer's role as peacemaker. In his notes for a law lecture, he wrote: 'Discourage litigation. Persuade your neighbors to compromise whenever you can. Point out to them how the nominal winner is often a real loser—in fees, expenses, and waste of time. As a peacemaker the lawyer has a superior opportunity of being a good man.'7 That was a common conception of the lawyer's role in the nineteenth century.8 After the 1880 death of Stephen Trigg Logan, Lincoln's second law partner, John T. Stuart (Lincoln's first law partner), observed, 'Logan, in his office, was the just, ripe and safe counsellor, grasping with readiness the facts of the cases submitted to him, separating the truth from the coloring given it by the passion of the client, and readily seeing the point in the case, he was able to give sound advice, which his sense of justice directed to the right. He was not a promoter of litigations. He settled more controversies than he brought suits. He was a peace-maker.'9In 1834 Simon Greenleaf, a professor at the Harvard Law School, proclaimed that a lawyer 'concerns himself with the beginnings of controversies, not to inflame them but to extinguish them.... He is a peacemaker;—a composer of dissensions;—a blessing to his neighborhood.'10 In 1845 the New-York Legal Observer stated that 'the respectable attorney... is almost always a peace-maker and a settler of disputes, without litigation, where it is practicable.'11 Kentucky lawyer George W. Robertson similarly described the lawyer's role in his Scrap Book on Law and Politics, Men and Times (1855), a book Lincoln owned: 'He should never advise a suit unless it is the interest of his client to 'go to law' If the case be frivolous, or the right doubtful, he should advise forbearance or compromise. He should never encourage litigation.'12When faced with local disputes, Lincoln often tried to serve as a mediator or peacemaker. In 1850 he wrote client Abram Bale: 'I sincerely hope you will settle it. I think you can if you will, for I have always found Mr. Hickox a fair man in his dealings. If you settle I will charge nothing for what I have done, and thank you to boot. By settling, you will most likely get your money sooner; and with much less trouble & expense.'13In a case representing the Alton and Sangamon Railroad, he advised the railroad to settle with the defendant because 'it is better to get along peaceably if possible.'14 In 1859 he advised client Hay-den Keeling to drop his lawsuit: 'I do not think there is the least use of doing any more with the law suit. I not only do not think you are sure to gain it, but I do think your are sure to lose it. Therefore the sooner it ends the better.'15Lincoln helped to restore peace to the 'neighborhood' through his efforts to mediate and settle slander lawsuits. He handled at least sixty-eight slander lawsuits during the course of his career, representing plaintiffs thirty-four times and defendants thirty-four times.16 A self-educated lawyer, he became well versed in the law of slander.17 Those cases, however, involved much more than the sterile application of the formal law of slander to the facts of each lawsuit. Slander cases, by their very nature, were community-oriented, reg- ulating acceptable forms of behavior in small communities.18 Litigants in slander suits were involved in the 'small politics' of everyday life: reputation, gossip, and insult.19 In small communities, as anthropologist F. G. Bailey notes, there is a 'fund of common knowledge about all the members of the community' and that fund is made up of reputations.20 As one historian has observed, 'A person's standing in a small community depends on his or her reputation, and reputations are sustained or lost primarily through gossip.'21 Lincoln recognized the importance of reputation; he confessed in 1832 that his 'peculiar ambition' was 'being truly esteemed of my fellow men.'22The Illinois law of slander had both statutory and common-law elements. The Illinois General Assembly defined slander as criminal behavior that could be punished with a fine not exceeding $1,000.23 The next year, the legislature made 'certain words actionable' in civil proceedings. The legislature declared that falsely stating that any person had been guilty of adultery or fornication or had sworn falsely were actionable.24 That legislation thus rejected the English common-law rule that required 'an express imputation of some crime liable to punishment, some capital offence, or other infamous crime or misdemeanor.'25 Several other state courts did follow the English rule, which held that an imputation of adultery or fornication was not actionable.26 In Illinois, it was.Many of Lincoln's slander cases involved accusations of adultery or fornication; Lincoln thus was involved heavily in maintaining community reputations and relationships. In fact, he represented plaintiffs or defendants in at least eleven such cases, all of which concerned a woman accused of adultery or fornication.27 Lincoln and Herndon filed a slander lawsuit for Charles Cantrall and Emily Cantrall in 1849. They sued one John Primm for saying that 'William King screwed Charles Cantrall's wife twice while he was gone; and before that he crawled in bed with her and her husband and screwed her.' Lincoln and Herndon requested $1,000 in damages for their clients.28 In an 1845 slander case, Lincoln and Herndon represented the defendants, Jonathan Miller and Susan Miller. The plaintiffs, William Beaty and Martha Ann Beaty, claimed that Susan Miller had said that 'Mrs. Beaty and Dr. Sulivan were seen together in Beaty's stable one morning very early in the very act' and that 'Mrs. Beaty and Dr. Sulivan were seen in the very act.' The jury found Lincoln's client liable and assessed damages at $45.29 In an 1858 Vermilion County case, Lincoln was among lawyers representing Nancy M. Martin in a suit against Achilles M. Underwood. Martin charged that Underwood had boasted of having sex with her and had said that she 'has been fucked more times than I've got fingers and toes.'30 The jury found Underwood guilty and ordered him to pay $237 in damages.31Lincoln represented the plaintiff in a slander case that was first tried in Menard County in 1843 and then retried in Morgan County in 1844. Eliza Cabot sued Francis Regnier for saying that Elijah Taylor was 'after skin and he has got it' with Cabot, that Taylor had 'rogered' Cabot, and that 'the captain has got some skin there as much as he wanted.'32 When the case went to trial in Menard County, Lincoln delivered a 'denunciation' of Regnier that was 'as bitter a Phillippic as ever uttered'; nevertheless, Cabot received a verdict for only $12.33 Lincoln moved for a new trial based on jury misconduct, and the judge set aside the verdict.34 When the case was tried in Morgan County, Cabot received a $1,600 verdict, which was later sustained by the Illinois Supreme Court.35Lincoln also represented Ambrose P. Edwards and his wife in the appeal of their slander suit against William Patterson and his wife. The Edwardses had sued the Pattersons for Mrs. Patterson's remark that 'Mrs. Edwards has raised a family of children by a negro, and I can prove it.' The Edwardses claimed that those words, by innuendo, charged Mrs. Edwards with the crimes of adultery and The jury agreed and awarded in Lincoln represented the Edwardses after the Pattersons The the and the case to the trial that 'the words do not in their and or in common to a charge of fornication and In an 1850 County lawsuit brought by Lincoln represented the John claimed had her a The jury agreed and assessed damages at and Herndon similarly represented local reputations were vital for their community relationships. slander lawsuits with plaintiffs had been most concerned about accusations about plaintiffs were concerned about their and Lincoln's slander cases for plaintiffs involved accusations of or Lincoln filed his first slander case in on of George W. of Sangamon County, who sued Stephen because had said that he was guilty of also represented plaintiffs who sued because of accusations of In an County Lincoln and Herndon represented William who claimed that had slandered him by an crime against with a had said that my and he fucked her as as he He accused of the who was and will have some Lincoln and Herndon requested $1,000 in The case was with also represented in County lawsuits filed in The defendants in both cases saying that in fact, have intercourse or knowledge with a suit against George W. was tried with the jury both times to a After the second each agreed that the case could be The after the case was William W. the defendant in the second case, his and of an with the In an County Lincoln where their client sued accusations that he had a against with a to a and Lincoln a against the slander law to One explained in 1850 that 'the law is that words not in the case of a common of in to the office he or the or which he Lincoln represented fellow lawyer in a slander suit against Abraham Lincoln's claimed that had charged his of of of of and of that the accused The case went to and Lincoln the to the Those said that if the jury believed that said the words, then had to prove that all the were of will not the charge of of of and both the charge of with The jury also was that 'a of is to prove that the defendant the but that more then a that is a is to prove that the words were The jury awarded in a slander case, a defendant one of the defendant had not the words, or prove that the words were not If a defendant saying the words, then that defendant the of If a defendant claimed that the words were then the defendant had to the of In at least slander cases, Lincoln truth as a to the In cases, Lincoln that the plaintiffs in fact, In other cases, Lincoln to prove that the plaintiff had sworn In cases, Lincoln that the plaintiffs were guilty of In one case, Lincoln that he prove that the plaintiff was guilty of and in he that the plaintiff was guilty of was a the defendant had to the words by the the defendant a in that the charged words were before a jury in Illinois could be that a of the slander if the defendant to the In the Illinois Supreme held that the jury could the a of the slander and only the jury believed that the defendant had without any of The jury each case, the damages be because a is the of the cases that Lincoln the was he jury The other Lincoln's received jury in the cases that Lincoln with the of In cases, the was $1,000 in and in In both cases, however, plaintiffs agreed to remit part of the In other cases that Lincoln the jury awarded and In the cases, the of have helped In County cases that Lincoln his were ordered to pay only and Lincoln had the defendant was sued for the plaintiff a In those cases, Lincoln and filed lawsuits in County, that Robert and had him a and a infamous Lincoln represented both defendants and in both lawsuits that the plaintiff did and and His had the plaintiff a The suit against was tried in with the jury with they found his client not guilty of the second lawsuit in the of after to pay were The of for on a if the plaintiff to one of the Lincoln times but was never in that A defendant also could or damages by that the words were in and was the of a slander case, and if the words were in and then there was In at least cases, Lincoln submitted jury that said if the jury believed the words were but also believed were through of they are to for the In one of those cases, Lincoln submitted an that charged the jury that if they found that the words were much in the of passion as to be from all this is to in of A defendant could also by that he or she had what had said about the plaintiff and had not been by Lincoln that in Beaty Miller. Lincoln's any of the truth of the but claimed that the defendant was what her husband had from one she the said words as she litigation involved not only against slander but also that the damages awarded were In to that the defendant had not the words or that the words were not a lawyer could a of Illinois a defendant in a slander case could damages by the character of the and by any which to but do not to prove the truth of the In a County slander Lincoln's client was sued for saying that the plaintiff had sworn the jury found for the plaintiff, the was only In an Vermilion County case, Lincoln's client, who also was sued for saying the plaintiff had sworn was found guilty but was ordered to pay only in In case, a County jury assessed only in damages against Lincoln's In an 1850 suit in County, Lincoln represented the who had been charged with saying the plaintiff and The jury found for the plaintiff, but awarded That was more against Lincoln and Herndon in an Sangamon County case. Lincoln and Herndon represented the plaintiff, while Lincoln's former partner, Stephen Logan, represented the the jury found client guilty of they awarded one for In a case, Lincoln represented William against for that had said that was of and Lincoln requested in damages, but the jury awarded only in slander cases, Lincoln mediation and compromise. He did not slander he often was able to settle In several the settled the defendant agreed to a large judgment, which the plaintiff then agreed to remit in part or in one County for Stuart and Lincoln represented a plaintiff who sued because of an of The case was settled the defendant confessed to a and Lincoln's client agreed to remit the In an 1845 County case, the defendant agreed to a and the plaintiff then and agreed not to on the for That same year, Lincoln and Herndon represented the plaintiff in a Sangamon County slander suit. The case was settled the agreed to a judgment, which the plaintiff agreed to remit for Lincoln settled an Vermilion County case by having the defendant her and to a and having the plaintiff remit all but Lincoln an he represented Dr. in an 1859 County lawsuit. sued for The case was settled agreed in to a against him and agreed to remit all but and to for an lawyer who was often with Lincoln on the recalled one slander case in which Lincoln, one of the lawyers, most and efforts to compromise the case, which was by of his The case in County and involved a the community of and a from the community of In a accused of and to after the suit was were made for a to the not only the but the as for all became involved as or When the case was to County, their lawyers and and an of to The were and a large The case was tried twice and in a At the next of to and and the that their have to be Lincoln then that Lincoln that of litigation, in which was and he his with all and a After the to Lincoln the of which the and the defendant that he has ever or believed the plaintiff to be guilty of that he has said from which such a charge could be he said on the of others, his in the and that he any in the truth of such charge against said The agreed to and to the of cases that Lincoln settled before or after trial that slander suits were more to restore or reputation than to Lincoln settled at least slander cases by having his client the good reputation of the plaintiff, thus repairing the reputation in the As Lincoln later is the against In an case in County, Ann sued and for claimed that had said Ann is a and Ann her fine by Lincoln, who represented the defendants, settled the case by having his in that or of them ever made any charge against the of the and that of them has ever had any or or any want of on the part of the The then the case by slander case, the plaintiff agreed to the lawsuit Lincoln filed into the the by his this case, the defendant that he has never the words in the that he always has and the plaintiff to be an that he never has and not that the plaintiff ever or in any to his any of and that he this to be the as the most and that he can of the reputation, against such a a case, Lincoln wrote a in which the defendant said that he had not any accused the plaintiff of and not him guilty of such Lincoln's client had of a by the plaintiff 'as being but that he has not said a as from a Lincoln's client agreed to pay and the plaintiff agreed to the Lincoln thus showed sensitivity to what was actually at stake in those he settled each cases by repairing the damage to the was the of other In an case brought in County, John M. and claimed that had slandered by saying she a that she been of fornication with a and had a of an intercourse with a Lincoln represented the The case was later by of the with the plaintiffs not to for same of In an 1845 case, Robert G. sued Lincoln's client John in on the case in Sangamon moved for a of and the case was to Menard then a of that had said that he was a and a The case later was by the with each a of Lincoln acted as a peacemaker in slander he a role of Illinois and at least slander lawsuits were filed in Sangamon County, only went to a was involved in of the cases and of the the settled of the cases without a cases were by the or from the while were settled by agreed the cases, the want of and for to for sustained a to a to and a in the to before Lincoln was involved in at least cases where plaintiffs settled after the had against the were not an by the Illinois Supreme the jury on the of plaintiffs most or all of the that the of slander suits was to restore or reputations in the In cases, plaintiffs all of the for In an slander case in County, for Lincoln was able to settle the case after the jury a verdict against his Emily had sued Lincoln's client, for that had said that had sworn had run with a and had in a The jury agreed that had slandered and assessed $1,000 in The judgment, however, that the of said In an 1843 County case, Lincoln's client was accused of saying that the plaintiff had into a with his his and a from a while he was The jury awarded the plaintiff but the into and the for other cases the plaintiff most of the In a County slander case Elijah and wife sued that had a and had said 'the have her in the of the many a The plaintiffs in Lincoln and represented the defendant Lincoln the which stated that his client was not only not guilty but prove at trial that guilty of fornication with said Elijah before they were When the case was tried in the jury awarded in damages, of which the plaintiffs Lincoln represented the who received an of John claimed that Abram had said that he had before a Lincoln in his claimed that had had and before the jury he that and had together without being The jury found for but Lincoln an of the and the of and of said Thus, Lincoln was able to mediate and settle some cases after had in of Lincoln the of an appeal to reduce an jury In the County the plaintiff claimed that Lincoln's client had slandered him by an of and The jury agreed and awarded Lincoln then filed a for new that the jury had a in verdict and that his client had not received a fair When the plaintiff of the judgment, the for new trial was also a after the verdict in an slander case in In that case, Lincoln represented the plaintiff William who that his had said that he was 'a that 'it was the of the that was and in The however, found that had slandered and awarded in one of later recalled that Lincoln said that his client did not want to money out of the the he could do be to get to remit some of the damage and be Lincoln and his client agreed to of the verdict in for the defendant which in the many slander cases, Lincoln was able to his neighbors to In some cases he settled cases by repairing the damage to the plaintiffs' reputation in for to the good reputation of the In other cases, the defendant consented to a large judgment, which the plaintiff agreed to reduce to a much smaller sum. That also the damage to reputation and settled the case. In others, the plaintiff agreed to remit most or all of the award. Lincoln advised that 'as a peacemaker the lawyer has a superior opportunity of being a good His slander cases show that he often took advantage of such the Lincoln Legal in Illinois, I acknowledge the of William and I also to F. Illinois state Illinois Robert and of the of of the of of and of of on and
The Civil War brought machine politics to Chicago. The party realignment that created the Republican Party repoliticized municipal elections that had been nonpartisan for nearly a decade, while the war itself presented emergency situations that forced (or, alternatively, allowed) city officials to tax and spend on an unprecedentedly large scale. By machine politics, of course, I do not mean a Richard J. Daley style concentration of power; that kind of machine would not exist in Chicago until Daley himself built it in the 1950s. Rather, by machine politics I mean a form of city government with two characteristics: first, electoral conflict, consisting of an ongoing battle between “reformers” and “bosses,” often waged on the issue of “corruption,” and second, municipal finance structured so that the city treasury underwrote what political scientist Raymond E. Wolfinger has delicately called “incentives to political participation.” Before the Civil War, Chicago's government had neither of these characteristics. It did, however, have a third characteristic that historians usually associate with machine politics: It was decentralized. Antebellum Chicago's radical administrative decentralization, which I have termed the “segmented system of city government,” was destroyed by the Civil War. A system designed to avoid the political redistribution of individual wealth was replaced by one – machine politics – that used its taxing and spending powers to pursue expensive “public interests.” Thus, the origin of machine politics lay not in a democratizing decentralization of power but in the addition of centralizing elements to an already decentralized government and, more important, in the political definition of those public interests for which redistribution was appropriate.
Although lawyers made crucial contributions to the development of business, scholars have said little about their role. As the following article explains, lawyers fought restrictions on business growth, worked to make laws uniform, and helped to establish legal rules in the areas of corporate reorganization, finance, and regulation. Pioneering a new type of organization—the large firm—they moved beyond the realm of legal doctrine and acquired the political influence, local knowledge, and community connections needed to reform the nation's decentralized legal system in ways that fit the demands of national-scale business.
American History and Culture
Occupational and Professional Licensing Regulation
Between 1916 and 1941, Henry Ford embarked on an effort to decentralize the production facilities of the Ford Motor Company. One component of this effort was an experiment in which he located seventeen small factories, called Village Industries, in rural areas throughout southeastern Michigan. These factories were designed to utilize water power in the production of sub-assembly parts for Ford's main assembly plants and were intended to provide jobs for rural residents. Ford endeavored to develop a sense of “field and factory” in these plants by training rural workers in the latest technological advances, allowing them release time to farm their fields, and paying them “city” wages. The Ford experiment is important for, despite a significant body of literature calling for the decentralization of industry during this period, there were few efforts that were comprehensively implemented, few which included rural areas, and even fewer that were totally financed by the private sector.
Historians have recently given much attention to the active, formative role of state governments in the American economy before the Civil War.1 The states exercised nearly exclusive control over many aspects of economic life, and in such areas as labor, banking, and corporation policy the federal government interfered relatively little. The consequence was considerable decentralization of power in policymaking, together with variations in policy from state to state.2 Perhaps in no policy area were variations so dramatic as in state legislation on banking. In some states banking was prohibited outright, while in others the state government itself established and operated banks, sometimes on a monopoly basis. Elsewhere, safety funds were established and banks required to meet minimum standards of specie reserve and the like; and in a few states, stringent regulatory policies were pursued, with public commissioners given considerable discretion in administering policy.3