Abstract. This paper examines the process of mass democracy as the fundamental cause of transfer seeking and the centralization of governance, using Austrian-school theory and methodology such as decentralized knowledge, disaggregated phenomena, and the structure of capital goods. The alternative of decentralized, small-group gov-ernance reduces the demand for campaign financing and makes more effective use of decentralized knowledge. In addition, when public revenues originate in the local districts and are passed on to higher levels of governance, it provides incentives for revenue sources which do not have an excess burden on production. The governance struc-ture of cellular, bottom-up, multi-level voting, with public revenue flowing up from the lower to the upper levels, provides a contrast for a comparative systems analysis that can yield insight into the transfer seeking endemic in mass democracy.
Although Bangladesh has had a glorious past, it is one of the most underdeveloped countries in the world. It is lagging far behind its neighbors in terms of the human development index. This paper attempts to identify the major causes of underdevelopment, analyzes policy options in view of principles of sustainable economic growth and development, and recommends education reform as the number one choice that is politically feasible. Continuation and strengthening of the highly centralized colonial administrative and educational system; state owned corporations of commerce, finance and industry; and poor infrastructure, environmental degradation, political instabilities and high levels of corruption are considered the primary sources of underdevelopment. The paper presents guidelines for decentralized governance with clear demarcation of jurisdictions, privatization of all state corporations and supporting competitive markets, and education reform. In addition to requiring mass education, it argues for the production and export, after meeting domestic requirements, of highly qualified professionals. It recommends focusing on finance, management, computers, engineering, medicine, and nursing where there exists high world-wide demand. The proposed decentralization and privatization may not be politically feasible and fully realizable in Bangladesh as these measures are against the interests of the ruling class. Education reform is the only feasible option in the short run.
Almost fifty years ago, Herbert Wechsler famously argued that congressional legislation requiring individual states to fulfill federal mandates should be given great deference by the Supreme Court because state interests were better by the legislative process.' All federal laws, Wechsler noted, had to gain the approval of the Senate, which by design represents states rather than individuals; the House, which is composed of districts drawn by state legislators; and the President, who is elected by the Electoral College, an institution also designed to protect in part the interests of states. Because the Constitution ensured that state interests were represented in the two elected branches of the federal government, Wechsler argued, it obviated the need for the Court to subject congressional legislation to judicial review on behalf of the states. In 1980, Jesse Choper extended Wechsler's emphasizing the importance of congressional committees and party leadership in the Senate and House of Representatives, as well as the emergence of state lobbies that formed in the nation's capital to combat federal power during the Great Society.2 Five years later, a majority of the Supreme Court adopted this line of argument, which has come to be called the safeguards thesis, in Garcia v. San Antonio Metropolitan Transit Authority: Me are convinced that the fundamental limitation that the constitutional scheme imposes on the Commerce Clause to protect the as is one of process rather than result. Any substantive restraint on the exercise of the Commerce Clause powers must find its justification in the procedural nature of this basic limitation, and it must be tailored to compensate for possible IMAGE FORMULA4 failings in the national political process rather than dictate a sacred province of state autonomy.'3 In recent years, however, the Court has largely abandoned the political safeguards thesis,4 aggressively overturning federal legislation on the grounds that it infringes upon the constitutional interests of individual states.' The Court has argued that Congress and other national political institutions have not-and perhaps cannot-protect the interests of states, particularly state officials. There is, the Court has claimed, a fundamental conflict between national and state institutions: to avert blame for the difficult choices they face, congressional members attempt to accomplish national goals while deflecting the responsibility of policy enforcement, implementation, and financing onto the states through the passage of unfunded mandates.6 Many law professors agree with the Court, arguing that Congress cannot be trusted with the representation of state actors and that there is little legal precedent for providing the national legislative branches with the opportunity to tread on state government terrain in the absence of IMAGE FORMULA7 judicial review.7 Even one of Wechsler's sympathizers, Mark Tushnet, has recently written, It seems fair to say that no one today believes that Wechsler's arguments retain much force.118 Through recent decisions, the Court has made emphatically clear that it believes it more effectively protects and advances state interests than does Congress or other national political institutions? In the face of these Court decisions and supporting legal scholarship, Larry Kramer has attempted to revive the Wechsler but with a twist.10 States are by the legislative process, claims Krameralthough not by constitutionally created institutions like the Senate or the Electoral College. Instead, he argues, the party system has protected the states by making national officials politically dependent upon state and local party organizations. Kramer asserts that because American parties are highly decentralized and responsive to voter interests, they do an excellent job of channeling the concerns of state and local voters and officials into national party platforms and agendas. âŚ
In this note, we consider the problem of verifying the identity of an individual involved in a two party communication activity using a well-known Zero Knowledge protocol for a computationally intractable problem. This problem is the problem of coloring the vertices of a graph using three colors so that no pair of adjacent vertices receives the same color also known as 3-coloring problem. This problem is NP-complete, i.e. Ăt shares with a multitude of other natural combinatorial problems the property that most likely no fast (polynomial) algorithm exists for their solution. In this note, we use randomly generated 3-colorable graphs and use the knowledge of a 3-coloring of them to authenticate individuals. We exploĂŹt the fact that one may easily generate a random 3-colorable graph with a specific 3-coloring that only he/she knows although it is a computationally intractable problem for someone who wants to impersonate the individual to discover a 3-coloring. Therefore, knowledge of a 3-coloring of a graph provides authentication of the individual possessing this knowledge. To prove this knowledge, the individual may use an adaptation of a Zero Knowledge Interactive proof protocol for 3-coloring.
In the course of the present transition in Russian society, a new system of social security has been developed. The previous Soviet system has been replaced by a system of four more or less independent social funds, covering the main branches of social security. These funds are supposed to be run according to insurance principles and to be financed by contributions, mainly from employers. Given the difficult economic and social situation of the country, there have been increasing demands for effectiveness in the management of the different funds and also in the management of the whole social security system. The results of this study show that the social funds have developed different organizational structures with different degrees of centralization and decentralization. Only one of the funds seems to be relatively wellâfunctioning and effective, while the others have experienced more or less serious problems in fulfilling their main tasks and functions. The most serious problems, however, seem to stem from the structure of the social security system as a whole, which is perceived as fragmented and badly coordinated. In order to improve the coordination of the system, there have been proposals to merge two or more funds into a unified social security organization. This strategy is open to question, however, since it would increase the bureaucracy of the system. There are other ways in which the structure of the social security system might be advanced. Such developments should be based on an analysis of the system from the perspective of the individual client or patient.
The California power crisis and September 11 terrorist attacks of 2001 have reinvigorated debate over the electric power systemâs vulnerabilities. But beyond the threat of terrorist attacks on nuclear power stations and the issue of insufficient power, a central, fossil-, and nuclear-based electric power infrastructure carries additional risks. These include aging transmission and distribution systems, environmental impacts, and the failure to bring power to 1.8 billion people in the developing world. Such vulnerabilities could be lessened through small-scale, decentralized technologies. These micropower units exhibit many hidden benefits, such as improved fuel supply diversity, strengthened transmission and distribution systems, and a lower ecological footprint. Micropower is emerging in two niches: developed nations where businesses place a premium on power reliability and developing-nation regions where small-scale power is the most economical means of alleviating power poverty. But broader deployment of micropower requires removal of market barriers and greater use of innovative financing.
Consortia for the sharing of electronic resources represent one of the most important current developments in the field of libraries. These increasingly widespread cooperation programmes present a double nature: they show the characteristics of initiatives which are transitory in nature; on the other hand they demonstrate their long-term potential. Comparative research into consortia in Western Europe was aimed at determining their principal characteristics, emerging models, and the critical factors of their development. From an analysis of 18 consortia from the viewpoints of scope and geographical dimension, policy and programme, governance, infrastructure and financing, a diverse picture emerges, with notable differences between countries in terms of both level of development and manner of implementation. In addition to historic and cultural factors, various other factors of a political and managerial nature, such as the degree of political and administrative decentralization, national technological programmes, the regular availability of special financing, organizational structure, and the legal status of the consortium, all play a decisive role. Three principal consortia models seem to be establishing themselves: a centralized model (principally in the Nordic countries), a decentralized model (currently the most widespread), and a regional model (in some countries with decentralized political systems).
Library Collection Development and Digital Resources
The Province of the Punjab underwent a number of attempts to decentralize the health sector in the 1990s. Among the most important were the decentralization of financial management within the district, the Sheikhupura PHC Pilot Project, the establishment of the District Health Authorities and District Health Management Teams, the creation of semi-autonomous hospitals and the programme of District Health Government (DHG). These usually received donor support and promotion, and emerged from within the provincial Department of Health, and more specifically the Secretariat and the internationally supported Second Family Health Project (FH2). Of particular significance was the DHG change, which involved a decentralization to the district, the appointment of powerful Chief Executives, the formation of District Management Committees and purchaser-provider separation. The paper reviews these proposals, focusing on the need to build on experiences and learning lessons from pilot projects, reform continuity, developing consultation and involvement and policy analysis. The latter indicates the importance of developing more in-depth policy analysis around the role of the central organization, the form of decentralization and the purchaser-provider separation. The paper concludes by underlining the need to ensure that political strategy and in-depth policy are appropriately coordinated in the policy process.
China's pay-as-you-go pension system, created in 1995, is on the verge of bankruptcy, largely because of a rapidly aging population (Exhibit 1). At the same time, the country's one-child-per-household policy is undercutting the traditional family approach to caring for aged parents, leaving the government to care for the elderly. To finance pensions, the government must fill a gap that will come to $15 billion by 2005 and to $110 billion by 2010 (Exhibit 2). Major changes in government policy are needed to meet these obligations and to manage pension assets more professionally. When the reforms come, they will be among the strongest drivers of development in China's nascent primary and secondary capital markets as well as in fund management, thereby creating sizable opportunities for domestic and foreign securities firms alike. One way to close the deficit would be to turn state-owned enterprises into publicly traded ones; almost two-thirds of China's top 500 companies have yet to be listed. (1) On current plans, by 2005 equity issues are expected to reach a total of $200 billion, including more than $80 billion from large-capitalization companies. A further substantial source of funding would be the sale of the currently nontradable state-owned shares through secondary-market offerings. At the end of 2000, such nontradable shares were worth, at market prices, $387 billion-- that is, 67 percent of the market capitalization of all listed companies in China (Exhibit 3, on the next page). But selling state-owned shares remains a sensitive matter. In October 2001, securities regulators suspended their sale after they were blamed for a market collapse, so the government is now searching for an alternative. Government debt issues may help pay for pensions, though not in the long term. The authorities are exploring ways to modernize the market for domestic government debt by creating regular auctions of large and liquid benchmark issues. (2) But the management of public pension assets, currently carried out in a decentralized way by government staff with little training, could prove to be a bigger challenge than financing the deficit. Pension funds hold only 1 percent of the personal financial assets of individuals in China, compared with 6 percent in Hong Kong, 28 percent in Singapore, and 37 percent in the United States. Proposed reforms, following the global trend, will move China away from the current defined-benefit model and toward its defined-contribution counterpart. (3) One model China has been considering is the system used in Singapore, where both employers and employees contribute to a designated fund, and benefits depend on these contributions and on the fund's performance. To ensure long-term returns, the government may gradually allow domestic and foreign institutions to manage the money. If defined-contribution pension plans are introduced, they should promote an increase in the total value of equity holdings in China as well as big changes in the domestic securities business. Investors, for example, will pay increasing attention to their asset mix and to the risk-return profile of their pension assets, and they will be able to choose from a wider range of higher-quality financial products. Open-end mutual funds, first allowed in China in September 2001, will probably be favored. As demand and competition rise in the mutual-fund business, the cost of these products will fall to the levels prevailing in developed markets. (4) Meanwhile, the presence of institutional asset managers in China will grow as more retail equity investment flows into pension and mutual funds. Retail investors dominate equity markets in China; in 2000, its institutional investors undertook just 20 percent of all trading, compared with 49 percent in Hong Kong and 58 percent in the United States. By 2005, institutional investors are expected to account for 30 percent of all trading, and total accumulated public pension assets under professional fund management should be worth $23 billion to $37 billion, up from essentially zero today. âŚ
Policy and its consequences pervade outcomes within cities. Whether through initiatives and incentives on behalf of urban economic development, political control in support of environmental protection or reinforcements of as well as constraints on spatial advantages and disadvantages, governments at higher levels have affected outcomes in all three domains. Yet mapping even these measures forward from above demonstrates how important the local influence on them has been. Politicians, businesspeople, activists and electorates within metropolitan settings often play as crucial a role as national, regional and supranational policy elites. Higher-level governments may finance vast expansions in physical infrastructure, education and research, but local initiatives often decide which places receive these assets. Higher-level governments may legislate protections on land, but local decisions determine what land is in fact protected. Higher-level officials may allocate funds for new public housing, but local choices can decide whether that housing will create ghettos. In all of these areas, and in urban regions across the advanced industrial world, localized decision making has proliferated even as policy making at higher levels has in many respects expanded. What has become known as regulation theory has analyzed these actions as essentially the consequence of capitalist interests in economic production. Yet not only interests besides those of business but also institutional logics inherent in government and policy give shape to these policies. Beyond formal devolution from above, the localization of policy has also grown directly out of expanding state activity. The more that national, intermediate and transnational governments have tried to shape urban political economies, the more that governing from above has depended on governance from below.
Without much public notice, health care is entering a crisis. The events of 11 September and the Enron collapse have made that crisis more imminent, serious, and even more likely to come on the American public and politicians unnoticed. September 11 gave the economy another major hit, led to a military build up that will consume whatever budget surplus there might have been, and drew whatever political and public attention exists away from domestic issues. Nevertheless, we should attend to health care reform. There will soon be a major crisis, and we need to be ready with a reasonable policy for politicians who will suddenly find themselves in need of answers. Consider four descriptive and five prescriptive propositions that lead to the outlines of a politically palatable and ethically justifiable strategy. 1) No one is happy with the current health care system. Doctors and patients hate the encroachment on their choice, feel they have no control over their health plan, and trust no one. Managed care organizations and employers feel that doctors and patients have unrealistic demands, are unwilling to confront the need to cut costs, and are unwilling to be held accountable; managed care is asked to do the impossible to simultaneously improve quality and keep costs down. 2) Health care costs are going up and will continue to go up in the foreseeable future. Whatever savings there were in the 1990s from managed care, they are gone, and they will not return. With pharmaceuticals rising at 20 to 30 percent per year, and hospitals and doctors demanding more money, premiums are heading up at double digit rates with no end in sight. 3) The number of uninsured Americans is going up and the range of health benefits for those who are insured is going down. Increases in unemployment and increases in health care premiums mean more people will lose their health insurance. Decreases in corporate profits mean that those still insured will have skimpier benefit packages and bear more of the premium price with higher copayments. 4) Pressure on state budgets will also mean close looks at Medicaid budgets. As the economy declines, state coffers shrink. Coincidentally, rises in unemployment and health care costs will increase Medicaid expenditures, further squeezing state budgets and crowding out other vital state programs, including education and infrastructure improvements. This is the crisis. But we have been here before. This was almost exactly the situation in the early 1990s, except that then managed care had the potential to constrain costs. And yet, as we all know, health care reform failed. In part, it failed because Clinton spectacularly misplayed the politics of health care reform, and in part because employers embraced managed care--and abandoned Clinton's plan--on the premise that managed care was a more certain path to controlling costs. What better proof is there that everyone makes big--multibillion dollar--mistakes? But we can learn five key lessons from that stunning and tragic failure that might help develop universal health care coverage. 5) The big hurdle for health care reform is not ethics or economics but politics. Ethics supports universal coverage. Both ethics and economics urge the need for cost constraint. But even when everyone agrees that there is a problem, that is no guarantee they all--or even a majority of them--will support the same solution. The key is to provide a solution that both liberals and conservatives can endorse, making it harder for any single interest group to kill it. 6) Retain a private health care delivery system. Harry and Louise ads proved that the health care insurance industry is strong and can torpedo almost any reform package that tries to eliminate it. After all, its survival is at stake, and the industry has nothing to lose in such a life-and-death struggle. âŚ
The claim that autonomy in the classroom and freedom from bureaucracy will stimulate innovation in teaching and learning and result in improved student achievement is based on an assumption that all bureaucracy is bad. The that Ms. Fox studied suggest, however, that this assumption is facile at best. IN FALL 1997, Ohio adopted a plan for the implementation of in its eight largest urban school districts in fall 1998. Subsequent legislation allowed the establishment of in any of Ohio's 21 large urban districts or in any school district declared by the state board of education to be in a situation of academic emergency. Because all private and public in Ohio receive charters from the state, these new kinds of are referred to as community-charter schools or As I've done in the title, I'll use these terms throughout the rest of this article to distinguish Ohio's from those in other states and from the general concept of schools. Charter school advocates claim that will be successful primarily because they are free from rules, regulations, and the weight of bureaucracy -- normal aspects of public school systems. They believe that will provide better student performance in exchange for this autonomy.1 According to Bruno Manno and his colleagues, the charter concept is simple but powerful: sound school choices can be provided to families under the umbrella of public education without micromanagement by government bureaucracies.2 This anti-bureaucratic ideology contends that the top-down bureaucratic system, with all its rules and regulations from state and local education agencies, inhibits efforts to innovate in public schools.3 The idea that freedom from rules and regulations will guarantee innovative practices in governance as well as in teaching and learning provides a basis for the argument favoring autonomy within a school structure.4 Many school advocates the notion that educational innovations develop best from decentralized, bottom-up sources.5 Charter present an opportunity to the power from bureaucracies to the themselves and ultimately to the individuals responsible for them -- educators, parents, and students.6 The from bureaucratic to autonomous governance brings potential for expanded, inclusive, and localized democratic decision making.7 This shift allows individual to make most of their own decisions regarding budget, personnel, curriculum, and instructional program. Some argue that, in each school, only those closest to the students -- teachers, support staff members, administrators, and parents -- should make the necessary decisions regarding restructuring.8 Waivers from bureaucratic rules and regulations create the potential for innovations that could result in increased academic achievement for students.9 However, the assumption that autonomy will result in governance structures that support grassroots involvement in decision making and so lead to more innovative educational environments has been examined in only a few studies.10 In a qualitative case study of four of Ohio's community-supported schools, I sought to describe the organizational structures of the to determine who was involved in making formal and informal decisions affecting life in the and whether those structures supported empowerment of the staff in grassroots governance.11 My descriptive study addressed the question of whether participants perceived their schools' cultures to be conducive to enhanced learning environments for students. Eighteen teachers, four administrators, and one governing board member took part in individual interviews and focus groups, all conducted at their school sites. The initial group of three used for this qualitative case study were selected from the 15 opened in large urban districts in Ohio during the 1998-99 school year. âŚ
We provide a model incorporating features of local public finance in Japan, including close fiscal ties between different levels of government as well as bureaucratic determinations of intergovernmental transfers. The discretionary nature of transfers softens local budgets ex post, which exerts perverse incentive effects on local governments ex ante. Fiscal decentralization that assigns more revenue responsibility to the local level serves to counteract this moral hazard incentive. The emphasis is on the endogenous nature of regional fiscal capacities at the local level. Fiscal devolution motivates local jurisdictions to become fiscally independent wherever possible.
CONTEXT: In the 1990s, the Republic of Georgia instituted health care reforms to convert the centralized, state-operated health care system inherited from the Soviet Union to a decentralized, market-driven system of health care delivery. Under the new system, 87% of health care expenditures are financed through out-of-pocket payments at the point of service. OBJECTIVE: To describe the effects of health care reforms on access to care and health care financing among ill residents of Tbilisi, Georgia. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS: A probability-proportionate-to-size cluster survey conducted in 1999 of 248 households containing 306 household members who had been ill in the past 6 months in Tbilisi, Georgia. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Reported health care utilization, out-of-pocket expenditures, and financing practices. RESULTS: Of sick household members, 51% used official health care services at hospitals and clinics; 49% did not use official services and sought advice from relatives or friends, used traditional medicines, or did nothing. Those with serious illness were more likely to seek care through official services (82%) than those with nonserious illness (27%). Ninety-three percent of respondents said costs were the major deterrent to obtaining health care. Ten percent of ill household members reported that they were unable to obtain health care because of high costs; 16% reported being unable to afford all the medications necessary to treat their illness. Sixty-one percent of ill household members used savings to pay for health care expenditures and 19% of those able to obtain care had to use strategies such as borrowing money or selling personal items to pay for health care. Total out-of-pocket health care expenditures (53%) were paid for by borrowing money or selling personal items. A significant portion of households with ill members (87%) reported an interest in purchasing health care insurance. CONCLUSIONS: Economic disruption and health care reforms have led to access problems and out-of-pocket financing strategies that include reliance on personal savings, selling personal items, and borrowing money. Future reforms should consider an appropriate system for health care insurance risk pooling for the population of Tbilisi, Georgia.
In this paper we propose a definition for (honest verifier) quantum statistical zero-knowledge interactive proof systems and study the resulting complexity class, which we denote QSZK. We prove several facts regarding this class that establish close connections between classical statistical zero-knowledge and our definition for quantum statistical zero-knowledge, and give some insight regarding the effect of this zero-knowledge restriction on quantum interactive proof systems.
Universities are scrambling to get into the distance education business. They see the computer as vital to this enterprise, but it is not obvious that they know why it is vital. Universities want to deliver courses via the Web. They want to do this because they are frightened that someone will do it before them and gain more prestige or more student revenue. The people who are putting their courses on the web are not doing it because they are interested in the exploration of new teaching methods. They do not see the web as a revolutionary instrument. But that is just what it is.It is easy to imagine that universities have suddenly become fascinated by the power of the computer, or that they have begun to worry about the poor and only moderately bright kid from Dubuque who will never get to Boston let alone attend Harvard. But what is really going on has nothing to do with computers or with education for the masses. Universities are concerned that if Harvard ever got their act together and decided to deliver every Harvard course via videotaped lectures and developed some way for students to interact with TAs to have homework graded, then everyone else would be out of business.Now, naturally, Harvard isnât going to do this because they are Harvard after all, but what if some other very reputable and less stuffy place decided to give it a try? Would anyone go to Contra Costa Junior College if Virtual Harvard were available at the same price and at whatever time fit the studentsâ schedule?It is not what we ought to be worried about, however. Rather, we should worry about what kind of education these Virtual Us are going to serve up. 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Since Cuba began to decentralize its foreign trade and allow foreign investment, European companies have been its principal economic partner. They provide a large proportion of the products, the financing and the technology which the country requires and generate a very large proportion of the income from exports and tax revenues. Their commitment to the development of the island is a long term one since they wish to continue to help it to integrate itself with the rest of the world and to modernize its system of production. In this commitment and objective, the Embassies of the Member States of the European Union support them as a demonstration of our Government's interest in Cuba and in its future.
We reexamine the properties of optimal fiscal policy and their implications for implementable capital accumulation. The setup is a standard endogenous growth model with public production services, augmented by elastic labor supply. We show that, when a benevolent government chooses a distorting income tax rate to finance public production services by taking into account the competitive decentralized equilibrium, public production services can no longer play their traditional role as an engine of long-run endogenous growth. This follows from a simple combination of Ramsey second-best fiscal policy and endogenous labor/leisure choices.
The paper has two parts: in the first one, economic aspect of regionalization is considered, in the second a financial one. Regionalization, like every type of decentralization, represents a serious reform of a state and brings upon several expected as well as unexpected although significant effects on political, social, and economic life. Its goal is an improvement of political, social, and economic functions of a state, not their deterioration. Unfortunately, experience of other countries does not support overwhelming optimism. Most frequently, regionalization is done due to political considerations; economic considerations are of secondary importance or even neglected. Such a dominance of political reasoning neglects fundamental principles and arguments of the economic science, standards of rational approach to decentralization, and even economic efficiency and equality between citizens. Because of that, the emphasis in this paper is on economic and financial aspects of regionalization in Serbia. In the first part the author explores economic aspects of regionalization; four state functions (regulation, stabilization, redistribution, and allocation) in decentralized setting; relations between regionalization, deregulation, and privatization; vertical distribution of functions (exclusive functions by the state, exclusive functions by regions, shared functions). After that he explores advantages of the selected model of creating regions and distribution of authorities in Serbia, particularly economic authorities of regions (1. land planning, urban land use, housing; 2. development and maintenance of infrastructure of regional importance and coordination of public utilities in municipalities; 3. agriculture; 4. tourism; 5. forestry 6. hunting and fishing; 7. vocational training and employment; 8. ecology; 9. public works). Separate section is devoted to social protection (financial transfers and institutions). In the second part of the paper (Financing the Regions) the author first examines certain issues in principle (fiscal revenues, vertical and horizontal balance, debts and moral hazard) and then considers topics of financing regions in Serbia, such as revenues subsidies, and debts.