Three years ago, a process of reform to the Statutes of Autonomy of some of the 17 Autonomous Communities that make up the model of politically decentralized State, designed by the Constitution of 1978, begun in Spain. Doubtless, the one that has sparked off more controversy in the legal and also the political grounds has been the Statute of Catalonia, approved since 2006. The subjects of greatest relevance have been those related to the incorporation of a Letter of Rights; the material and functional determination of the competences for the exercise of the self-government, as well as the relationships with the State, the European Union, and the financing system.
Daniel Roy, Didier Anciaux, Thibaud Monteiro, Latifa Ouzizi
The purpose of this paper is to propose a new approach for the supply chain management. This approach is based on the virtual enterprise paradigm and the used of multi-agent concept. Each entity (like enterprise) is autonomous and must perform local and global goals in relation with its environment. The base component of our approach is a Virtual Enterprise Node (VEN). The supply chain is viewed as a set of tiers (corresponding to the levels of production), in which each partner of the supply chain (VEN) is in relation with several customers and suppliers. Each VEN belongs to one tier. The main customer gives global objectives (quantity, cost and delay) to the supply chain. The Mediator Agent (MA) is in charge to manage the supply chain in order to respect those objectives as global level. Those objectives are taking over to Negotiator Agent at the tier level (NAT). These two agents are only active if a perturbation occurs; otherwise information flows are only exchange between VENs. This architecture allows supply chains management which is completely transparent seen from simple enterprise of the supply chain. The used of Multi-Agent System (MAS) allows physical distribution of the decisional system. Moreover, the hierarchical organizational structure with a decentralized control guaranties, in the same time, the autonomy of each entity and the whole flexibility.
The first section of this paper discusses the scope and nature of the familial rights at stake in a termination of parental rights action. This section demonstrates that familial rights are defined as relational rights throughout our Anglo American tradition and constitutional jurisprudence and thus protect the relationship between the parent and child rather than an individual right of either. The second section of this paper establishes that life is a which, like culture viewed on any scale, shares learned behavior among members and functions as a means of protecting the group and insuring the continuity of its values, beliefs and organization. This section describes United States Supreme Court decisions which expressly protect the familial activities constituting and reflecting the private culture of the family. In view of the United States Supreme Court's recognitions of private culture, this second section concludes by suggesting that a family's private culture is entitled to the same deference accorded to larger cultural groups in other contexts. Taken together, then, the first and second section stand for the proposition that the proper inquiry is never whether removal from parental custody is in the child's best interest but rather whether a family exists, in the constitutional sense. If a exists, the inquiry must end. There should be no inquiry into whether the child's emotional needs are fully met, whether some future likelihood of harm exists or whether it would be better for the child to spend some time with grandmother, or indeed with anyone else. The state is neither permitted to evaluate the of a functioning nor, as an impersonal political institution is it qualified to do so.The third section of this paper provides a selective overview of termination of parental right statutes focusing on recent trends which have increased the incidence of both procedural and substantive due process problems within the statutes. This third section also describes Congress' own, quite different response to some of the criticism of child welfare legislation, a response which is embodied in the Indian Child Welfare Act (hereinafter ICWA). The third section concludes by proposing a more constitutionally acceptable approach to child welfare legislation utilizing the general principles embodied in the ICWA.The fourth and final section of this paper argues that the appropriate burden of proof to place on state actions to remove a child from his or her parents' custody or to terminate parental rights to the child is proof beyond a reasonable doubt. The ICWA requires proof beyond a reasonable doubt in termination of parental rights actions falling within its jurisdiction; the principles Congress endorsed in enacting the ICWA should be applied to all families. This paper reaches this conclusion despite Santosky v. Kramer's apparently different resolution of the issue of the burden of proof required in parental termination actions.
Due to the very large number of local units in the Republic of Croatia, the system of collecting income is mainly insufficient for quality and functional financing of public needs on the local and regional levels. It is therefore necessary to continue the search for new models of regulating financial relations between the state and local units. The executed decentralization of the financing of local and regional self-government is not sufficient. Because of the new work and activities that have fallen into the jurisdiction of counties (as regulated by Amendments to the Act from 2005), it is necessary to increase the state's allocation of funds from common taxes for the units of the local and regional self-government, to increase the autonomy of the local and regional units in the introduction of their own incomes, especially taxes, to take care about the implementation of functional decentralization, and to stimulate local and regional governments in the realization of a larger non-fiscal income of their own. It is a fact that some countries in the European Union have begun with the reorganization and reduction of their local self-government precisely because of too high financial payments for the needs of the local self-government. However, so long as the Republic of Croatia retains the existing organization of local governments, it should also provide for its financing. The local or regional self-government units' own sources of income should be their principal sources of financing.
Victoria A. Beard, Faranak Miraftab, Christopher Silver
The first in-depth study of the impact of economic and political decentralization on planning practice in developing economies, this innovative volume, using original case study research by leading experts drawn from diverse fields of inquiry, from planning to urban studies, geography and economics, explores the dramatic transformation that decentralization implies in responsibilities of the local planning and governance structures. It examines a range of key issues, including: public and private finance, local leadership and electoral issues, and planning in post-conflict societies. Offering unique insights into how planning has changed in specific countries, paying particular attention to South East Asian economies, India and South Africa, this excellent volume is an invaluable resource for researchers, graduate students and planners interested in urban planning in its international political and economic context.
Since 2000s, the central-local relations in Japan has been confronting a rapid change made by the formulation of the Packaged Decentralization Law and the Trinity Reform. With this background, this study aims to analyse a case of Yubari, Hokkaido in Japan and argue that 'the decentralization reform' in Japan is not consistent with the interests of the local people. For this purpose, the rational choice approach is employed. this study, in particular, examines the preferences of the central government departments such as Prime Minister, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of operation. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications as well as the local government. Yubari has been faced with the worst situation of bankruptcy occurred from a result of giving up its responsibility as a local government, confronting the change of central-local relations. The study points out that the case of Yubari provides significant policy implications for government for local governments in Korea.
The order of the pole singularities encountered in spectral method of moments formulations for source-free periodic problems is investigated. The solution of the source-free problem is often obtained by searching for the zeros of the Z matrix determinant using an iterative algorithm. During this process, pole singularities of the determinant are encountered and may cause numerical instability. In order to cancel the poles, their order must be known. A rigorous proof of the pole singularity order in the Z matrix determinant is given. The proof is general and holds for any problem which is periodic in at least one of the spatial directions. This knowledge enables to cancel the poles by an appropriate fixed factor with a simple routine.
The 2001 World Health Report made plain the global challenge posed by poor mental health. Worldwide, 20% of individuals may experience mental health problems during their lifetime, and such disorders account for approximately a third of all years lived with a disability 1. The consequences of poor mental health range far and wide, of course; they are associated with higher rates of non-mental health-related comorbidity and premature mortality. Some mental health problems are also associated with poor employment experiences, poor personal relationships, strain on families, and a higher-than-average risk of homelessness and contact with the criminal justice system. The 2001 report helped to raise awareness of the importance of mental health. The need to promote and maintain good mental health and well-being as integral elements of health policy is now quite widely recognised in high-income countries. For instance, the European Commission published in 2005 a Green Paper on mental health 2 and all 52 Member States in the European Region of the World Health Organization (WHO) endorsed a Declaration and Action Plan at Helsinki earlier that same year 3,4. In the United States, a Presidential Commission called for investment in actions to ensure that mental health receives the same level of attention as physical health problems, specifically recommending actions to tackle suicide and reduce stigma, as well as interventions to promote child mental health 5. Positive actions can also be seen in the Pacific region, where, for instance, New Zealand has a ten-year national mental health strategy 6, with implementation monitored by a separate Mental Health Commission. The picture in many other parts of the world is much less encouraging. Although there has been some recent focus on the need to tackle the mental health consequences of major disasters such as the Asian Tsunami 7, policy attention and resources in many low- and middle-income countries are still directed largely at communicable diseases. The purpose of this paper is to reflect on some of the challenges faced in low- and middle-income countries and the role that economic evidence could play in strengthening the policy case for investment in mental health. There is obviously a need to improve our understanding of the cost-effectiveness of specific interventions within the health care system. But there is also a pressing need to expand the role of economic analysis in looking at non-health sector interventions that can have a direct impact on mental health or can indirectly help with the uptake and maintenance of treatment. The ways in which services are delivered are of critical importance and also need evaluation. In particular, we shall argue that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) can be key players in the funding, coordination and delivery of services. The burden of mental illness is predicted to increase from its current level of 12% of global disease burden to approximately 15% by 2020; much of this additional burden is projected to occur in low-income countries 8. The consequences of poor mental health in low-income countries may be even worse than in high-income ones, because of the absence of social protection safety nets, compounded by the high levels of stigma and superstition 9. The cycle between poor mental health and poverty in low-income countries has been observed in several studies 10–12. Poor maternal mental health also has long-term adverse consequences for infants in low- and middle-income countries, limiting their own lifetime opportunities 13. Communicable diseases, the focus of much health policy in poorer countries, are also inextricably linked and exacerbated by poor mental health; interventions to prevent and treat mental health problems could help in the management of these conditions, as for instance in the case of HIV/AIDS 14,15. The economic costs of poor mental health are well documented in high-income countries, conservatively estimated to account for between 3% and 4% of gross domestic product (GDP). Few estimates have been made outside the developed world. One exception is a study in Kenya 16 that estimated that the total costs per patient for 5,678 individuals with mental health problems hospitalised in 1999 were US$ 2,351. This included out of pocket costs to family members of US$ 51 and productivity losses of US$ 453. Total economic costs for this group alone were more than US$ 13.3 million, equivalent to 10% of the Ministry of Health's budget; yet these figures would have been substantially larger if costs had also been included for those individuals who were not institutionalised or were treated by traditional healers. To put this in context, the average income per head of the population in Kenya is just US$ 580 per annum, and more than half the population live on less than US$ 1 per day 17. Other examples can be found in India, where the overall costs for outpatients with schizophrenia have been found to be similar to those of people living with another long-term condition, diabetes; a key difference between them, however, is the much greater contribution of indirect costs to overall costs (63% versus 29%) in the case of schizophrenia. This included not only the costs of lost opportunities to work for the individuals with the illness and their families, but also the loans taken out to meet the costs of treatment and money spent on repairing damage to property. In total the annual cost per outpatient treated for schizophrenia was estimated to be US$ 274 18. Another Indian study where free access to essential drugs was provided as part of community outreach services for people with schizophrenia reported that these led to a number of improvements in quality of life over an 18-month period. The impact on cost was modest, with the investment in community outreach services partly offset by a reduced need for caring by family members 19. This impact on family caregivers can be considerable. In Ethiopia, Shibre et al 20 looked at the impact of schizophrenia on 300 family caregivers in traditional rural communities. Relatives experienced financial difficulties, constraints on their social life, reduced opportunities to work and strained family relationships. These problems were particularly challenging for female caregivers. Similarly, a study of 66 caregivers in Zimbabwe reported that two-thirds experienced financial difficulties, especially as food consumption by their relative increased 21. Some people have argued a moral case for greater investment in mental health, given the high number of individuals affected and the ensuing profound consequences 22. Such a case obviously needs substantiating with evidence that targeting more investment on mental health will be effective in preventing or treating mental disorders, and that it represents a cost-effective use of a country's scarce resources. In turn, this generates a need for economic analyses to support clinical and strategic decision-making. Of course, decisions should never be made on the basis of cost or cost-effectiveness alone, and other factors such as fairness, human rights and ethics are usually highly relevant. There has been significant growth in the evidence base on the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of interventions aimed at treating the consequences of poor mental health (particularly drug therapies) 23–26. Increasingly, economic analyses are being undertaken in low- and middle-income countries 27–31, but the overwhelming majority of studies are from high-income countries. This is not surprising: between 1992 and 2001 only 4% of articles in journals on the ISI Web of Science databases were on mental health issues; of these a mere 6% were from low- and middle-income countries 32. Similarly, Patel and Kim 33 found, from their review of publications between 2002 and 2004 in six leading journals, that only 3.7% of papers were from low-income countries. Unfortunately, economic evaluation findings do not transfer easily between countries, because infrastructures, resources, incentives and cultures can be very different. There is therefore a need to develop the evidence base on the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of interventions in low- and middle-income countries through additional empirical studies. Practically, however, even with a substantial injection of funding, this evidence base will take some time to emerge, given the human and infrastructure capacity constraints within countries 34. In the meantime, how can economics best be used to inform policy making? In the absence of empirical evidence, careful use of economic “models” which seek to adapt evidence on effect to take account of different local circumstances and cost structures can play a role. The most significant such endeavour is the ongoing work of the WHO CHOICE (Choosing Interventions that are Cost Effective) Programme. CHOICE aims to assess the cost-effectiveness of a wide range of interventions for conditions that make significant contributions to the burden of disease in a range of epidemiological and geographical settings. The core aim is to feed information into the policy process 35. Thus far, the CHOICE programme has looked at schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, depression and panic disorder. It has estimated, for example, that cost-effective interventions can be provided for US$ 3–4 per capita in low-income settings of Sub-Saharan Africa and South East Asia, or around US$ 10 in middle-income regions such as Eastern Europe. These are typically a combination of older off-patent antipsychotic or mood stabilising drugs plus psychosocial therapy. It has also been estimated that, globally, between 300 and 500 million healthy years of life could be gained for each additional US$ 1 million invested. Around one third of the gains would be for severe mental disorders, schizophrenia and bipolar disorder, with the most cost-effective interventions being for depression and panic disorder 36. Welcome though the CHOICE programme is, it has largely on health care interventions to improve mental health there is in high-income countries a of evidence to the role of employment and living There is an need to assess the cost-effectiveness of and many of which outside the health for in the or There is also very evidence from low- and middle-income countries on how poverty and factors impact on the of mental health policy and these have an to mental health policy the substantial adverse impact of poor mental health and the evidence base on the of cost-effective there many in to ensure that mental health receives a level of investment in low- and middle-income countries and that, services are there is access to mental health may have to be a for national policy and of this was the that the World World Report that poor mental health was a major to the global burden of but its essential services for health services not seek to mental disorders, even though their overall burden was that of and HIV/AIDS This some and was in a of the it the case that in low- and middle-income countries the focus of much health policy has been communicable that to premature most and have been such as the by aimed at greater access to drug for The the contribution of good health economic and several health-related yet mental health is by its the of papers for the Commission which the between of economic growth and poor mental health This is exacerbated by This has to a of attention from policy and the in leading to a of resources, poor of information and if greater to mental health, a key on the of services and their as to meet needs is the of epidemiological This is not to low-income one recent review could not on mental disorders in of the European Member States Unfortunately, the infrastructure to such information is not in the of needs it is not to on epidemiological The of all need to be yet it for people with mental health problems and their to have an to in or inform the policy a there is a that policy to that can some of the of mental disorders, such as lost opportunities to work or to in There is also the risk that policy to the challenges of on the health care may the to mental health in may be not in many low-income countries One study from Zimbabwe that over of health care in the and of treatment for depression of health care may be compounded by the of mental with some studies that many that such conditions do not or be treated also that only physical or conditions are than the for more than 2 of the population less than of their total sector health care on mental health The majority of countries in Africa are in this of the world population in low-income countries have access to community care services on of mental health services is but at of people with severe mental health problems do not treatment within in some low-income countries One recent in found that only of people with disorders some of treatment for mental health problems during a In where the overwhelming majority of people with schizophrenia are by the it has been estimated that over still do not make use of services where there is a to mental health, the level of resources will be on the of the even if more than of the total health is to mental health, this will not to much in of overall resources if the overall level of national income is The need to or to make also that services have to be mental health services may be particularly in such to drug the WHO found that, by 20% of all countries were not at one one antipsychotic and one This is to be helped by the of World this can of drugs and the of drugs be by the there are some to these for national and which are life there are for mental In a number of free have been between the and some countries. These can be even than for instance the of protection There are also human especially health have to with the of high countries that can and conditions to these but challenges the middle-income countries of the a major to be the high rates of suicide and disorders, which may partly from economic and social mental health services are being put as resources for health the health by many people to in health care typically do not for long-term mental health The for mental health in many low- and middle-income countries that access to many services is on at the of Around of low-income countries reported to be the for mental health with only 3% of high-income countries this of is as it not take account of costs through with traditional healers. This on is and as it of services by those with which is especially given the between poverty and poor mental health for services may to poverty or if from at very to reduce some of the associated with poor mental health are number of challenges in use of resources have been out on by et al these may also be to health they are to be more to in mental health their impact may be in low- and middle-income countries, where human and financial resources are scarce and where there are many on resources. of these have been the of information on effectiveness and and the level of resources to mental health treatment and Another key is the poor of resources, which are in The to be to a mental health can be in one Indian study a key for the of use of antipsychotic was the need for individuals to have to more than 10 to their outreach 19. In some rural of South Africa there is only one per million population particularly from rural to can also as a to treatment. in is with the of that million people for may also be different disorders or for example, depression has been as a to schizophrenia within the health of countries There is also the that resources are used to support services that do not epidemiological needs or the of or the evidence base on effectiveness and The WHO has the of mental health where mental health is into the health countries which to on care are to be an of services. is a it may to and resources as best to meet population Health may be highly with for or local management of In countries where most resources are within a highly as in the it can be to resources from to The uptake of community outreach services also be poor because of the problems of food of and financial resources. To ensure a of treatment is may with food one in Zimbabwe that more than 10% of family could not to for the additional food for with mental health problems 21. It is therefore to ensure that resources are not and for to not only clinical but also some of the factors that the use of services. there is as in India, local structures need to have the to ensure that are to mental health. may also be by a number of different not only health, but also employment and social Poor coordination and between and local and can the of services. In for example, the of and community services for mental health was to a of coordination also need to be that of services or greater investment not that there will be improvements in mental health in may take several years to in of treatment and policy may therefore be to on of the health where more and can be even if the need for is is the need to ensure that there is a long-term to as to support individuals over time within their communities. one need is to improve access to information on effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of interventions to treat mental health understanding of population needs is also Other information that need to be and cost-effective ways to mental health to care and other and awareness and to tackle some of the consequences of the information and more use of scarce resources would some to strengthening the for mental health. a understanding of how resources are to mental health and other health would also be In many where national health are there is high on of for health Some into the ways that and organizations are in in health and other would help if a case is to be for more investment in mental health. opportunities for mental health and other to in the of would also be particularly as many of these papers to focus on physical health. that have helped the of physical and mental health in different settings also help the case for greater resources for mental health in mental health can also physical health. with that focus on physical health help their in mental health and psychosocial One review of that many they not have the to mental health needs and were in of greater with that in the mental health It is also to expand the role of economic analysis to at the cost-effectiveness of to tackle risk factors for poor mental health, such as poor living conditions, financial economic and levels of For instance, to mental health be through the of in low-income the of such will not be to mental health alone, that a all health would be The in which effective interventions are delivered to mental health-related is also of One is the and of health There is a substantial of in looking at to the of delivery and the need to services different be from care to In the to additional will be as to to services community services are developed and which seek to ensure have to be as to also mental health care as with the in may also The high on is a major to access to and countries should be health on or social major however, is that the structures for do not in low-income countries such as very local community a also need Although the CHOICE programme take into account the of uptake of economic in low- and middle-income countries have this are the to such as of it be to tackle these and if services are delivered by but there is a of information on the effectiveness or cost-effectiveness of the services they as it has been in high-income countries, services that can meet the needs of local in ways that services do with and their with local through the of greater uptake and use of services with To and how are These are key to which we now countries report that they have some in the of mental health. health services were of care in many countries, more or have also to play significant These organizations may be or support from local or other Some may also play significant in and policy it is to that specifically focus on mental health. One recent looked at that mental health services disasters as well as services. Of organizations on the United only reported being in mental health of these had in at one long-term but only were to mental health There are the mental health and the Mental Such organizations may not only raise and for mental health, but also help to services. Another is which in with health to help mental health services at care level in several programme countries in Africa and India, and can some of the to the of mental health policy and for by to raise awareness of the importance of mental health and by for access to services in low-income communities. community or which within local with key and their families, is used because of the challenges in at a high level into on the The community that can help on social in to support the work of health and health can be of to ensure use of and as well as and can also as between traditional and For example, has with traditional as one of their in where some of these have to some people with mental health problems to health services Such between the and the opportunities for health especially to their access to can help in a understanding of how to meet mental health needs in community a greater level of contact with people with mental health problems within local health care local health may make at or levels for drugs and other services to meet these local with can also be for the of mental health services. can as to to for greater In one where for example, the was that a mental health and programme would help to mental health the This has very to a of million US$ for mental health in and a World of Health developed with in to develop community in the and Mental health problems are a major to the global disease they are associated with premature and profound on and they substantial costs to the the of cost-effective interventions in high-income countries and some more but evidence in low- and middle-income countries, mental health and care have been widely with levels of investment in interventions for health where is access to and of services may be even if are of course, they are combination of some to mental health, has to these of within a highly of human rights and to of resources have a in which the to prevent and mental health problems has far largely been these challenges a analysis of the cost-effectiveness of interventions can play a role in this Such analysis needs to interventions that the of mental disorders a understanding is also of the health and the and in which interventions are to be analysis is also of more to risk factors for poor mental health, such as of access to and will have that mental health, and with other are such as those with communicable diseases. of the implementation process is In countries where health are and where mental health is a can play some of the of with can be more this help the case for investment in mental health. have with some in the of HIV/AIDS and maternal and child health. is more or different in looking at mental health problems in the same and in the same The experience from such as that even can have some which in that the of people with poor mental health in low-income countries is not as as is at the policy the key difference between mental disorders and other health is that the are more as a because they are as less mental health only to the attention of local policy a global such as the Asian Tsunami or a high local such as the in The in the of people who had been within a Commission provided the for mental health policy and by and and even the of But as these from it is for mental health to and for the that investment in mental health can economic as well as quality of life is to its on the for economic This is to effective mental health care with in the
Open access
Mental Health Treatment and Access
Health disparities and outcomes
Child and Adolescent Psychosocial and Emotional Development
We define quantum expanders in a natural way. We give two constructions of quantum expanders, both based on classical expander constructions. The first construction is algebraic, and is based on the construction of Cayley Ramanujan graphs over the group PGL(2, q) given by Lubotzky et al. (1988). The second construction is combinatorial, and is based on a quantum variant of the Zig-Zag product introduced by Reingold et al. (2000). Both constructions are of constant degree, and the second one is explicit. Using quantum expanders, we characterize the complexity of comparing and estimating quantum entropies. Specifically, we consider the following task: given two mixed states, each given by a quantum circuit generating it, decide which mixed state has more entropy. We show that this problem is QSZK-complete (where QSZK is the class of languages having a zero-knowledge quantum interactive protocol). This problem is very well motivated from a physical point of view. Our proof resembles the classical proof that the entropy difference problem is SZK-complete, but crucially depends on the use of quantum expanders.
In discussions of the French antislavery movement, it is customary to pinpoint Montesquieu's L'Esprit des lois (1748), as opening the debate into the rights and wrongs of slavery which would continue in France throughout the second half of the eighteenth century.1 As is well known, in book 15 of L'Esprit des lois, Montesquieu shows slavery to be an institution condemned by natural and civil law. Chapter 5 of this book famously sees the author assume the persona of an advocate of slavery, and through skilful use of irony, succeed in undermining the conventional economic, religious and racial justifications for the enslavement of black Africans. Montesquieu's indictment of slavery encapsulates many of the arguments against the practice that would be developed and reformulated by French Enlightenment philosophers over the following decades. His influence is nowhere more evident than in the articles relating to slavery that appeared in the Encyclopédie. In the article ‘Esclavage’, for instance, the Chevalier de Jaucourt refers readers to Montesquieu's groundbreaking work in order to strengthen his denunciation of slavery: ‘Il ne sera pas difficile de démontrer que l'esclavage ne peut jamais être coloré par aucun motif raisonnable [...]; en un mot, rien au monde ne peut rendre l'esclavage légitime. [...] Voyez-en les preuves dans M. de Montesquieu.’ Whilst not seeking to challenge Montesquieu's status as the leading exponent of enlightened French arguments against slavery in the eighteenth century, I do however wish to bring to light the significance of the publication, in 1745 (three years before the appearance of L'Esprit des lois), of the first French translation of a work that had already done much to stimulate the antislavery debate on the English side of the Channel. First published in England in 1688, Aphra Behn's Oroonoko, or the Royal Slave tells the story of an African prince who is captured by English slavers and transported to the then English colony of Surinam in South America. Having married a fellow slave and conceived a child, Oroonoko baulks at the prospect of his offspring being born into slavery. He therefore incites his fellow slaves to rebellion, and when their schemes prove unsuccessful, kills his wife and unborn child and attempts to take his own life. Recaptured by his white masters, Oroonoko is brutally executed in order that his fate might discourage further uprisings. Soon after publication, Behn's text was adapted for the stage by Thomas Southerne, whose tragedy Oroonoko was first performed in 1695. During the eighteenth century, as the abolitionist movement gained in strength, both Behn's text and Southerne's dramatisation were appropriated by British antislavery campaigners, and the figure of Oroonoko became a powerful emblem of the evils of the slave trade.2 At the same time, Oroonoko's influence also began to spread overseas. In 1745, Pierre-Antoine de La Place, best known as the first French translator of Shakespeare's plays, published his translation of Behn's text under the title Oronoko, ou le Prince nègre. It is interesting to note that La Place, who was a prolific translator of English drama (his collection entitled Le Théâtre anglois ran to eight volumes, published 1745-1749), chose to translate Behn's fictional Oroonoko rather than Southerne's play.3 La Place's comments in his preface, which includes a reference to Southerne's adaptation, suggest that he chose to translate Behn's text in order to exploit the device of the female narrator, a feature of Behn's original work that disappeared in its transition from fiction to drama. In La Place's eyes, the narration of the story by a female eyewitness, whom he identifies as Behn herself, lends an added romantic and sentimental dimension to the text, of which French audiences will be particularly sensible.4 La Place's translation of Behn's work quickly became a bestseller in France, going through seven editions before the end of the century.5 Mornet's analysis of the catalogues of French private libraries in the years 1750 to 1780 further reveals that Oroonoko ranks alongside works by Richardson and Fielding as one of the most popular English novels to appear in French translation during this period.6 Not only, therefore, did the appearance of Behn's text in France predate the first systematic denunciation of slavery by a French Enlightenment philosopher, but the work also commanded a significant readership at a time when, as Claudine Hunting has commented, the French philosophes were making ‘their first concerted efforts against slavery’.7 This evidence is an invitation to interrogate the relationship between Oroonoko and the French antislavery debate. To do this, I will begin by examining the work's reception in France, before going on to assess Oroonoko's status as an antislavery narrative, and the extent to which the text foreshadows the arguments against slavery deployed by the French philosophes. The reception of La Place's translation of Oroonoko by contemporary French commentators has been documented in detail by Edward Seeber, whose short article, despite its age, remains the most comprehensive study of the impact of Behn's work on French audiences.8 Seeber's survey reveals that any mention of Oroonoko by French commentators is generally accompanied by a reflection as to the historical truth of the narrative. As La Place emphasises in the preface to his translation, Behn claims in the text to have witnessed the events she records during a period of residence in Surinam as a young woman. This claim is frequently reported by French reviewers of the text, as is the suspicion that the author's relations with the African prince went beyond disinterested humanitarianism. Typical of this tendency is Fréron's review in L'Année littéraire for 1756, written in response to the publication of a second edition of La Place's translation. This review emphasises the factual rather than the fictional dimension of the text, drawing attention to both the author's status as an eyewitness, and to Oroonoko's significance as a historical figure: ‘Ce fut pendant son séjour en Amérique qu'Astrea[Aphra Behn] témoin oculaire des aventures d'Oronoko, en composa l'histoire. [...] Le caractère d'Oronoko est un des plus nobles & des plus fermes que j'aye rencontrés dans l'Histoire & même dans les Romans.’9 Fréron's insistence on the truth of the narrative serves to reinforce the moral crux of the story, which he identifies as the contrast between the noble, heroic behaviour of the black African protagonist, struggling to achieve freedom for himself, his family and his people; and the cowardice and brutality of his white English masters. Playing on the binary oppositions between black and white, vice and virtue, Fréron presents Oroonoko to French readers as a challenge to traditional stereotypes: Lisez cet ouvrage en entier, [...] il vous attachera, il vous remuera, il vous attendrira. Vous y trouverez de l'intérêt, des situations, des faits, des épisodes liés à l'objet principal, des traits affreux de noirceur, de perfidie & d'inhumanité, mais tempérés par des couleurs douces de l'amour le plus tendre & le plus fidèle, & par de grands sentiments d'honneur, de vertu, de courage & de générosité.10 Fréron's comments are particularly worthy of note because L'Année littéraire was the most widely read literary periodical of its time, and its author is credited with wielding considerable influence over French public opinion.11 Interestingly, the review also pinpoints several factors which may account for the popularity of Behn's text in France. Firstly, as is suggested by the use of the terms ‘honneur’, ‘vertu’, ‘courage’ and ‘noble’ in the previous quotation, Fréron roots Oroonoko in a tradition of heroic romance that would have been familiar to French audiences. Indeed, this aspect of the text is emphasised by La Place in the preface to his translation, where he couples Behn's name with that of several famous French romancières of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, declaring Oroonoko to be the work ‘d'une plume aussi célèbre, en Angleterre, que celle des Villedieu, des Scudéri, & des Lussan, l'est en France’.12 Significantly, however, Fréron's review suggests that Oroonoko should be read as a conte philosophique rather than as a roman galant. Discussing the depiction of Oroonoko's youth at the beginning of the novel, Fréron comments on the African prince's education by a dissident Frenchman, whose radical ideas had made him unwelcome in France. This tutor, described by Fréron as an ‘homme d'esprit’, provided Oroonoko with ‘des leçons de morale & une idée des Arts & des Sciences de l'Europe’.13 In the novel, it is clear that this education results in the religious scepticism that is one of Oroonoko's distinctive characteristics, and which is reinforced when he is captured by a white slave trader. This trader gives Oroonoko his word as a Christian that he will be treated well, only to sell him to a notoriously cruel plantation owner in Surinam. Fréron quotes in his review Oroonoko's final address to his captor: ‘Adieu, Monsieur; ce que je vais souffrir est peu de chose en comparaison des lumières que vous me faites acquérir. J'apprend au moins le fond que l'on doit faire sur vos pareils & sur le Dieu au nom duquel vous avez juré.’14 This association of the term ‘lumières' with Oroonoko's dismissal of Christian morality, establishes a clear link between the philosophical import of Behn's work and the ideas of the French Enlightenment; a link further reinforced by Fréron's comment, elsewhere in the review, that certain scenes in the text recall Voltaire's tragedy L'Orphelin de la Chine (1755).15 Fréron's review thus suggests that Oroonoko was read in eighteenth-century France as a philosophical novel with an enlightened message. This message emerges even more clearly from the analysis of the work included in the article on Aphra Behn that appeared in the first volume of Chaufepié's Nouveau Dictionnaire historique et critique (1750-1756), a homage to and continuation of Pierre Bayle's famous work. While Seeber credits Chaufepié himself with the authorship of the long article in praise of Behn's writing that appears in the dictionary, closer examination has led me to question this attribution.16 In fact, when compiling his Nouveau Dictionnaire, Chaufepié extracted material from the most recent English translation of Bayle's dictionary, published 1734-1741.17 The editors of this translation had added new entries concerning the life and work of English literary figures who were deemed to have continued Bayle's tradition of radical critical thinking. Among was Aphra The English article to Behn was then by Chaufepié for in his Nouveau Dictionnaire, and into the of Oroonoko credited with fond & de which him worthy of the and the message of Behn's work is into the de dans To the of Chaufepié's article, which appeared in be to the of racial in the volume of published in The French a long of this volume to the dans that et la plus de est celle de la which is in to des Having the of the African the to his les [...] y en a même être en ne jamais au de que ne à Whilst the of the clearly between racial he to the white at the and the black African at the his comments appear to a relationship between characteristics, and the of black Africans. While recent suggests that of this did not in the of the eighteenth century, it would appear that a on as terms of be in French before this Indeed, in the French des a review of account of his in and in which the recent of the and of African in an to de The results of to the that une de celle des While the terms and were at this time, and their the of comments is It appears in the first half of the eighteenth century, French the that in a between black and white in Oroonoko as of the that de dans Chaufepié's article on Aphra Behn the of contemporary French It also that the institution of slavery, which was on a that which made for and this African slaves had the seventeenth been as by the French and were to To as did Chaufepié's article, that despite in between slaves and masters, was thus to conventional not arguments in of slavery. Indeed, French readers of the Nouveau Dictionnaire are to slavery as an and The analysis of Oroonoko with a reference to a by the protagonist, in which Oroonoko his and to that his child will be born a Oroonoko is to with de la doit être & doit y doit This analysis of of Oroonoko by French eighteenth-century commentators reveals that do appear to be for the work with the antislavery debate in Enlightenment France. when it to the of the work it is to a new in literary which to Behn's text in a as to its status as an antislavery narrative. as and have to Oroonoko's his education by an enlightened Frenchman, and his status as a that Behn not slavery in the enslavement of an African whose him from his scepticism is even more in the of La Place's translation of Behn's work. and the in which La Place any antislavery message in Behn's original text, making significant in with the of the roman La Place the of the novel that Oroonoko and his wife and are by a a of heroic the are a to in for which Oroonoko to the colony with slaves from his In of however, it be that certain of La Place's translation of Behn's work the arguments by the philosophes in their against slavery. The most of antislavery in the text be in Oroonoko's address to his fellow slaves on the of their This is from Behn's original Interestingly, La Place a in which Oroonoko his to the slaves on the le de en à dans est à un doit The of this which is from the English that not La Place's to the text had the of its as an indictment of slavery. Oroonoko's long is to his fellow slaves of the evils of the slave and thus to him in the He a of powerful arguments against slavery, declaring that the slave of both his and ‘Il les couleurs les plus les à de plus à des des en ou la he slavery has any in de être He reveals the also the and plantation who the of a la les des ce des les plus de in this he the white to be of their à une des de sur and most he the slaves that their is an not only to and to their masters, but also to the of dans vous [...] the of the narrative, are to that Oroonoko both his and his to his radical French when that Behn's original text was published in 1688, it clear that this is in the of In Oroonoko's with the on and freedom in the work of and Indeed, as to the evident between Oroonoko's and the antislavery arguments by the it is to the extent to which French philosophers as Montesquieu and were by the of the English his Montesquieu in was with the of and this is evident in his denunciation of slavery in book 15 of L'Esprit des lois, which with a of the of slavery on both slaves and [...] au à à ne peut rien faire par à de à à les Having thus Oroonoko's as to the of virtue, Montesquieu then several to an to the African prince's question the for slavery, de l'esclavage [...] est au de les [...] est aussi au civil It is to note that Oroonoko's was not only an in of but also an to The an of slave in the French which led to in France the of a comments that La Place on in his translation of Behn's more than the English author had done on the of that over La Place's of Oroonoko dans on est de les dans de le des de des The translator was in a to comments than Behn had In the on an as slaves their by to by the the had to to The philosophes who against slavery appear to have that the of slave was a that work in their In book 15 of L'Esprit des lois, Montesquieu a to the He the of the slave who is to his the of and une il même pas [...] il que son a une peut et que la est de ne plus de la des que de des et de ne [...] ne pas être par la des In his to his fellow Oroonoko emphasises the are treated des and made to à des des Montesquieu this declaring that slavery to des He also a for Oroonoko's to his and shows slave to be the of The in which slaves were by both slave and the is a in the Enlightenment denunciation of slavery. on the of slaves in the French in the edition of his sur les Dieu et on les des de He thus the of the French who that slaves be to their status as and as for to as In Voltaire's a slave in the of his who also that his white him a fellow than an the attention to the that it is to with the of not only by figures as but also the les & les moins que les me les que et ne pas mais de vous ne peut pas en plus It is also that this of in the colony in which the of Oroonoko is In the slave by has to and has as a as a his is the of a and a This Oroonoko's by his in Behn's original English text, where the are during his this suggests a to Behn's text on the of The French arguments against slavery their in the articles concerning slavery in the Encyclopédie. As have in the article ‘Esclavage’, the Chevalier de Jaucourt Montesquieu's as the of his of the He the many arguments against slavery made in L'Esprit des lois, and with his more on Montesquieu's claim that slavery is a Jaucourt terms that are to in La Place's translation of Oroonoko's declaring pas un le mais même est arguments in his article des further made by Oroonoko, for he the of in & ne un de ne être à aucun the question of slave rebellion, the of the of slavery, Jaucourt that slavery is an a slave has to He that the for slave with the ‘Il [...] la ne doit à une & par les de & de As Behn's Oroonoko first appeared in French years before the publication of L'Esprit des lois the into the French antislavery debate. it is an to claim that Behn's work had a influence on this it is to note despite La Place's to the text, the French translation of Oroonoko several powerful arguments against slavery particularly in the to his fellow slaves and that same arguments also be in the of the French philosophes. It is to that La Place, by Behn's work into a heroic Oroonoko in a of have the of Oroonoko, who is of and has a is as the of a French roman galant. La Place thus the and racial he a more response to the Discussing slavery in des the of a on the eighteenth-century of he that the public is to with the fate of African même des dans le & au a que la des ne les on les on les on les & & à ne jamais shows to be the against slavery have both a sentimental and a La Place's translation of Oroonoko clearly a to the The of Oroonoko in is in a as to Indeed, the response of the female at is the text in the of the female instance, first with Oroonoko, the to been La Place's preface to his translation further emphasises this for he comments that the in which the work is written that the author pas au de son As however, the of a heroic slave was not to readers of the evils of the in the also had to be This is in the of enlightened as in his article des the that would in stimulate the as slaves would work more and be more la les de therefore that La Place's translation of Behn's Oroonoko might be the sentimental side of the French antislavery which was by the more of the philosophes. This was not Oroonoko's only to French Enlightenment Interestingly, the translation of Behn's text not only the arguments to be deployed in the French antislavery but also to have to the of England as a of and that was by many French Enlightenment most famously by Montesquieu in book of L'Esprit des In the century, at the time when La Place's translation of Behn's work England and France were in a for in the and for of the slave in which the English were to prove In this it might have been that Behn's depiction of English slave and in and would have been to that but the to have As was La Place not only Behn's Oroonoko, but also Shakespeare's plays, and in his sur le Théâtre his of Oroonoko, in 1745, he to French the brutality and of the by the of La Place on of Shakespeare's work to prove that [...] to have his translation of Oroonoko, for in the French of Behn's the cruel who is for and the slaves is not an as in Behn's original text, but a The who Oroonoko and his family their however, remains it appears that Behn's text was as a of English humanitarianism. The Le in his also published in 1745, of Thomas Southerne's of Behn's Oroonoko performed on the He of the y a des traits les plus & les plus la de les & à des celle le plus It should be evident that is a to be made between Aphra Behn's Oroonoko and the antislavery debate in eighteenth-century France. contemporary of the work reveals that the ideas in the text were as being to by French Enlightenment a which appears when one the antislavery arguments in Oroonoko with the work of Montesquieu and the that the story of Oroonoko was also read as the English in a is a of the significant by the French antislavery movement to the ideas and of the English it is that the of in Behn's work through the of and serves to the and of the arguments made against slavery by the French philosophes. The of this aspect of French Enlightenment has to extent been by the recent work of particularly the who has that the French of the the as well as the to interrogate and the traditional critical the denunciation of slavery was in of but his in the of and as much has of Behn's Oroonoko the of slavery in the text is the work had its to to the antislavery It to me that be to the of the French whose on slavery might also be read as in and a powerful in the French for At it is to of the on slavery when with a text as article des in the where slavery is condemned as an institution la la les & les de la
The American present is at odds with representations of the American past. The American present witnesses the steady aggrandizement of executive, administrative, emergency, penal, military, and war powers as contemporary commentators such as Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, and Giorgio Agamben contemplate the contours of American hegemony and superpower in a new era of empire.1 The global impact of present American politics, political economy, and foreign policy is obvious to any casual observer of current affairs. The story of the American past, on the other hand, continues to be told in narratives that seem to be heading off somewhere else. In place of the growth of power, the history that America most frequently tells itself highlights a story of relative powerlessness—a usually benign tale of legal-political self-abnegation, emphasizing constitutional restraints such as federalism, checks and balances, the separation of powers, limited government, the rule of law, and laissez-faire. When presented more positively, American history is usually framed as a quest for freedom—the struggle for political liberty, emancipation from bondage, the rise of civil, economic, and social rights. Property, contract, and freedom of speech, press, and association form the constitutional backbone of a free market, a vigorous civil society, and a democratic polity—hallmarks of a free people. Oddly, key elements of this tale are kept alive in both older political histories of the liberal tradition in America and newer histories highlighting the rights and agency of particular cultural communities. Coming to terms with the historical rise of the mechanisms of legal, political, economic, corporate, and technological power that currently shape so much of the globe is thus a more difficult task than it should be. A true philosophical and political history of the American present continues to elude historians.2 This disjunction between historical perception and political reality is not an entirely new phenomenon in the United States. As early as 1887, in a penetrating essay titled “The American State and the American Man,” Albert Shaw chided Americans for their laissez-faire fantasy: “The average American has an unequaled capacity for the entertainment of legal fictions and kindred delusions. He lives in one world of theory and in another world of practice … Never for a moment relinquishing their theory [of laissez-faire], the people of the United States have assiduously pursued and cherished a practical policy utterly inconsistent with that theory, and have not perceived the discrepancy.” Surveying thousands of regulatory laws passed by state legislatures in the late nineteenth century, Shaw concluded that “the one common and striking characteristic of this huge collection of new statutes is its utter disregard of the laissez-faire principle … They deal with the citizen in every conceivable relation. They seem to have left nothing for future Legislatures to regulate.” One hundred years later, in the middle of Ronald Reagan's America, Senator Ernest “Fritz” Hollings (D-SC) similarly observed the powerful role of government in the construction of modern life and its renunciation in the American historical self-conception. Seeking the 1984 Democratic nomination for president, Hollings delivered a stump speech deploying several different versions of a story about “a guy who came home from the Korean War, went to college on a form of the GI Bill, opened a business with a Small Business Administration loan, made sure his parents' farm was adequately wired through Rural Electrification and irrigated with assistance from the Army Corps of Engineers, saw his kids get subsidized school lunches at a school that received lab equipment from a National Science Foundation grant, got his mortgage from the FHA and hurricane disaster relief from FEMA, and one day, took AMTRAK to Washington to complain to his congressman about getting big government off people's backs.” Like many Americans, “the guy” never saw the role of collective power in the creation of his individual declaration of independence.3 Shaw and Hollings reveal a disconnect at the heart of the American experience—a tension between the story that Americans themselves like to tell themselves about individualism, self-reliance, voluntarism, associationalism, free labor, and the free market and the actual history of the “concrete national institutions,” as Shaw put it, that have been capable of wielding such broad interventionist, coercive, and regulatory power at home as well as abroad. Samuel Huntington once dubbed this yawning gap between facts and norms “cognitive dissonance”—an almost pathological tendency to confuse a fictional American ideal with historical political reality. From Thomas Jefferson's elision of slavery in the Declaration of Independence to Ronald Reagan's anachronistic invocation of John Winthrop's shining “city upon a hill,” examples are obvious and legion and not always merely rhetorical. At the turn of the last century, Roscoe Pound surveyed the damage done when the United States Supreme Court took a “long step into the past” and imposed the fallacy of “liberty of contract” on modern industrial labor relations, as if the parties were still individual “farmers haggling over the sale of a horse.” As Pound's example suggests, the problem is one not so much of psychology as of political economy. Shaw and Hollings foreground a particular American version of the tension at the center of social and political thought—the between and power, freedom and and and and A of this American the power, and of the American much of modern history with the of powerful and the of their and of the American state one of the more in in a different and a The “the American is as of an in a of and When at the American version of a state is as not to the that modern and tendency to the American state its history as continues to a with American power in the The and of this historical of the American The of the American state is to the history of American the is to American constitutional and laissez-faire is to American political economy. 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American state was the the heart of In the of with American to between American and the a of on an national historical American in liberty, voluntarism, and a market, the role of the state in social and In political such as to a a and national that as the of a for over individual over collective and and over and state this the history of the American state its and almost and regulatory in the of national cultural of was the American it was a the of an to new for the of the of and free the most to the of the of the American state is the to this has been by with and an social in the and the state to the of American by historical such as and political such as the of the American state The tendency to the American state as of a to of a continues the of of American political As American has not been by it has on a new new form has a of that the as to and American state power with and for another and The modern American state is still as and the of historical and by social in the of the 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of the at the center is from the of the people on the are frequently for and of power, and democratic and are not of state the in many are the of The American of government, with its of of state separation of powers, federalism, and the rule of for an of the state through civil to the for a and legal of rule that has of the most The rule of A to American state power thus an of the state in than in theory, from the than the of the as much as the as much as and the and of power as much as its and is another it is to for state power in the United and that is the rule of One of the of American is the place of in state and policy From the role of the in the creation of the to the of law, and legal in the United States is a legal as with the and separation of powers, the of the American state has been a of and the of constitutional the rule of is as a on American state to the of modern regulatory From the histories of to the the has been as of a to liberal of a and American tradition that 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its of have an of American state power and The a in an American of state the The to American state power the of civil is in the in it and the This the American state has the to The of through law, the and and is one The of the powers of to the of a national through the of powers such as to and is of the American and the American to a role in social and and collective into the than power, and policy in the of a the American state and powers through the its its and its in the the history of government and other of power to the is well the other of the role of the American state in the creation of the From the role of state in the of and to the role of in the of the the market, and cultural the powers of the state were to the and of American civil As observed about the market, history that the of national was in the of the and emancipation of the from the the market has been the of a and on the of social and cultural have been a about the construction of and The most of American power have always to the problem a the people the the state the the and to American state the of and of and in to this is the that American power has been a of and not as for of the of the American the American the American the American the the the American the American the the and the National The power at the of is of the of and in the United States. emphasizing the of the legal-political and the the the of in more and power, and and The of such a is by the of American such as and The of was on the of rights contract, and the market to to the of In a of and the role of and the state in and and rights. the of the hand, the state in the legal-political of the In the and the of and power that “the of as power and He of that the ideal of has never in been In through of the powers and He that the the role of the state in the that so much of the of and power in American on the of and power in the actual of the American state has it to the of state the to of the power over the of the to the of such of As and the of in the United States be as the of market that market was itself the of and political are difficult to from the of by the of contract, and in and politics, the the of to the of power in a democratic When are about the as well as the as well as be more As be as to that the of never be by as it be to that the of political power never be In his essay the of on the role of fictions and in the of power, as well as more to who with a philosophical the with the many are by the and the with their and to of their When by this is as is always on the of the the have nothing to From the of to to the of a government of laws than national and historical of and have kept the of from into the and of modern The of the American state is such a of both and In an era by both and state theory, the story of an and version of that state in the United States was the in politics, and global the last the of the American state as is should be The aggrandizement of power the American and historical as as well as new of and of state theory the of not be the for the new of power that in global political economy. is an In the early century, a of and and American social of at power in its economic, political, and to by of American that with and the and of American power is From and John to and John to and early American a of a and of American and the and of power in a United States. the problem of power in America as and not as it the of state and civil than the of the of the on of power in in the and that American than the of power to the of political theory the political of social a more of as is to are political and legal never the of and the that from American political the of the of legal and political They never the that state so at the of his and the that legal and political place a of and The of American state power are In a democratic should always be on the of the the history of that power has never been more
Antonella Ferrara, Renato Librino, A. Massola, M. Miglietta · 5 authors
In the short term future, cybernetic transport systems (CTS), based on fully automated urban vehicles (the so-called Cybercars), will be seen on city roads and on new dedicated infrastructures. The objective of the Cybercars is to achieve a more effective organization of urban transport, resulting in a more rational use of motorized traffic, with less congestion and pollution and safer driving. One necessary functionality of Cybercars is the ability to cooperate and run in a platoon at close range. Platooning of these automatic guided cars is addressed in this paper, and decentralized control schemes for autonomous vehicle are proposed. Due to system uncertainties and the wide range of operating conditions, which are typical of the automotive context, a robust control technique is required to solve the problem. The robust control methodologies adopted in this paper are first order and second order sliding mode control, which result particularly suitable to deal with uncertain nonlinear time-varying systems. The proposed control schemes are compared through simulations.
Internet technology has brought many changes in the society. In the Web 2.0 era, the role of common customers in business has changed largely. Consumers have become more influential on sales or new item development by enterprises through Internet (weblogs dasiablogspsila, forums, personal web pages, wikis, podcasts, social bookmarks, RSS feeds and other forms of many-to-many publishing). In some extent, Web 2.0 facilitates the construction of the autonomous decentralized network ldquooutsiderdquo enterprises. This network is constituted by each autonomous customers and supplier. In this paper, we describe a new wave of organization model ldquoinsiderdquo enterprises. Yumenomachi Souzou Iinkai is one successful enterprise on Internet portal business in Japan. The companypsilas main manner of management is to respect the autonomy of the employees. Most of the current staffs have intention to be independent and initiate their own Internet business company in the future. The CEO, Ms. Nakamura, also has been encouraging their ambitions to grow the company as a virtual cluster of new Internet businesses owned by the current employees. The case indicates a new enterprise model based on an autonomous decentralized organization.
Shafi Goldwasser, Yael Tauman Kalai, Guy N. Rothblum
In this work we study interactive proofs for tractable languages. The (honest) prover should be efficient and run in polynomial time, or in other words a "muggle". The verifier should be super-efficient and run in nearly-linear time. These proof systems can be used for delegating computation: a server can run a computation for a client and interactively prove the correctness of the result. The client can verify the result's correctness in nearly-linear time (instead of running the entire computation itself). Previously, related questions were considered in the Holographic Proof setting by Babai, Fortnow, Levin and Szegedy, in the argument setting under computational assumptions by Kilian, and in the random oracle model by Micali. Our focus, however, is on the original interactive proof model where no assumptions are made on the computational power or adaptiveness of dishonest provers. Our main technical theorem gives a public coin interactive proof for any language computable by a log-space uniform boolean circuit with depth d and input length n. The verifier runs in time (n+d) • polylog(n) and space O(log(n)), the communication complexity is d • polylog(n), and the prover runs in time poly(n). In particular, for languages computable by log-space uniform NC (circuits of polylog(n) depth), the prover is efficient, the verifier runs in time n • polylog(n) and space O(log(n)), and the communication complexity is polylog(n). Using this theorem we make progress on several questions: We show how to construct short (polylog size) computationally sound non-interactive certificates of correctness for any log-space uniform NC computation, in the public-key model. The certificates can be verified in quasi-linear time and are for a designated verifier: each certificate is tailored to the verifier's public key. This result uses a recent transformation of Kalai and Raz from public-coin interactive proofs to one-round arguments. The soundness of the certificates is based on the existence of a PIR scheme with polylog communication. Interactive proofs with public-coin, log-space, poly-time verifiers for all of P. This settles an open question regarding the expressive power of proof systems with such verifiers. Zero-knowledge interactive proofs with communication complexity that is quasi-linear in the witness, length for any NP language verifiable in NC, based on the existence of one-way functions. Probabilistically checkable arguments (a model due to Kalai and Raz) of size polynomial in the witness length (rather than the instance length) for any NP language verifiable in NC, under computational assumptions.
Describing the process of public sector decentralization is a aim of the article. Increasing the responsibility and competence of local government units is aimed at a taken of decentralization process of the sector of the public finance. Thanks to granted competence, the local authority together with the community take decisions concerning the path of the development of given local government unit. In the article tasks and competence of government units on different level were discussed. Also critically, issues connected with financial resources of local government units and the connection of these resources with the expenses side were presented.
In April 2008, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) performed a safety review of the US-approved perflutren microsphere contrast agents (Definity and Optison) and revised a previous black box warning. The new contraindications are much less restrictive than the previous contraindications and satisfy the needs of clinical echocardiography. These changes have come after an intensive debate with the American Society of Echocardiography but also with significant European support. The correction of the contraindication for contrast agents is a good example, how inadequate decisions by the health administration can be reversed by competent and decisive actions of scientific and professional bodies like the ASE and EAE. Before April 2008, the use of contrast agents was contraindicated in patients with unstable cardiopulmonary status, including patients with unstable angina, acute myocardial infarction, respiratory failure, or recent worsening congestive heart failure. The contraindications were established temporarily after the reports of 199 serious cardiopulmonary reactions including 11 deaths during and shortly after the administration of contrast agents in post-marketing use. Ten of the events were observed with Definity over 6 years with more than 2 million applications; one fatal event was reported with Optison for 1 million applications. At least six of these cases (five Definity and one Optison) occurred 1–12 h after dosing and were attributed to serous underlying conditions. The FDA revised the benefit/risk assessment for patients with unstable conditions and acknowledged that some of the fatal events may be coincidental and not related to the contrast media. Only four fatal events with Definity occurred within 30 min after the application of contrast agents. Within this time frame, a negative role of contrast agents appears to be possible, but this is difficult to prove or exclude. Indeed, two patients had severe heart failure and one patient was ventilated because of respiratory failure, sepsis, and multiple emboli. The FDA and European Medicines Agency (EMEA) usually are concerned about a temporal relation of an adverse event and administration of the drug. They assume a possible causal relation as long as there is no proof of another explanation. But even if we assume that all four cases are related to the ultrasound contrast agent, the fatal event rate would be only 1 in 500 000 for Definity and zero for Optison. This rate is far less than the fatal event rate in exercise and Dobutamine stress echocardiography. 1 Meanwhile, several studies demonstrate the safety of ultrasound contrast agents in more than 20 000 patients including stress echocardiography and myocardial perfusion imaging using the flash-replenishment technique. 2–5 In order to provide further safety data, external, independent safety monitoring boards for the agents will be established by the manufacturers. So, it is time to be less worried about the safety of contrast echocardiography and it is good news to have ultrasound contrast agents not contraindicated in unstable conditions. However, as good physicians we still have to be prepared for a serious adverse event, e.g. hypersensitivity reactions, even if they are very rare. Like in the angiography suite, there should always be appropriate equipment and skilled personnel for resuscitation available during administration of contrast agents. According to the FDA, the risk for severe adverse reactions may be increased among patients with pulmonary hypertension or unstable cardiopulmonary conditions (acute myocardial infarction, acute coronary artery syndromes, worsening or unstable congestive heart failure, serious ventricular arrhythmias, or respiratory failure, including patients receiving mechanical ventilation). In these patients, vital signs, electrocardiography, and cutaneous oxygen saturation have to be monitored during the contrast agents application and for at least 30 min after DEFINITY® and OPTISON® administration. Surprisingly, the manufacturer of LUMINITY® (name of Definity in Europe) announced a temporary cessation of the marketing and supply of LUMINITY in Europe. There may be purely commercial reasons for that decision. For clinical echocardiography, OPTISON is not yet available in Europe. Thus, the only available contrast agent is SonoVue®. However, SonoVue has not been included in the FDA review, because it is not licensed in the US. For SonoVue, the contraindications have not changed yet! SonoVue remains contraindicated in acute coronary syndromes, patients with heart failure III and IV, serious ventricular arrhythmias, and respiratory failure. In the setting of an acute myocardial infarct, urgent and repeated echocardiographic examinations may be necessary to evaluate LV function, intracardiac thrombi, and other complications of myocardial infarction. Contrast agents have been shown to be useful to improve the image quality (endocardial definition) in 2D and 3D echocardiography. 6 Therefore, it appears to be straightforward to use contrast echocardiography for better image quality in those with suboptimal image quality. Contrast echocardiography also provides important information about myocardial perfusion. Using the state-of-the-art ultrasound scanners, LV cavity opacification is usually associated with myocardial tissue opacification, if the tissue is viable. Thus, contrast echocardiography after a coronary intervention shows the amount of non-reflow and necrosis in the myocardium. The prognostic significance of myocardial contrast echocardiography has been demonstrated: The extent of microvascular damage during myocardial contrast echocardiography was superior to other known indexes of post-infarct reperfusion in predicting left ventricular remodelling. 7 , 8 But what is the real clinical benefit of a more accurate assessment of the LV early after acute myocardial infarction? The best way to address this question is to ask what would have been happened to the patients should they not have had a contrast echocardiography study. To my knowledge, there are no controlled clinical studies at all addressing the question, how the contrast agents applications changed the management of patients in acute myocardial infarction. Until such time that adjunctive therapies following primary percutaneous coronary intervention are shown conclusively to alter the outcome in relation to myocardial perfusion, the role of myocardial contrast echocardiography in this scenario will be limited. 7 At present, it is the approved indication for LV opacification and endocardial border delineation, which makes contrast agents valuable for patient management: by reviewing case studies, Grayburn 1 recently demonstrated the catastrophic sequences of inaccurate assessment of LV function and misdiagnosis of complications such as pseudoaneurysms and thrombi. Even if there would be a moderate risk by the contrast agent, the risk/benefit still would be very favourable for using contrast agents in acute myocardial infarction! Nucifora et al.9 provide further reassurance about the safety of LUMINITY in the acute phase of myocardial infarction: in 115 consecutive patients with ST-elevation, myocardial infarction contrast echocardiography was performed with LUMINITY. Administration of echo contrast did not induce any significant change in vital signs, physical examination, and ECG. There were no serous adverse events, and minor events occurred only in five patients. Of course, this study cannot rule out all concerns about the safety of ultrasound contrast agents in unstable patients. Firstly, only patients were included after coronary intervention. These patients are probably in a lower risk group compared with patients who would get a contrast agent before the intervention. Secondly, the number of patients is not large enough for a definite answer to our safety questions. However, I agree with the authors that the results of this pilot study should encourage studies in larger cohorts. In Europe, we need ultrasound contrast agents that can be used within the first 24 h after myocardial infarction. There are conditions, where there is no real alternative to the diagnostic value of bedside LV opacification. In the debate with the FDA, the clinical and scientific echocardiographic community has demonstrated their impact on the health administration. We should use this momentum in the discussions with the EMEA in order to achieve a revision of the contraindications of SonoVue. Multi-centre randomized studies are needed to demonstrate how myocardial contrast echocardiography can change patient management. Finally, we need a registry of patients who have got a contrast agent within 24 h after myocardial infarction or other conditions of clinical instability.
Rafael Pass, Wei-Lung Dustin Tseng, Muthuramakrishnan Venkitasubramaniam
Few techniques for obtaining concurrent zero-knowledge exist; all require a complex and subtle analysis. We provide an arguably simpler and more general analysis of the oblivious simulation technique of Kilian and Petrank (STOC’01) while achieving the same bounds as Prabhakaran, Rosen and Sahai (FOCS’02). Using this analysis, and relying on tools recently developed by Ong and Vadhan (Eurocrypt’07, TCC’08) we are able to establish the following unconditional results: • every language inNP which has a ZK proof (resp. ZK argument, statistical ZK argument) also has a black-box concurrent ZK proof (resp. ZK argument, statistical ZK argument). • every languge which has a statistical ZK proof also has an ω(log n)-round black-box con-current statistical ZK proof.
Added to the list of scathing historiographical epithets we now have: “plague denier.” The opprobrium arises from a controversy about the biological nature of the pandemic of 1348–1349 commonly known as the Black Death. Was it bubonic plague? My present intention is to review this controversy with attention to fleas, literal and figurative. In a later part of this essay I then will pursue some fleas that infest other areas of current Black Death historiography. The plague controversy pits a majority of traditionalists, who believe that modern clinical descriptions of bubonic plague fit the epidemiology of the Black Death as reconstructed from fourteenth-century evidence, against a minority of rebels who propose that the modern plague and the medieval pandemic were different diseases. The traditionalists bask in certainty. John Aberth writes that “we know exactly” how the Black Death was spread because we know that it was caused by a bacterium that produces bubonic plague; John Kelly concludes: “about one thing we can be certain … the Black Death was an outbreak of plague.”1 And yet as a “denier” I will insist that such assurance is unwarranted. We are fully informed about the nature of modern bubonic plague. During a plague epidemic sweeping India, an officer of the British army compiled detailed hospital data in 1896–97. Then, in 1905, the British government established an “Indian Plague Research Commission” to gather clinical findings toward the aim of fighting the disease. Detailed reports were published regularly in The Journal of Hygiene in the years between 1906 and 1914. Traditionalists and deniers agree that these reports represent a “medical revolution in the understanding and nature of epidemic disease” as well as “models of interdisciplinary and comparative research.”2 This evidence demonstrates beyond dispute that the modern plague is a bacterial disease of rats communicated to humans by fleas. An apothegm to this effect, voiced in 1901 by one of modern science's greatest bacteriologists, Robert Koch, was quoted with approval in the first report of the Indian Plague Research Commission: “plague is a disease of rats in which men participate.”3 Humans, however, do not participate as a result of rat bites. Rather, it is the rat flea, forced to depart from the infected dying rat, which carries the plague bacteria to humans by means of a bite that regurgitates the bacteria into the human bloodstream. Once a human being is infected, the bacilli are carried by the lymphatic system to the lymph node nearest the site of the bite, where they multiply. After three to eight days the colonies of bacteria are large enough to cause swellings known as buboes, and three or four days after that the infection reaches other organs, usually causing death. The bubo, of course, is the most obvious symptom of eponymous bubonic plague. Because fleas find it easiest to bite around the ankles, the preponderance of buboes grow from the lymphatic node nearest the bite, namely the groin. According to the British records, between 55 and 75 percent of plague buboes were located in the groin, followed by 10 to 20 percent in the armpits and some 10 percent forming in other glands. Whether in the groin or elsewhere, in 94 percent of cases the buboes were found in only one location.4 The modern literature on bubonic plague often refers to a sibling, “pneumonic plague,” a disease of the lungs that results in frightful coughing. Here misunderstanding often arises because of the lack of proper distinction between “secondary” and “primary” forms. Secondary pneumonic plague is simply bubonic plague that has reached the lungs. Victims have buboes but also start coughing, and because they frequently cough blood they are likely to die from that. Modern research shows this happening in between 10 to 25 percent of bubonic plague cases. Before such victims die, however, they can infect others with their coughing, and recipients so infected may infect still others in the same manner. In other words, this is the primary form: true pneumonic plague, transmitted by coughing directly from human to human. Primary pneumonic plague is highly lethal, but in fact “too lethal for its own good.” Many of those infected die within a day, before having time to develop any cough at all, and those who do cough usually die within a day after they start coughing. Consequently human-to-human infection by means of coughing is minimal: the most serious incidence of primary pneumonic plague recorded by the British during the Indian bubonic pandemic of the early twentieth century resulted in a death rate of 0.4 percent of the population.5 This leads to one more salient point about the modern plague: contrary to common belief, bubonic plague as known since the nineteenth century is not highly contagious. In this regard it falls well behind other epidemic diseases such as measles, smallpox, or scarlet fever. An initial outbreak of plague in nineteenth-century China traveled extremely slowly, moving at about ten to twenty miles a year; observers in India noted that the disease seldom infected doctors or nurses; malaria there killed ten times as many people as the plague.6 It will already be evident that great discrepancies exist between the clinical evidence regarding modern bubonic plague and the numerous medieval accounts of the mid-fourteenth-century pandemic most familiarly known as the Black Death.7 For these reasons, clear-sighted twentieth-century historians had difficulty reconciling the modern and medieval data. To take one example, the prominent American medievalist David Herlihy conceded in an essay of 1974 that bubonic plague as known from modern observations is not highly contagious, whereas numerous medieval descriptions and the documented rate of spread of the Black Death leave no doubt of extraordinary contagion. To account for this, Herlihy offered the stand-in of the pneumonic which spread directly the In fact Herlihy not to have that the pneumonic is lethal to account for of but was not to a different to the pneumonic from coughing is most in but the medieval epidemic spread more in in the this as a and not from that the medieval disease was bubonic plague. in a in a of of published as a around to that true nature of the great medieval of historians the plague but it is one of who in has be its death In a of one by it can be that has the To this for we are not about not not not system be that is at is an of historiography. I have to a who has it be for I and as in one account and the Black Death of bubonic and pneumonic in I find most are the extraordinary in which different traditionalists to their of their and these are some of the fleas I to I will from literal fleas, to literal to we that the fourteenth-century disease was bubonic plague, then it had to have transmitted by rat fleas because we have that pneumonic plague account for and pneumonic plague in its and primary at any rate on infection by the bubonic plague fleas were the of they to have in that were not to The lack of between for fleas and incidence of the Black Death for and In the incidence of the disease during the and the fact that the rat has difficulty the as well as the of those the Black Death plague carried by fleas, its incidence have in areas with the and of and early to the for the first of the Black Death but for later that it in and John Aberth to account for this by the of around this this will not for as Aberth then in a is some about the was part of this may be an for the has not only that the in the but may also have had in the century one were to for the of that were during Black Death in it still be to account for the early to the of the lack of between the Black Death and the known of rat fleas at the other of the the of the is fleas do not in that are any more they do the And yet in of the Black Death in the of that the in around and most between and this is the of in a no in in and in In the of the Black Death on of Aberth that is no to a on the that fleas may in we have no about in medieval from modern it may to be in the of fleas that by the not be to cause a is the fact that Aberth to that areas have we on the of a incidence of a around and that of and were to be For this the only evidence is a noted report of the of the of which that was it to have however, this report was in of John Kelly to the rat with an the fleas were not rat fleas but human fleas. first this to be a because medieval people not and human fleas may have to whereas the rat in its and with the rat, the human is a This flea, that not on humans or in their but around and at to and this not with humans and be an of epidemic disease. plague was after in were for and that human fleas in not a of of plague by the human was against the Black Death as bubonic plague is on the of According to modern clinical records, as we have the preponderance of plague buboes is located in the groin. In buboes in armpits still lymph and the buboes only in a In the medieval evidence a different often large in the groin, they only more often they have in groin and and in three groin, and behind the or on the or that the groin, and are the of human lymph it is to believe that the Black Death was a lymphatic disease. the to buboes in or more is at with the modern evidence about a and the to armpits and the groin is not one about infection by it is can but they to do so a The incidence of buboes in the groin in modern plague cases is by the fact that rat fleas a are most likely to bite on or who a in the that are most likely to for the first the are not to of the medieval incidence of buboes on armpits or was so great that it leads to medieval people were to evidence in The has this to have that to be into account are for obvious reasons, were in fourteenth-century have before medieval who at into it will to some a of or some with the and to the bubonic plague I to to to be the greatest that or the lack of the that modern plague is disease of rats in which men and the that the plague will only spread from fleas to humans the death of one find many to of rats in medieval accounts the medieval pandemic had plague. in fact there are The first arises as to rats during the in some of the where the Black Death the human that they in on the of that rats do not in a that to a that the disease in was bubonic plague. the Black Death in in the and of its incidence in and data for to the of any that rats in but that they were not present in the that the of the Black Death in the evidence to the that plague in was bubonic plague transmitted by rat The is that this on a that rats rats do not on the Black with some The this is because to only the initial incidence of the Black whereas the was from that first to the evidence of of the epidemic in from or the of rats in in the to do all, regarding the of rats in the for a that but no of I to The of the in for rats in of was the Black Death. rats from this have found by and lack of rats are of is a of the by a from which that many exist in but no the other is an account published in that rats at only one and then to that they had on a may that of or have followed a in the is by that the of an in The The only had one of any are to be with the as that this to a on the of by one I have found it to the and In The of into from the and published in the but that there are no fleas in According to on the is with … the only thing of the are … where is a great many will gather about … no other of are also has a that are a great many in this for as are to a of in their the find not a about have To the in of “plague is the lack of any in the to rat of the fourteenth-century Because rat fleas will only leave their the rats have there have of rats in mid-fourteenth-century and but no The we is a from a about the spread of the Black Death on the not men but many with and by and and the of the rats that to within the of the can be this is not a to rat the human or to the of large of rats any more of large of or the death of rats the death of humans and the report is which is it the plague for modern observations have that and are to the bubonic plague in being for rat an by a of the Black Robert who that of the reports the medieval disease with a of and enough the as with John who that to rat are John on the to that of medieval … rat in with the of three one is the and a that of the Aberth refers to a from in which in refers to the by a And we find a list of that the had on and To on this as with the plague is not only because of the of rats with and but also because in fact is of rat is from the of can to this within and there they will find the to that in some is which is an of some as as eight and with some and some … and those who against the to their will this as a account of a also from the in and so do the of account is more for the is is that an of as large as a having eight by the on those who to the bubonic plague now to the of In a of published the results of a on of from found in human in where of epidemic victims had located from the the To they that to that of the modern plague was found in of their and that “we have the of the disease at the of the century in After the report was on the the in This time they located a fourteenth-century and found results from from one and to “we believe that we can the medieval Black Death was in of this time from in from in fourteenth-century and found no of the plague According to the of this “we plague as the cause of the Black but now there is no evidence for to that the are being now but the is by the of a that after the British with from research in and as well as and the this is to an between modern and a pandemic that before the twentieth there are I have not with but it that no was the epidemic disease that so in the who of the plague to be they can this to to be the a early was to that the epidemic disease was it was but because those who then to the of that the disease was not plague. for are the that medieval were not and that most had a for the in the that their reports often in The medieval evidence only to be that the Black Death was extremely contagious, extremely and by of swellings of lymph to have but not and many other and were also may and that we had clinical data from the we still not be to the or that caused the Black for as diseases David Herlihy was to that is not at certain that the diseases we are the same that one of the for such a about the Black Death was plague: that for the is that of people a I the to for the are no one the that in the century was and had the in the and but around had reached its the was such as and to have in the first of the but these not the to any And then to as great one to with the of the Black Death was to the disease had bubonic plague, that be for such plague be an An from the of infected rats have at any time some and a where the disease had then more the of the The is by no means to and The evidence, to be is a between and the great a that who was by to the of the was a not about a century after the to be on that at the time of the plague was with people it had the by to a of the that to the plague by believe that no more twenty of a had or any and those who had people on and the of … and the was of people who around how their were discrepancies in incidence between and one noted that and were the of the and that the and common people die in great such are to be as an data. from on the and in an of the the was about for or who to the bubonic plague is to the of of and on the I do not propose that the is in of the of the Black Death after the first great incidence be a it to that historians of the bubonic plague they pursue the of and as to great with more they have To now from epidemiology to one of to the plague was David Herlihy refers to writes that of to in and John Kelly refers to and in the the exist but it is to to of the of evidence with which we are from the of in the of The for the Black Death the During the time of the of were on a of to they to an where they men and to the of and and into the for this, they were that the plague has not we that will it and this is we are the traveled their and to the same where they found with the had they the the of in a … so that some people were killed by it and others of not where to or which to this be but a for by And yet John Aberth that it to a in that and was by an who in the we are and their and or and had to The of a on the on and its may be that it is in of this of and and that is by as In the same we find by the John of about in After of during the of the in people to in but and no the of the who to a of For they that not their or their about men with as as a from as well as or who and and the this not To that the Black Death in the David Herlihy the to the … to the most and … they in their into the of into and they into this not in for other and of the the same or as has is a with of to the point a is of Herlihy also refers to in in the of a site on by the in to for and the Black Death the Herlihy as evidence is a of of on the and And since the from it of in the caused by a epidemic of some It is to about for historians the to this great as one of the most accounts of to the Black Death on which we can According to some people in to the of the epidemic by and but others the and that an of this was to to the around and as and the thing as an and they they to the of their historians to in is that whereas at to be the offered as a of We to be of that be at in a so to the to do not account of to the Black Death to be For plague in the the of in of the of the of Robert to of in that will be the of a and and that the at was in a as was at the same for the is the of a which from not to at to the as well as of to be or to in with To be we are not to of the to and any more we are to the as an of but we do to of as and in this the that people by the of death by their as John Kelly from to For the of and after the Black Death of a that only a had so so for for to into an to and and The not be for a of only Kelly had for of the only however, is the in the the Black a in a that is a The of to from later as they were of the Black Death is not Because for the of the pandemic often find for a they to it with the one and then caused In the of this often is to that the Black Death to an with death and and that it to the the it be conceded that large of and evidence do an with death and in the The is that one can find of the same of evidence the century and more of the same in the An for the is the of three and the three of this to which three men on are with the of their own in of is found in a of in the in the great this the of the in with account of and in in and after the Black a has that the was And not only the three and the three can be in numerous other of the Black a in the of in the of the In to who simply in others to evidence they know well from later the century in to how the Black Death an of with death. of the on the The Black the by the on their an of death on an at an This fit the Black Death were it not for the fact that the was to a century after the Black at a time of the had in but still is the of a with the The Black The of which shows death as a on in an from the from about it is often are not for the of but John the of the with the evidence to the to the pandemic of that the first known of the of was in and that from but still to that such how of Death to the of the Black to the a of a from to the same Aberth also on namely that with or that the of these from the and from this who intention in to those that the first outbreak of the Black Death in not be from the and later had evidence of the same from the of the it be that of the to to an of is to of the and as to the I that on or in to a may well have some with the in the was not that after the which was not that after the it is to in an extremely that had to do with the at in of a it may be still more to that because of of the Black Death in from the time of the initial the early one well an so one that the is a that in we to one is of the most is the lack of and after the greatest in a different of the Black Death is to be Here is the by Black Death to have the of the that it not into the Modern The one be more can be at by that there was more there have more a in was already in the of the century any for the refers not only to more but also to a on and that the also a in from to with the of of it is to how to the have had any on such to John to a Black Death of which to have by the of with of The is that around at the time of and followed its own as in the of with no obvious to the incidence of Aberth that a between an of and highly in of of medieval and in the years during and after the Black David Herlihy a not found to the Black Death with of of and on the Herlihy four between and but one of because Herlihy have was in as For the is only had no at between and and between and there to a toward the is for the for the of the of in this is and because the Black Death may not have it that only after the of Herlihy as a for the of but this on the of a that was not into that other were in the and early the in the of the no in and at these in were often Herlihy the in were at any rate to the after at the of the of in this was by the in that in was its by the the such as or and was a of the with the more is so that it to be in but for the of it For the Black Death a in the of and was for an of in at the that in a in the at in an to the not to its medieval but to its The of was a to the In other more more the The is yet more the Black and since the is one of the of the to and since of a in the plague the for then the is not but toward the in the common there may have the that the Black Death was the of the of the It was time to on with the and that it is time to this doubt a of the Black Death is still that it is it will the bubonic plague and some common into the of
Yersinia bacterium, plague, ectoparasites research