Blockchain Papers

Scarlett Sieber, Ian Fong, Tina Lončarić, Dhanum Nursigadoo · 6 authors

Before we get started properly, we thought it best to define the intersection for you. It’s a term we started using back in early 2025 to define the convergence of DeFi and TradFi we were seeing across the space. It was fully activated at Money20/20’s conferences across the world, but in reality, it’s so much more. The intersection is the space where two realities come together to create something better. For this book, it’s where traditional finance (TradFi) and decentralized finance (DeFi) come together to deliver truly digital financial services, changing what it means for money to do business.

Joshua A McGonagle Althoff

On the evening of January 1, 1776, Peeyankihšiaki (Piankashaw people) gathered in the village of Vincennes (in present-day Indiana), several miles above the confluence of the Embarras River and Waapaahšiki Siipiiwi (Wabash River). They came to celebrate the coming of a new year with the Francophone residents of Vincennes. On behalf of the British at this fur-trading post, French commandant Jean Baptiste Racine dit St. Marie recorded the evening's celebrations in his ledger of merchandise. St. Marie was most concerned with estimating the expense of gifts being distributed. Throughout the evening, he noted that eighty loaves of bread and twenty-five “carrots” of tobacco went to groups led by the akimaki (male civil leaders) Sakimia (Maringouin or Mosquito), Old Tobacco, and Young Tobacco. These akimaki were regular guests of St. Marie and leading families of Vincennes, and their company may have been a welcome reprieve to residents occupied with keeping warm. The evening's quaintness belied the fact that these leaders had gathered not two months earlier to negotiate a deal with an afterlife that would become the foundation of contemporary American Indian law in the United States.1

Katherine A. Gordy

U.S. Democratic Deficit After the Ledger of Loss Katherine A. Gordy (bio) Juliet Hooker, Black Grief/White Grievance: The Politics of Loss. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2023. 360 pp. $32.00 (hc). ISBN: 9780691243030 As Juliet Hooker reminds us in her insightful, urgent, and beautifully written book Black Grief/White Grievance: The Politics of Loss, democracy, contrary to common accounts, is as much about losing and accepting defeat as it is about winning and exercising power. The loss she focuses on is a specifically political loss made visible/political through state action/inaction that functions as a "site for political mobilization," and that democratic citizens, particularly the most privileged, "have an obligation to acknowledge and attend to" (9). In a white Democracy such as the United States, however, the burden of political loss has fallen dramatically and disproportionately on Black Americans (and other marginalized communities). "White supremacy," explains Hooker, "distributes democratic labor unequally" (10). Moreover, the responses and the expectations surrounding loss—how loss is mobilized politically—are distinct. Whereas the white response of "grievance" seeks to sustain the status quo, the Black response of grief "enacts a politics of transformation oriented to the redistribution of loss" (23). Because white Americans implicitly and explicitly understand citizenship as maintenance of their standing in the structures of white supremacy, they have responded to what is often simply a perceived, anticipated or symbolic loss with white grievance. This is exemplified in the everyday practices of white policing of Black people in public spaces, the lynching of Black people at the hands of white mobs and the police, and angry whites storming the capital on January 6 (2021). White grievance and Black grief are connected, as the former "obscures and supplants Black grief and is often mobilized in response to it" (3). The scholarship on democracy, notes Hooker, has tended not to treat racial violence as a threat to democracy, but white grievance is "profoundly anti-democratic" (22). If racial justice is to be anything but symbolic, white Americans, including progressive white Americans, must learn to accept economic, political and social losses without "resorting to white grievance" (12). Black Americans too must learn to sit with loss, too, but to the ends of "affirming Black life and refusing the script of sacrifice" (25). The work of democratic repair, argues Hooker, has fallen for too long on Black Americans. This work is not only unfair but has come at a great cost to Black well-being. The grief resulting from significant, frequent and often spectacular loss of Black life is cut short as that grief is mobilized for the ends of racial justice and democratic repair. This is one of the most profound contributions of the book. Hooker does not criticize Black protest or activism in general. Rather, she wants to call attention to what it costs Black life (in its fullest sense) to move too quickly from grief to political mobilization. Hooker writes: "There are costs to trying to make an injustice visible, and there are some harms that can never be fully repaired, and it is these elements that loss captures and is attentive to. Loss encompasses inchoate affective dimensions [End Page 130] that exceed categories such as harm or injustice" (7). Language alone is insufficient for capturing loss. As such, each of the book's four "interludes" focuses on "a political or theoretical gesture of refusal" (25). In the first, she criticizes conventional approaches to equality that attempt to compensate white losers. Such thinking simply reinforces the baseline entitlement whites feel as citizens, and does nothing to encourage them to develop an understanding of equality and citizenship that involves sitting with loss. The second, third and fourth interludes are particularly compelling. In the second, Hooker points to the dangers of celebrating democratic sacrifice as the epitome of "black political excellence/civic virtue" (92). This celebration stems from three theoretical and historical assumptions: the reduction of Black politics to a sanitized romantic narrative of the 1960s civil rights movement; the assumption of a white morality that is moved by Black "peaceful acquiescence to loss"; and the presumption that nonviolent protest represents acquiescence or sacrifice to Black agents (91). Hooker discredits all...

Michael Austin, Rachel Meibos Helps

In the 1924 Relief Society General Conference, board member Rosannah Cannon Irvine gave a brief address to introduce Relief Society members to the 1924–25 literature course. At the time, the Relief Society was in the middle of a multiyear survey of great American authors. Alice Louise Reynolds—BYU's first female professor and the founder of the university's literature department—had designed and written these lessons for a Relief Society course based on her own university teaching experience. The course was created, Irvine explained, so that “every woman in our Church, no matter how restricted her advantages, no matter how remote her environment, can have at least a smattering of what our boys and girls are getting in college.” She felt that all women needed and deserved to have the experience of stretching their minds by reading and discussing the best literature that has ever been written. “Mothers lie awake nights planning ways and means to send children to college,” she continued. “If refinement and culture and education are necessary to the younger generation, they are just as necessary to us. The few years’ difference in our ages makes very little difference to us in the vast ages of time and eternity, and our children are proud of us in our effort to gain a knowledge of what they are studying.”1Like many of the women in her audience, Irvine had grown up in a religious environment that prized both literature and education. She turned seventeen during the same month that Orson F. Whitney gave his famous “Home Literature” speech in which he complained that Mormons “are popularly supposed to be enemies of education, despisers of learning, haters of books and schools”—and admonished young Latter-day Saints to read the world's great classics and create their own literary movement in response. To do this, he reasoned, Mormons would need to study and understand the great literary tradition that they hoped to contribute to.2 “Literature means learning,” he continued, “and it is from the ‘best books’ we are told to seek it,” he proclaimed, emphasizing that the best books meant “history, poetry, philosophy, art and science, languages, government—all truth in fact, wherever found.”3Whitney's address articulated an expansive view of Mormonism—a view that drove both the home literature movement that began in the late nineteenth century and the curricular innovations in many of the church's auxiliaries that followed in the early years of the twentieth century. We see this expansive view in initiatives like the traveling library program that the YLMIA started in 1902 and in the annual reading course that the YMMIA began in 1906.4 And we see it very clearly in the Relief Society literature course that lasted from 1914 through 1970 and introduced Relief Society members to hundreds of authors and thousands of literary works. For women like Rosannah Irvine and her colleagues on the Relief Society general board, reading great literature was a logical extension of Mormon doctrine as expressed in the Thirteenth Article of Faith. To be faithful to their own religious beliefs, she reasoned, Latter-day Saints must “accept the good and the beautiful, and the praiseworthy and the virtuous, wherever we find it in life.”5The expansive view of the gospel that drove these programs has always been part of the Mormon tradition. But so has its opposite: the reductive view that because Mormonism encompasses all truth, then the truth and the value of any proposition lies in the extent to which it supports current religious orthodoxy. Rather than expanding one's understanding of the gospel to encompass history, philosophy, and poetry, this view shrinks history, art, poetry, and everything into proofs of a narrow set of religious propositions. For most of its existence, the Relief Society's literature curriculum was a battleground between these two views of the gospel—the first represented by the architects of the program and many of those who oversaw it, and the second represented by the various iterations of the correlation movement and other external interventions that ultimately determined the shape of the curriculum.The first wave of what Latter-day Saints would later call “priesthood correlation” began in the last years of the nineteenth century when the church began to centralize its publications and instructional materials. Before this time, most of the auxiliary publications were private ventures, and most curricular matters were in the hands of stake auxiliary leaders. By 1902, almost all of the church's auxiliaries had an official magazine that published centralized lessons for the entire church.6 Only the Relief Society held on to locally planned lessons and a privately owned, quasi-official publication: the Woman's Exponent—an eight-page newspaper published twice a month from June 1872 through January 1900 and monthly thereafter. Emmeline B. Wells, the longtime editor of the Exponent who became the general Relief Society president in 1910, felt strongly that the individual stakes should develop Relief Society lessons and that the Exponent should continue to be its sole publication.7Wells's position became increasingly difficult to maintain in the face of a churchwide push for curricular standardization. In 1913, apostle David O. McKay led the first church Correlation Committee that included representatives from all the auxiliaries. Church leaders charged the committee to (1) prevent “unnecessary and undesirable duplication of work in the various auxiliary organizations,” and (2) select “suitable dates for the holding of stake meetings.”8 The committee, which included future general Relief Society presidents Clarissa Williams and Amy Brown Lyman, “successfully prodded the Relief Society general board to change its educational program and implement a unified course of study.”9 Other board members had been pushing this change for years, including Susa Young Gates, who wrote (but apparently did not send) a letter to Joseph F. Smith complaining about Wells's intransigence on this issue and offering to resign from the board.10In 1913, the Correlation Committee directed each auxiliary to create standardized central curricula that did not duplicate each other's work.11 The Woman's Exponent published its final issue in February 1914. In 1915, the Relief Society Magazine began its fifty-five-year run with Susa Young Gates as its first editor. During the transition year of 1914, the Relief Society Board distributed thirteen thousand free copies of Gates's edited thirty-two-page Relief Society Guide, supplemented by a monthly sixteen-page, ad-supported Relief Society Bulletin.12 The 1914 Bulletin unveiled an ambitious new Relief Society curriculum with six topics to be studied over four weeks each month: current events, genealogy, home ethics, home gardening, literature, and art. The publication allocated more time each month for the literary lessons than for any of the other topics, and over the course of the year, members of the Relief Society read and discussed the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, aided by a series of lessons that Gates created and published in the Bulletin.13While the Correlation Committee provided the impetus to standardize the curriculum, the choice to make literature one of the standard subjects likely reflected another concern. By 1914, literary clubs were among the most popular and well-organized women's organizations both nationally and in Utah.14 Many LDS women participated in organizations such as the Reapers’ Club (1892), which “featured discussions of literature, political science, and current events,” and the Authors’ Club (1893), which “focused on great authors and their works.”15 When church auxiliaries first began to standardize their curricula at the turn of the century, President Joseph F. Smith penned an editorial in the Improvement Era urging the church's organizations to fill the needs that some members saw in these external organizations: There is no call for individuals to organize clubs, or special gatherings in social, educational, or national capacity, in order to express wishes or desires for reforms that can always be expressed in the organizations that already in the There is to do in the general Church to fill all to all and to develop the of the is necessary to organizations individual by the Church to and and is not in the of members of the Relief Society general board, including Susa Young Gates and Amy Brown Lyman, had participated in these literary the early women to make the part of the Relief Society curriculum to Mormons in remote to experience the they in great literature and to prevent women in from the church for the Relief Society Bulletin became the Relief Society Magazine in 1915, it the curriculum with a of the years, the literature lessons and Gates's own The of as the literary of the magazine in and a series of lessons written by Mormon and of literature professor time with lessons for the of each month during The literature lessons in and to make for work in the of the In the monthly literature lessons and the literature curriculum became the monthly lessons in and to a of Relief Society that from through Louise was the the first of Relief Society literary She was the first woman to other than and at Young She the literature and in she became the first woman at and the second woman in to the of the in the of when she was years She studied for two years at the of and at the of in the of at and began curriculum for the Relief Society in and was to the Relief Society general board, and as editor of the Relief Society in She became the editor in which her to to a position at and she wrote most of the lessons from through first set of literary lessons for an entire year to a literary She followed these lessons up with two years of lessons about first year about LDS and the second about from the tradition. through she created an course on American literature that introduced to of American who would have to her audience, such as one of the American of the late twentieth century and the the lessons from American literature to a literature that included and American six Mormon women had or national and who were at the of the Mormon home literature The final of this published in was which the of an woman who her that her has been on In a published in at from through her at this in her of as it the of a that Alice Louise was for including she to the Magazine both her as a and and her to the LDS She would have no in among Mormon women about the and by over as the editor in she began to the of two two in January she to be as the of the And in the board that Alice Louise had as the editor to to teaching at Before as with her and in the to create the lessons for the course. was followed by a in and who wrote the course in and the of the at who wrote the lessons from When her the board to the lessons from through he in of he had the lessons for the course on the a longtime professor of at the of one of wrote the from Alice Louise and her the literature lessons their most expansive The for the lessons from and who were their the of studied in the women's clubs of the were that the value of reading for its own such as of and in lessons did not from literature to religious when they did so in or was that the literature and articulated a for the course in her 1924 that the value of literature the and of the the that lie at the of all that we to be most in our and us to understand more this that we have to it is one of the most and subjects that we can she it is the study for church lessons because it us to and to for the of the the Relief Society's and as like university as their make with in their created the and to read a to the of Amy Brown Lyman, who became the general Relief Society president in of oversaw the curriculum with was a at the of In church leaders her to on the Relief Society general She the curriculum from the very She the Relief Society's best in the and that in were a part of the Relief Society She was a later the of Alice in the Relief Society lessons and felt strongly about the of the than any of her had in her with church She had a with church president as more with first who the correlation of the In the of all of the auxiliaries and a the of that directed the to and the work of the to on gospel and not and directed the Relief Society to their to of and In the Relief Society was more Relief Society is the to the of in on work for the of he is the to it the to it the to all The social, and educational must be to other with the entire Relief Society curriculum from and other general the literature lessons a lessons were by the they represented the of that The course that it the as and did not up matters which would be in a religious one of the in the course and through the Relief Society was The which was based on the of the which in as the of likely had in when he wrote to in of that is that those who are lessons for our Church have of a knowledge of which they not to is almost to that they have ever into our own Church or in June of with a of the lessons in need of To the the general education turned to who had just as an professor at The of in the do not the that expressed in a letter to that have been in over a during many years of in Relief Society than was over the literature lessons the we into the for and she did understand the she he had a understanding of the Church so she felt that not some of the we had last the the about what those have in a that his lessons have been by the Committee and that they the lessons be very and free from our Committee to was in of letter that it had been in at least of was about of into Church and he set up a committee of general to and all auxiliary lessons they be The committee was by Joseph Smith and included B. and In a letter to these four general the of the charged to that in a church publication to that it and gospel to these all in the church should the set or be with the of the free from any of and free from the of the knowledge and have their they must to so in and as to to that with the of the which must be expressed and not to by the for the of books or lessons for by any of the organizations be with and by written and lessons are to the of those who or such must have they are by any of the organizations of the letter no to a that would read all and make to the The of these would be to these little that the of the literature lessons would have to change to a new would no be to study literature because it was or The expansive view of Mormonism that saw all truth as part of the gospel gave to the reductive view that all knowledge by the extent to which it be to current The letter not have been on this knowledge it be so set as to the The study of other religious can be in the church for the of and the truth of the and the of the other of the And and be with great and and for the sole of that when supports the Committee on the Relief Society In the was on the of the the literature was on the and the as on the of for the first time in the of the each with its in a and all of the authors were The literature lessons would continue for another years and would continue to find and ways to introduce Relief Society to the classics of with a of was a member of the Relief Society general a new were not by a member of the Relief Society or by any other to create lessons on literature in and he designed and wrote a course in its Literature” for the who was the president of the wrote a course on the literature of the and for the at the of the Relief Society board, to a course on of the Latter-day The first of this published in with literature during the of Joseph The second with the literature of the and was in who as a when became the general Relief Society a letter that have in such a as makes it to change the of our literature study course for that the change was by a need to to the Committee that the literature lessons more religious in the for the that the board in getting literature lessons by the in of the education that it has been necessary to change the literature course for and the literature committee had been to a new course. She O. of the literature committee, to its The committee a or course on great as of from all over the who had various of President that as of be a more for the course and that it would be necessary to make of authors and books to with Latter-day some was expressed as to such a course would be by the Church it was that great have many of our own Church leaders and that a great many of our leaders had expressed a to study great course through more iterations during the planning In that the literature committee in with a course on as of which it would be to She a course “Literature as to develop a they an for a to a literature which was and the board set to find a first for so they president to a from the professor a at studied Alice who he later as a on his education. she was great and and great the she became the most of literature lessons in the Relief Society curriculum that wrote all of the lessons from through February a of years and individual more than of the literature course created in the twentieth century. correlation push into the with the of David O. McKay to the church had a than did in lessons the as he were a set of survey his lessons through the of a set of designed for in such followed his on literature with a course on in to and of his literature lessons into that were in a and at the to that members of the church from the to for a of and gospel from to February a survey of American literature just as and just as as his survey of And it had just as an which all were to and on American literature was in the when most saw it as to literature and of in the had the first American literature at in the late But it had been part of the Relief Society curriculum from the very with the first year of the literature course reading the Autobiography of Benjamin and with Alice lessons from many of the same authors and topics that in the years, a series of literature and the for of in and American as this on they like in The were and the reading for each course was both and In the for studied of The of and with of by and and a by would be a difficult for an in American was in a Relief Society with and with little in and some members of the board for new ways to their to the most in the of the Relief Society's literature the early the Relief Society board had that the literature lessons were not Alice a member of the board and the of president the of the with she had as an the that he gave to in their first that in the the lessons had on literary or on the of with on authors and their for the most the women in the had not that had two that would make the more and more for was that the be on the literature than on or the of authors. The other was that the should be that copies be for the women to have and to that the church was that a of choice be and to the Relief Society with both and with his weeks this she on of the board to he would be to develop the program he had and an of literature that would be published by the church for in all Relief Society he his as a and the board The was the of the curriculum and that the Relief Society literature lessons from through the of the Relief Society Magazine in of the lessons began in the issue of the Relief Society with the in late of the same was from the that the would for two the lessons on topics than authors or literary and each or brief from works. The authors the than the literature the of the and most topics for For the was over two lessons in and and four by by of the by and of by and in the as by by and by that the church published and to these and to an of than had In June the entire had been and a letter from the that The committee the and to the of literature than LDS and they complained that the authors literary than gospel see in this course which is and LDS and which to the gospel of so in all that was to in a letter to “If the is as as the letter to then is a it to be was By it had already thousand and the course was for a second and a and up a of for in the and The final in from all had a special as and and the on in the second and the of the Correlation Committee for Before February all of the lessons the and as through and the lessons into topics like and of in and the of the lessons the of in to and the and such topics as the and of discussing the later expressed at the of by the Correlation In January wrote a letter to complaining about the to have been very he wrote to between a reading committee that a need to the women of the Church that or be and a reading that urging us that face and make us In the same he on to reading committee to be of and all which are the of us one of literature to work which is and was more about the to because they to the because a of a based on and had been in and of the to its the the of the of the and of the Relief Society literature curriculum not because of or because these lessons did not the needs of the church with more members of the than The literature program was created for women in the American at a time when for women were almost on literature and on the of the American middle church in an with the literature lessons were those into the and work for The entire Relief Society curriculum was in when both the Improvement Era and the Relief Society Magazine their and were into the the church's sole magazine for from through Relief Society's literature curriculum in the of in between the first and second of of the were no and were as that the correlation of 1970 and in some refinement lessons did literary topics, they included art, and about other In the refinement were from the curriculum for the same that the literature lessons were a At that time, Relief Society general president did not the needs of The lessons were difficult to and many such as the literature and poetry, to other the other of the Relief Society curriculum in the twentieth century, the literature are of their time and be of When they began in 1914, the of Latter-day Saints in or very to was a educational or The church was the of teaching literature, or most other to who from the When the literature lessons in the Church of of Latter-day Saints was a had and and for education. no to in literature that were difficult to no in the Mormon and did not gospel in more than years, and by authors from other religious by some who were not as that have religious by or The architects of the Relief Society curriculum had an expansive view of saw it as a of all truth, the work of and as a part of as the of Joseph Smith or the And the curriculum that they created for a than any curricular in the church's lessons us of that we should not for most of the twentieth century, a of Latter-day Saints saw literature as a part of the of

Gregory Laski

“You can not build in a Democracy a nation inside a nation of two antagonistic races. The future American must be an Anglo-Saxon or a Mulatto”: with these words, Thomas Dixon Jr. registered the racist refrain of his 1902 novel, The Leopard's Spots.1 The book follows Charles Gaston, son of a dead Confederate soldier who ascends to the governorship of North Carolina and thwarts Reconstruction efforts designed to cultivate racially integrated government in the post-Civil War South. His mentor along the way is the Reverend John Durham, who imparts the book's mendacious central message: America was made by white people, and democracy must be governed by them alone.It is the summer of 2021, and I am reading Dixon for the first time. With my print-on-demand copy of The Leopard's Spots sitting on the kitchen table, I take in the news coverage about the battles over “critical race theory” being waged at school board meetings, in state legislatures, and even in the halls of Congress.One skirmish in this latest culture war hits close to home. A colleague at the Air Force Academy, where I teach, has just published a Washington Post op-ed with the title, “I'm a professor at a U.S. military academy. Here's why I teach critical race theory.” The article strikes me as uncontroversial, but members of Congress have called for this professor's removal.2I turn back to Dixon's Durham: “You can not build in a Democracy a nation inside a nation of two antagonistic races. The future American must be an Anglo-Saxon or a Mulatto.” What would the concerned congressmen make of that racial theory? Or, to ask the question another way: What does 1902 have to do with 2021? And what does Dixon's democracy have to do with ours?This meditation—part journal entry, part essay—is my attempt at a reply. Though today we tend to think of them as opposites, white supremacy and democracy went together in the mind of Thomas Dixon. And although Dixon certainly was one of its most egregious expositors, that idea was hardly marginal in his own time. When Doubleday, Page & Company published The Leopard's Spots, the North Carolina-born lawyer, author, legislator, and preacher enjoyed a national platform. The novel sold so well that one in every eight Americans could own a copy.3 Members of the Black press quickly condemned the book, with one paper calling the novel “possibly the most abusive work” about the “Negro in America published up to date.”4 Sutton Griggs, himself a preacher and author, penned a novel of his own that countered Dixon's distortions, particularly images of sexually aggressive Black men threatening white women. The Hindered Hand, which the African American Griggs published in 1905, concludes by imagining a dead Dixon and memorializes the man who “said and did all things which he deemed necessary to leave behind him the greatest heritage of hatred the world has ever known.” “Humanity claims him not as one of her children,” declares Griggs's epitaph.5If his ideas weren't still so relevant more than a century later, Dixon surely would be better left to lie in the fictional grave that Griggs dug for him decades in advance of his actual death in 1946. But with the ongoing efforts to regulate what children learn about America in public schools, and state legislation designed to make it more difficult for people of color to vote, Dixon remains a detestable but necessary figure to engage. For he recognized, even as he ruled impossible, the conditions that a thriving multiracial democracy demands. Up until a few months ago, I had never read Thomas Dixon's novels, despite the fact that I hold a doctorate in American literature and my research focuses on the era in which his popularity was at a high point. Once the stuff of bestsellers and school reading lists, his voluminous fictional output is not widely assigned or read (outside of avowed white supremacist circles). This is surely a good thing. In a climate where writers like Griggs, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Charles W. Chesnutt, and so many other women and authors of color from the Reconstruction era are still struggling to assume their rightful place in our too narrow canon of American literature, to say nothing of popular consciousness, it makes little sense to allow Dixon any significant airtime.Still, as I paged through The Leopard's Spots and the two sequels that constitute Dixon's trilogy on Reconstruction, I came to realize that Dixon's ideas were already very much present in the atmosphere, even if his name has dropped off our radar.6 As I was reading the novel's profession about the impossibility of achieving a functioning democracy that is composed of more than one race, the legislature of Dixon's home state of North Carolina, where The Leopard's Spots is set, was ratifying House Bill 324. Just one instance of nationwide efforts to eliminate the teaching of critical thinking about race in public schools, the bill stipulates that “public school units shall not promote” that “one race or sex is inherently superior to another race or sex,” among other concepts.7As an astute Twitter exchange made clear, the people most likely to advance such concepts are the heirs of Thomas Dixon Jr.—modern-day white supremacists.8 If it were enacted in good faith, that is, such legislation would only force the hands of someone who might want to teach—as doctrine—the arguments of The Leopard's Spots.Of course, these legislative attempts have nothing to do with critical race theory, a body of scholarly knowledge that elected officials and citizens who support such moves routinely invoke as their motive. Countering a critique that has no identifiable target, as Ibram X. Kendi has written, constitutes a maddening monologue that makes democratic dialogue all but impossible.9But that is only part of the problem. The situation grows more troubling if we consider how the anti-CRT conversation has functioned as what Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham has called a “metalanguage of race.”10 Writing in the 1990s, the African American historian used the phrase to draw attention to the reality that talking about race in America often happens by way of shorthand and euphemism, phrases whose racial referents are seemingly obscured, but in practice are all too clear (think: “correct” vs. “incorrect” English or a “good” vs. “bad” neighborhood.) Today, we might say that controversy about “Critical Race Theory” has become a metalanguage for controversies about the idea of America we want to cultivate in our systems of education and for the story of the country we want to tell in everyday conversations with fellow citizens.Who counts as an “American”? How do we narrate an honest history, confronting both the good and the bad of a shared past, as we work to build a future?11 What role should the federal government play in securing the equality of all citizens regardless of race? These were the very questions Dixon was asking—and answering, in the most limiting ways—as he wrote about the nineteenth-century effort at Reconstruction, which, for the African American intellectual W. E. B. Du Bois, “involved the very foundations of American democracy.”12To put it another way: nowhere does the name of Thomas Dixon Jr. appear in House Bill 324, which the North Carolina governor ultimately vetoed.13 (Other states press on with similar efforts).14 Yet the story Dixon told in The Leopard's Spots has hardly disappeared, even if we don't know its plot. For a brief period, Thomas Dixon served in the very body that drafted House Bill 324. Were the author of The Leopard's Spots part of that debate, he might have taken special interest in the twelfth provision, which reads: “All Americans are not created equal and are not endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, including life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” North Carolina legislators wanted to prohibit the teaching of such a concept: “public school units shall not promote that all Americans are not created equal.”15 That they made the point by adopting an awkward double negative construction, rather than simply affirming the central, positive, commitment to equality in the Declaration of Independence, is revealing for a bill that draws on that very word to justify its actions.16In fact, separated from the qualifier, this twelfth prohibited concept seems lifted from a chapter of Dixon's novel. En route to his rise to political power, Charles Gaston leads a movement of white men who unite against what they understand as the “domination” of Black Americans in public office. The group drafts a “second Declaration of Independence,” which announces that “the government of North Carolina was established by a race of pioneer white freemen for white men and it shall remain in the hands of freemen.”17 Gaston and his collaborators deploy force to make this statement a reality, and thereby secure white power. Perhaps thinking of this scene, the African American paper the Washington Bee remarked in its September review that a chief “object” of the book was to “annihilate the Jeffersonian doctrine” articulated in the real Declaration.18That was precisely what happened four years earlier, in the historical event on which Dixon drew in part for this episode, and which Charles W. Chesnutt dramatized in his brilliant novel The Marrow of Tradition. In 1898, a group of white men in Wilmington, North Carolina, staged a violent coup that ousted the interracial government in the Black-majority city. To communicate their aims, they issued a “White Declaration of Independence.” Ignoring the commitments to liberty and equality guaranteed by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, they enacted their own story of the national founding and concluded that “Anglo-Saxon” rule was at the heart of the Constitution and must be at the heart of the national future. “Our eyes are open to the fact that we must act now or leave our descendants to a fate too gloomy to be borne,” they declared.19 Dixon, like the architects of the Wilmington coup, understood quite clearly that democracy requires equality. In fact, one of the simplest ways to grasp his vision of white supremacy is to say that it believes in and seeks equality—but for the white race only. As Koritha Mitchell has formulated the matter in another context, “Not White? Then you can't be equal.”20Startling as it may seem, that kind of thinking allowed Dixon to maintain that he was “one of” African Americans’ “best friends,” someone who wanted them to succeed—but to recognize they could never do so in the United States.21 (The comment prompted one Black writer to wish that “some Negro gathering could show” Dixon “how his friendship . . . is appreciated by giving him a good coating of tar and feathers.”)22It was also this thinking that motivated one of the type-scenes of Thomas Dixon's fiction, the idea that progress for Black Americans necessarily meant regress for white Americans. “You have suffered,” declares Tim Shelby, one of Dixon's Black characters in The Leopard's Spots. “Now let the white man suffer.” “If white men want to live in the South they can become our servants,” Shelby announces to a group of African American listeners at a political meeting.23The speech, I've discovered, was not Dixon's invention. The lines were spoken by Henry Black, a Norfolk, Virginia, freedman who in October 1867 joined with other African American residents to resist removal when the land on which they had been building a life was returned to the Confederate William Taylor.24 It was the local paper, the racist and anti-Republican Norfolk Virginian, that first reported on the episode. When newspapers from New York City to San Francisco drew on this coverage, they ran it under headlines warning of the dangers of “Negro ascendancy” and “supremacy,” and marshaled it as proof that an “inferior race,” incapable of self-government, was being controlled by “unprincipled white demagogues.”25This reporting probably stood as Dixon's source: the scene in The Leopard's Spots is nearly a word-for-word transcription of the newspaper coverage of Black's 1867 speech. Dixon, like the reporters for these white-run papers, could only tell one story about the events in Norfolk. A reversal of the conditions of racial subjugation—where Black Americans now force white Americans to labor for them—was the only way that Dixon could fathom equality of the races. The notion that racial progress is a zero-sum game stands as Dixon's most abiding and insidious legacies.26But there is, I think, another story to be told about this scene. That story exists amid newspaper articles and government documents, reports by Freedmen's Bureau agents and letters penned by Norfolk African Americans. These are the layers that compose the historical record of what really happened in the Norfolk, Virginia, in 1867: a history that came down to us through Thomas Dixon's fiction—his lies about Reconstruction that became the truth.Who was Henry Black, the man behind Dixon's Tim Shelby? When Black spoke to the freedpeople of Taylor Farm on that fall day in 1867, what did he want them to see? His speech made clear the revolution in the social order that would be necessary for the formerly enslaved to become genuinely free people, even if he didn't literally mean that white people should serve African Americans. And even if he did, who could blame him for hoping that another reversal of fortune might keep his community on the land they deemed was their own, and for organizing to make that hope material?I will try to find out, if I can. Doing so will require me to engage more with Thomas Dixon and the white supremacist ideology that animated his thinking and much of the historiography of Reconstruction of which Dixon's writing was part and parcel.Strangely, this is unfamiliar terrain for me. I'm used to writing about Sutton Griggs and his African American contemporaries, the authors who sought to contest—directly and actively in Grigg's case—Dixon's story. But writing about white writers like Dixon, as a white scholar myself, feels different. “White American literature . . . is arguably the most prominent and most problematic of the traditions that involve race” in American literary history, claims John Ernest. And for that reason, “it cannot be ignored in favor of more focused and more ultimately uplifting stories.”27I take this message as if addressed directly to me. I want to distance myself from Dixon's extremism, but it's better to be honest about the traction his story about the possibility of racial equality in a democracy holds. Americans, especially white Americans, must work to reject his conclusions. At the same time, we must frame the stakes of our ongoing discussions about white supremacy, anti-racism, and CRT in the terms that Dixon deployed; only by formulating a language that links equality and democracy can we construe the full significance of the arguments and understand why talking about them really matters.28 As the political theorist Danielle Allen has put it, “The simple fact of the matter is that the world has never built a multiethnic democracy in which no particular ethnic group is in the majority and where political equality, social equality and economies that empower all have been achieved.”29The novels of Thomas Dixon testify to the truth of that statement. As we engage in the novel project of making America a multiracial democracy in a moment that some have called a “Third Reconstruction,” may Dixon's writings also show us the thinking to avoid if we want both his name—and the notions they promote—to truly disappear from the story of America.

Roger Biles, Mark Rose

BILL CLINTON WAS THE ONLY US PRESIDENT to visit East St. Louis. Clinton made two trips, the first in 1992 and the second in 1999. Clinton was alert to East St. Louis's visible place on any list of American cities that suffered high unemployment, shuttered factories, deadly pollution levels, profound poverty, widespread drug usage, and violent crime. Still more, as Clinton acknowledged and as any routine newspaper reader would have recognized, deep racial animosities informed virtually every aspect of residents’ lives and politics in East St. Louis and in cities like it. Profound economic distress and ingrained racial anger animated politics in similar places such as Camden, New Jersey, and Youngstown, Ohio. Like in East St. Louis, bankers, corporate executives, small retailers, repair shops, and white, middle-income households had abandoned those cities’ neighborhoods and schools starting after World War II and extending to the end of the century and beyond.During both trips, journalists included in Clinton's entourage wrote positive reports focused on promises to revitalize the local economy. In fact, however, each visit lasted only a few hours, and each comprised one part of multi-city tours. Local officials had played no part in formulating Clinton's economic development proposals. The brevity of those stops suggests that Clinton never ranked East St. Louis or its leaders at or near the top of his legislative agenda. Nor in fact did Clinton bring immediate financial resources to hard-pressed residents or the city's treasury. During his first trip, Clinton promised restored economic growth for the nation including places like East St. Louis. During his second, Clinton had legislation pending in Congress that promised a modest amount of cash alongside tax benefits for business leaders willing to invest in the nation's depreciated cities. Under those austere circumstances, not one or even a dozen presidential visits could have restarted East St. Louis on a path toward revived investments, additional jobs, fewer buried pollutants, cleaner air, or a modicum of racial harmony. Once the president departed for the next stop, moreover, the city's mayors such as Gordon D. Bush (1991–1999) and Debra A. Powell (1999–2003) lacked the cash, credit, political networks, and administrative capacity that were prerequisite to launching East St. Louis's mostly impoverished residents on a path toward a modest prosperity.Clinton and other political leaders valued East St. Louis and similar cities as model workshops for the idea that markets could be made to substitute for direct financial aid. President Ronald W. Reagan and Representative Jack F. Kemp had bequeathed that idea to Clinton, who took it up as his own. Our study of Kemp and Reagan's innovative policies and Clinton's visits to East St. Louis focuses attention on a once-thriving Illinois city during the decades that political leaders directed the nation's political economy away from old-fashioned pursuits such as steel and aluminum manufacturing, hog packing, and heavily unionized railroading and trucking and toward internationalizing bank corporations, financial derivatives, soaring office towers, corporate takeovers, and weekend holidays devoted to shopping, travel, and leisure. Reagan, Kemp, and Clinton, however, explained these developments as natural extensions of markets at work, which clearly was never the case. Saddled with that language, however, policies aimed at creating markets had to produce measurable outcomes in places like East St. Louis. They failed to do so.To explain these developments, we start with Clinton's two visits. Next, we direct our attention to President Reagan, Representative Kemp, Illinois governor James R. Thompson, and to the East St. Louis mayors who inherited the task of converting endless talk about markets and innovative policies into investments, jobs, and the provision of basic urban services such as police and sewage disposal. Presidents Reagan and Clinton and other top officials such as Kemp and Thompson spoke as the state's and nation's chief economic officers. One theme that emerges clearly is the vast disjuncture between their uplifting pronouncements and soaring policy goals and problems such as inadequate revenues that neither market talk nor modest, market-oriented policies could remedy in forlorn East St. Louis. And as such, we are not studying the triumph or failure of markets but the way in which presidents, federal officials, and Illinois governor policy that took of the which East St. Louis officials and residents each as for Clinton and A. his for spoke and to in of at the East St. Louis the as Clinton to the high it which at that for and to the economy of the economic of as Clinton and and with journalists for stops in cities such as was as however, like East St. Louis, was city that had decades only to a of as part of the of and in and of cities like and East St. Louis were to economic their In as of unemployment, and a of economic the at East St. Louis's that at a and a promised of and even in cities like and East St. Louis, for Clinton to to his President W. economic Clinton of his that it could be and idea is that it could be on Clinton, in his second presidential made to East St. Louis. visit similar to the local officials, and to Clinton's or to the president of the in however, such as of and top to Clinton's their to invest in places like East St. Louis. the of in East St. Louis the city as a in the a East St. Louis and Clinton and other for the to a Clinton a of for local even one of Clinton's top economic East St. Louis's growth the as economic in our like the that federal and officials made to impoverished of East St. Louis's economic a was Like his 1992 Clinton's in East St. Louis including a to of East St. on a in that Clinton's as the nation's first president to his the mostly American residents to attention at the of office and business executives, or One of Clinton's that East St. Louis residents of their the who the in St. Louis. Clinton for the of the racial that had two a few in Illinois and one to East St. Louis residents about the of those who suffered anger and Nor did that in decades local business few or comprised part of that for economic In the city's at but in two to Clinton's first During the and one of the city's residents away as their East St. those who were and did not in the local to the that up to Clinton's and the East St. Louis was impoverished in as a of impoverished residents in similar cities and the after Clinton's first visit during the of of were a economic the had to and the St. Louis's was of that to East St. Louis, at a in in 1992 or in the and fact of East St. Louis's and economy at the of each Clinton have for East St. Louis to a local a and Clinton's is the first in Clinton's and his to end racial the for immediate and in their lives and In the near however, Clinton, or any to a and place for in the economic that one Clinton's visit and included no of vast federal for East St. Louis. The was the with Clinton the of Clinton to a to invest in and similar the investments, the would to additional and of growth as however, the president of that of in had promised to invest in the in was a that in for federal legislation to the to bank that and in and financial to the however, cities and could never a of business and jobs, in East St. similar during that in East St. Louis, Clinton his of the In of the US Congress and President the The to in cities and their were And Clinton's top bank on bank to those of the Clinton to his East St. Louis the in for the was that such as the of of a with a toward their to had financial and political for the and other that in cities like East St. Louis. Clinton and the nation's top additional had a of bank as a in economic In only a few after his first in East St. Louis, the a with of the nation's top bankers, and business leaders in federal that Clinton of his and mostly in to with the economic growth that would bank Clinton's 1992 to in was similar to his to East St. Louis's hard-pressed residents in 1999. is no and in fact neither the nor to any to the as and impoverished as to the local made it that and residents were for East St. of decades of Clinton never to or East St. Louis's mostly residents to the of and In Clinton's market at as the top like and of executives, as a in their a of as American urban politics was not about and like Clinton their with market They did to their to the and the to and growth into the In its urban of market talk to policies that and and one to every Illinois and in the of Illinois the of a for In a similar Clinton and his top growth aimed at about cities and developments did not with the political and in East St. Louis. and business could never of their city a a place in the as a or like to that market talk into urban policies aimed at places like East St. Louis was never a East St. Louis business and political leaders their in Camden, New Jersey, and cities the lacked financial resources and in and political In leaders in and New to the cash and that were prerequisite to creating of and with bank and in St. Louis, with its visible and the city officials and business leaders had to each the to to to a a and a those St. Louis's hard-pressed leaders to corporate the of and on their as a in for East St. Louis's of market talk had to of abandoned in every and who lacked with in St. Louis, and other his East St. Louis Clinton's market talk as his markets that in the Clinton with a of the way those markets were to of the would invest one Clinton at the would that a tax valued at The Clinton of the tax credit, on the for only Clinton's markets like other federal such as to to During a few in the markets the attention of journalists and a small of to the of in the nation's such as East St. Louis. as Clinton made to his the markets did not in had in East St. Louis to bring to his markets In the that any Clinton legislative a of in Clinton was his for a US New Clinton his to President presidential of Clinton's one or both we not Clinton's to the that during his in office and his to that growth on a in Clinton's of impoverished to about his and for economic growth on and a idea about for the In fact, however, Clinton's markets was a in of Congress and not a of tax to Still more, Congress had not Clinton in which East St. Louis was to fact, Clinton in East St. Louis with During the failure to the markets and the comprised only two of the leaders in East St. Louis to a of the federal to not even President Ronald Reagan's market talk was to legislation to start East St. Louis's toward a modest Like Clinton, Reagan had focused on the of could of that in these would a federal tax the would and to jobs, and a in on a in Reagan the and their for these that of Under the Reagan each top officials in the US of and would between and for as on such as economic and the of In Reagan's of the with but direct federal tax was a tax which few or as East St. Louis was on Reagan's list of first alongside Camden, New Jersey, and Illinois cities such as and Reagan's list as In Reagan but of Congress and business leaders about the as explain legislative that the idea had and urban with in policies to a of and in their cities and In mayors of and other cities to to with Reagan and his pending in like East St. Louis, were During the next Illinois business and political with and in their the Illinois business Reagan officials in to and other federal of was a spoke about steel and In to in a of the Illinois of and a in East St. Louis to explain the to business In a the the at the end of the for cities. leaders of cities with high their with Reagan to of One those cities as the and East St. Louis ranked that The was on to however, not even President Reagan was to of Congress to his to of the Illinois of in with to be in each Like Reagan's the Illinois of tax and fewer in the cities that The legislation a local political leaders to the state's as one of the The East St. Louis of the city's and of and of the In and the had to included the city in their In the to with its path to economic local officials and any that was at officials the of a between and the East St. Louis the city in the that would be East St. economic development in the the federal up in Congress and with about both the federal and the East St. Louis their have to have a the of to the legislation of in the the and urban In the of the idea one to that included a to police and and to In the who a and two including one in a did that the city lacked to as part of a the federal to and the East St. Louis officials on federal in the of to the of and such American in cities as in and even in a city business of levels, and a that was inadequate to police and In those circumstances, or any in for East St. Louis's Illinois governor James R. Thompson East St. Louis's as one of cities to the first of with two additional in including the of the city's and steel In only the had from the steel corporations, the cities that made the but did In a East St. Louis the in a the state's cities and two of few in East St. Louis and to problems that the of had In the fact that leaders small cities were problems have the modest capacity of a of officials to and of the East St. Louis in about these were to have attention to their failure to pending legislation local Nor did the state's legislation financial to East St. Louis and the other cities for the factories, and that up and and abandoned and city's racial animosities comprised in the city's Representative St. about the of from neither of talk about the capacity to growth nor the of legislation of was the politics in which East St. Louis every reports about the for a place on list of from In their not local business and political had in those in for a the in benefits for urban In similar a with on the modest in cities. in and of jobs, and the to steel jobs, local officials could not from its as And in other the growth virtually to that city officials was a place on the list of however, the modest of development in the other had a business to East St. East St. Louis's first to two to the East and East was a it would of of into and with on Once up and moreover, the would of the in the St. Louis including and the into the into a like the the amount of in the In the those were to East St. Louis, with its as a the East St. Louis's air, and residents had one of the city had lacked to repair a sewage into the for a And in to that his city's as their in had the as as a the the the legislation the In however, the to the politics of and on his the was never to the who and mostly American had willing to the that to cities like East St. Louis. had a in in as a to in East St. Louis. The to a and a the the would jobs, a the of in East St. Louis. were not to and a of in the in the city's the each in the in the city's including a aluminum that had its East St. Louis his in with a of the state's of and to a St. and to a as in to the our in the near a of city leaders in for the East St. Louis was only city to additional During the next two in the failed to The for that was and local leaders the US those promised valued at and the of the of to one of the for the first In a small of one would bring of to East St. Louis. in however, at a to a in East St. Louis. In the a a both and as for a and a that however, to one or even both of their East St. Louis to the Still more, had not to of tax their in one included legislation that cities to tax East St. Louis would any in tax revenues that took place at the with the were about in the the and about the had not business leaders to to East St. Louis's its and its to basic urban such as sewage The market its about had animated President Reagan and business and political leaders at every in Illinois and was as on to the city's in Jack Kemp and other market were in the political presidential the idea and Kemp had for a presidential and was a for the In his Kemp a and at a of racial in and Kemp for Kemp about politics and economic about in as a of Congress a near that Kemp with of Congress and were to to business additional jobs, and every In Kemp legislation to the in high a of and of unemployment, a that journalists about and and his and on their a In Kemp his for the presidential the were like the a in Kemp would clearly be a Kemp the to W. his in his to as of at a to Bush economic growth and the to their a market talk the Kemp, had a from which to to have a in the Kemp a of mayors in on the was the one who a of in the and In Kemp, in office only a few in with the and the the of the federal Kemp, as in that the would to business to the federal tax would the in the of and tax the the of included in his to of two and of Congress had legislation to Congress in a In and to a for East St. Louis leaders to federal for In the after the Bush legislation that failed to cash for a additional in after Bush and Kemp took Clinton and had made a economy their Congress to like the legislation and administrative at a Clinton's had a of cities to federal that Congress the of and the and visible of urban such as the for in Clinton's Congress had the of each to urban who city officials or urban was to that such a would be for that business to invest in and and in a city like East St. Still East St. Louis in and had to it the city's took place the of the East St. Louis a in the of Illinois as part of the state's had to that to and and St. Louis into a into the In the city officials to the city's to the of of in 1992 and extending for the next Gordon D. East St. Louis's with the for including business development in the federal development had not in the city during that a in Bush In with St. Louis to a for a of St. Louis had failed to one of the in other cities had cities the for his with depreciated East St. Louis, to his city's of a for his the positive that with a city to alongside a of business and political one toward East St. Louis into such a in of the of Bush a and with the of St. Louis would of a small and East St. Louis on its way toward as a city corporate towers, racial and a The Bush was we have to economic and the in East St. to that however, the a on the to East St. Louis, about of the city's The and its of and had not to East St. Louis and the that were urban leaders in cities such as and had the visible place the or to in the the moreover, of the with development had not the tax and not the and A. place on the had places a city on and a was to a way toward on the In a to East St. Louis's place in that Bush to Clinton during a his with a was in President Bush and to the in of the in with ranked second like East St. Louis, was a city with a American of St. Louis the in his spoke about a The of had place on the idea of a the cities to and one in federal and tax during the next of the in a small near East St. Louis, the of their at a for on and to the St. Louis for that of about and failed to that Congress had not to the nation's The Clinton East St. Louis, those in the US those East St. Louis's Debra A. had few with which to like up in East St. Louis and was a in high and at the of on city in one of first as to the city with a of with to American to In the of the next to the Powell in a its the was the first in East St. Louis in of the the the of our a the city of St. Powell spoke about a and a with to the but near East St. Louis, would the that in as model for as did a small as a place for to and to during do Powell East St. would business to East St. Louis, Powell were the city's residents would for the a at and was to be in visible and in Powell a for a in East St. Louis to of the St. Louis The office with a and a mostly lacked the to East St. Louis's as a place to and the In as Clinton's second to a Congress his and promised during Clinton's visit in was at in East St. Louis's in St. the of the Illinois of legislation to East St. Louis the mayors of impoverished East St. Louis, and cities to as the part of the to the residents would have as East St. Louis's of such markets and direct was to a in to the growth markets as the in East St. Louis's the and markets was officials like Powell and never the and resources to for their city's in Nor were their city's to or to the one would the for or at that no to as a in the politics of East St. Louis's politics of with market talk and for a place in East St. Louis's The politics of had in the in Illinois officials the to the city's The had to for a of the in officials that the for had the a that the were in however, the a of was one newspaper in to East St. Louis, a that would the way for officials to the of racial between East St. Louis's residents and the mostly residents who would officials could the city to its and a of a the would place the in of the city's The politics of residents in took in talk about a a the state's made the city's growth Powell of cash and did not to In in of with American and the in the Powell for at The and the both the and the of every American to for the to a or the however, on the of a US of study that for every of between at the end and next on the East St. Louis as a shopping, and In a to to and to a on St. Louis. residents of East St. Louis for They to the between the and During those however, only the a had for of were as in the that idea was a for to and and for and to East St. Louis as a place to a have of we are Powell a newspaper that the we are after Congress failed to the Powell was to restarted but the local and cash for any urban a city talk about was in the air, no of a shops, and officials in fact to financial in the President Clinton promised to East St. Louis to restored mostly the old-fashioned idea of revived in tax to and to cities like East St. Louis. for the of and of had the idea that would to as a in market the was to about measurable on one in the to a to a like East St. Louis to in a that any business was in a of and that cities and and the and the Clinton in fact legislation creating the American the of like and the and the of and in East St. Louis and similar and had departed those or In the to for American and to the of in the East St. Louis, moreover, was not a on the of the had for East St. Louis's leaders were with the to their way to The of in Reagan, Clinton, Illinois East St. Louis and other American leaders to the and of to the of cash or the of East St. Louis that city Clinton had residents next to were the political of who and market American residents of abandoned were to the of tax and cash to and was a have in East St. Louis, a local in a after Clinton's the Clinton spoke in was in the the had in at the included for and a of at that to and a that tax to the of the a local the had with to a the next to and the the and the as place for to local business was the to East St. Louis's into a a office and shopping, and about of the city's In East St. Louis, the between and development was a old-fashioned the East St. Louis had a with the and to federal cash, the and for in one it to one or two on the East St. Louis and economy. even a like the and resources to a few to East St. Louis's as a and place to do During in the of a a in East St. Louis in that not only have any but to The city's and the for growth in the In in to a that to widespread and in New the US of the that East St. Louis as In local like Powell and like had their on the as a growth the had a place for a and it was next to a city into the St. Louis was a city that households not one in the business and white, East St. Louis. urban who in and mostly white, never St. Louis or East St. Louis as cities to for a first after St. Louis, a city that had vast and business starting in the could not to East St. Louis. the of jobs, and from East St. Louis the the at East St. Louis's of racial anger and Clinton's two tax and and political market talk

Colleen McDannell

On a sweltering day in August 1873, Eliza R. Snow stood in the Ogden, Utah, tabernacle and addressed her sisters in the Relief Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. She recounted that church president Brigham Young had told her that he wanted a “good many” sisters to get a “classical education” and then to go on for further training in medicine. As described in the Woman's Exponent, the Salt Lake City–based newspaper that published on topics of interest to Latter-day Saint women, it is not clear which sentiments were Young's and which were actually Snow's. The article explained that younger women should train in medicine and older ones in nursing and obstetrics. In her concluding remarks, Snow summarized what had become a rallying cry of the 1870s. Women's “first business” was to their home duties but, Snow continued, “by seeking to perform every duty you will find that your capacity will increase, and you will be astonished at what you can accomplish.” Seeking to motivate her listeners Snow observed, “Don't you see that our sphere is increasing? Our sphere of action will continually widen, and no woman in Zion need to mourn because her sphere is too narrow.”1Eliza Snow was not the only Relief Society leader who recalled Young's call to action. That same August, Bathsheba Smith also remarked that Young encouraged women to receive training in medicine. The “President had suggested to her,” the Woman's Exponent explained, “that three women from each Ward in the city be chosen to form a class for studying physiology and obstetrics. Also, that one woman from each settlement be sent to the city to study the same branches, and that the Bishops see that such women be supported.”2 Both Snow and Smith were forceful voices in the Latter-day Saint community. Each had known the prophet Joseph Smith (Snow being secretly sealed as his plural wife) and made the arduous trek across the plains to Salt Lake City. Bathsheba was also one of the seven wives of George A. Smith, who was Young's first counselor in the First Presidency of the church. Within the decade, Latter-day Saint women established Deseret Hospital.Catholic residents of the territory of Utah were also calling on women to expand their traditional roles as healers. About the same time that Eliza Snow delivered her address, a mining foreman became concerned about the mortality rate among his workers.3 The completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869, the improvement of smelters and mills, and the arrival of non-Mormon workers had transformed Utah mining into a vast (and dangerous) commercial enterprise. Marcus Daly contacted Lawrence Scanlan, a fellow Irishman and newly arrived Catholic priest from San Francisco. While ministering in the raucous mining camp of Pioche, Nevada, Father Scanlan had raised funds to construct a small hospital for the injured and sick. Daly and Scanlan believed that something similar could be built for Utah miners. The hospital established by the Episcopal bishop, the six-bed St. Mark's (1872), was no longer adequate for the growing population. In October 1875, two Sisters of the Holy Cross who had recently arrived in Salt Lake City responded to Scanlan's appeal for women to nurse the sick by opening a hospital.Holy Cross Hospital expanded throughout the late nineteenth century and flourished for more than a hundred years. It closed in 1994 when the sisters sold it to a private hospital organization. On the other hand, the hospital established by Latter-day Saint women floundered. Deseret Hospital closed after little over a decade of operation. This article contends that while Deseret Hospital has been presented as an example of Latter-day Saint women's achievement in nondomestic occupations, in reality the care facility only had limited success. Indeed, part of the reason why Latter-day Saint women failed at establishing their hospital was due to the success of Catholic women in establishing theirs.In general, historians shy away from studying failures. However, by studying a short-lived project like Deseret Hospital, we can see the underlying structures that have limited women's achievements. This examination of why it failed (rather than simply celebrating the hospital's establishment) reveals what actually hampered women from widening their sphere of influence in a modernizing America.4 During the 1870s, both Latter-day Saint and Catholic women attempted to respond to the needs of the sick, but only Catholic women were able to effectively negotiate the transformation from home-based to hospital-based medical care. The Sisters of the Holy Cross were successful because they had perfected a system that was well adapted to modern medical care, unlike the women who founded Deseret Hospital. This essay presents a critical history of Deseret Hospital and concludes by briefly comparing Catholic women's efforts to those of the Latter-day Saints.Eliza Snow's 1873 call for women to study medicine paralleled instructions from Brigham Young to the Saints to maintain their frontier independence. As the railroads brought Mormons into the and Young the of the of the community. women to train in of medicine was only one of the Young Latter-day Saint women During an 1873 Young women not only to be but also to their by the to for the of the Relief were to the to the and and the in his address, women were told to to and in the While it was for the sisters to the of every other was for had about about women and have had a in but the of was more In 1869, Young and their as a to their and at Young that more than The Latter-day like of other that the be by and Mormons and the Woman's Exponent published Eliza Snow's call for it for is a and from the of and on the in the Latter-day Saints the by women at paralleled their in the of the and the the 1870s, the Saints were also Young a little time not a woman in will to have a can have a by was for more than and the cry for a Young in you have a in the for a and a The Latter-day like other were to the class of who their and Young had encouraged a to go to study and it not be that his Eliza Snow that the same should be for to at home well into the of medicine that a of and the sick in was to what become it not be after Young's in that women be to medicine and among the Saints. In the of a in the Church explained that one and while George and of the two and from the Women's of her in from the of While more were at other the only who were by Latter-day Saint an Latter-day Saint not simply the and the but also the and the The women had from medical they a of and training to an of and a hospital-based medical the same because their the of and medicine also the of the community. women had chosen a and church their by the of and the of a from other the women to the care of the Saints as a is not to the to which Latter-day Saint women the of medicine. history of Utah medicine that women were by the Relief on the and became in the no is for As we will not the and medicine throughout their have women who and in Utah the late nineteenth and but of were by Latter-day Saint church due to the of Utah and the of medical training of the were Latter-day Saints in Salt Lake City. Indeed, the successful of the was who was in Utah, and in was an and was in studying medicine in the growing of women in medicine throughout the to the of the in the when women were of that medicine became by women could study briefly and call in the women from a of simply Latter-day Saint had more and in medicine than in other of the it is to that the had their by the Relief Society of the for her medical her from for the Woman's to one it was her who built her a to her and to the of and he to her every it was a Relief Society Eliza R. Snow a and a in but no that sent other While at the as a in a and During her for a fellow medical arrived in Salt Lake to her a on the physiology and of the system and to to the The Woman's Exponent that the was a and the in every as as the the and the for were was a However, it was not was in not been The Exponent of the for in and become the and also a of to a on her in the efforts were not to for a medicine in a small to her made by and her private to train and the women a the Relief Society the training of and care, but it on the of the training of from being by the the and to find the funds for their and and to in the Latter-day Saints not such During of the nineteenth and other However, a of the late nineteenth and was the of for medical than became the of for and of the of medicine was the that and who in that the of medicine and to in and to to and that only could of training which to to as in a their was a women had and for their medical it was for to and to away from of the in medical that it is not that in two after from her medical published an article in the Woman's Exponent calling for the of a The not unlike the one it be to women and training and be and the of the Latter-day Saint of article also made it clear that believed medicine was not for those that made medical training to be one of to Salt Lake City had two but of those had been founded by three In Deseret Hospital in a of the hospital in to The one in and on a history of Latter-day Saint women a Deseret article that by the is for the only for that by hospital Eliza Snow and described the as and the capacity of and The medical that a of over to the that could not at Deseret Hospital. who could private to care for their at a hospital was to be a of their of the hospital as in the care of women and the that Deseret Hospital and and those in and of the church. after it in Deseret Hospital an for and women, one private and a the medical were and and for the hospital explained that Latter-day Saints more in an could and the sick, from the of those not of their the training of the and Deseret Hospital was not by Relief Society Latter-day Saint church While Relief Society on of Latter-day Saints Deseret Hospital in by mining and in the Deseret Hospital In on the day of the hospital's church the women's a newspaper that it was Salt Lake City who over a for to In the Deseret Hospital a for his of of and the raised by the as well as by the women and of the The Woman's Exponent and were to for Deseret Hospital. was while the Latter-day Saint the hospital the women to after Deseret Hospital Eliza president of the had to her fellow Saints that the hospital was a a that had to the about the hospital the Woman's Exponent after to the to the The then appeal to women and Relief were not in their and that was a Deseret Hospital In after the hospital into a the Deseret that while the could the of the Relief Society and Young in the was for funds to in the The Deseret Hospital told the that Hospital In the Woman's Exponent that about on the of but have the first into the the became in the hospital the Woman's Exponent one of a and made in a had been could not in an As for medical Relief Society women had they could not on a from church the the church not Deseret Hospital is not the the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was a by and and Catholic that a Zion had been built by The women's Relief Society was a while more than they in the it on women's and to In the the continually the Latter-day Saint little in and was by a of Deseret Hospital at In the three were Eliza R. and women were Relief Society of women's and to that from to the a a of the of other Relief Society women and the hospital to that was in The hospital's first medical was a of Brigham Young and a church Young to have had little at the as at that time was of a Latter-day Saint hospital have been the of but when Deseret Hospital as first As in the hospital and medical in in and the of women and not have a medical She and her a in Utah in and were that in St. to Salt Lake established a in to to the of medicine. at in have more time on than of the and paralleled that of who also was a an and president of the Women's after the of Deseret Hospital, a the of by Eliza R. and it Young not to have been In the was brought the of the Salt Lake the Deseret published a of the by church were in the of of the an of the of a to the of Deseret Hospital had of being and believed was an a and a The not only the the women had about her to the that her had been in the of and that the the of the to when the her not that is of your that it is not simply the the to the Saints about the that the the Deseret Hospital and had to who those on the about for the sisters of the Eliza for the a was that only the hospital's was Snow had simply the and the but the The The had been Snow the sisters to those The was that made a of the and that Snow it for that the were not the they have the of the the of Deseret Hospital was and the church had to to the published by also Salt Lake of the that in every the was no to the of the Deseret Hospital that have and because to have and from those have been for and then of his not the Deseret Hospital to not to but he the to of by the and her to her and the he that what as and to the of the the women to and Deseret Hospital a of the that a of women as they to negotiate medicine be in a modernizing and in of their clear of the of the established and Relief Society women than the medical The church As they were well of of and and of was a but also was a a and not from a medical have her but her the of the Saints was church not to the they for The women, who and to in the one Latter-day Saint as women the care of the sick in their they in In the not over an The was not what Eliza Snow had in when women studying the of Snow to as the president of the Deseret Hospital In a and of the the hospital was became the president of the Deseret Hospital Deseret article published that same has Young as The of which to the of Deseret Hospital, was than of the of the Deseret Hospital in the of and in women's the and the Deseret Hospital from Utah women's The one on Deseret Hospital to a briefly and the not her and not Both Young and their which they had in when they had to the on a In to the delivered a to from the women of Utah, and their in became president of the Salt Lake However, after from the Latter-day Saint became a which to her in It was only then that Utah for The first of Deseret Hospital not into history and her has been Deseret Hospital no the who be the of the Relief Society In October a after into a to the were being at the facility and were for those a hospital of a two an a a a and a have no hospital from the at the but the Deseret on her in the from one and an on to two a from the of a who and the hospital after a at the hospital of her time and time to in In October secretly became the of as president of the Salt Lake on the Deseret Hospital of was and The plural two after the which such as a and a and a hundred was also and after to such as and were to be and their to to and were to In a to be a who a hospital a to at her and into In to a and when the their they to the and then on to after in her a the of as an in a not her medical in her She explained to her that her in had her for hospital was about being a in a on the of a on the at Deseret Hospital will be able to medicine day as She also told her believed from her time at Deseret Hospital. of to from at the of the at of the in and of She described being on call as a that on what to Utah from to only and in that known as the of to on then a that have of and could the but is not the not care for the of modern medicine. She not to in a system not only her but also after on in had more over who they as well as and hospital care was in to a hospital when failed the sick had no were the of the sick. a medical more like that of two other Latter-day Saint and Deseret Hospital, of women in the hospital's women in their and of their time in a they for and The delivered which brought than to and Deseret Hospital in her of Deseret Hospital had a which not published in and Deseret Hospital the care of for only a when over in October in the of the nursing in as in Joseph was medical but was no to the care of a a to be in the and to It over two for to become at Deseret Hospital. that his and to as became of the care was by was a in the medical In sold her home and and to study medicine. of her had of and the her In became the first woman to study at what become the Hospital. her funds the Relief Society her to the Women's of She her first and her on her for women's at as president of the Young and became a for the Relief Society were and her not in the She had and in the was However, like in a of Deseret Hospital, In secretly became his The hospital a of from to to in and of the for a to the and as well as one who was injured a of The for of and During the as and She also her by at the hospital on and we can of in the Deseret Hospital described her can only about the as the was that it could not be to reason for in her at Deseret Hospital is that not see her in a because the hospital was to Bathsheba Smith to her Relief Society sisters that Deseret Hospital was need of a little This in an on in for the in had on the hospital's and the of the women of the of the hospital by both and those simply at the facility She that for care and the not which is over one and hundred the of However, the hospital each and the at This was of the that have to the have not to the of the and were In a of that the facility for of in history is by a Salt Lake article that the hospital in because of the for the The Deseret Hospital The hospital have been in the of the in a woman as as the hospital's her was not only it was a for her the hospital and should for The hospital and the was into a for the of was the of Deseret Hospital was due to more the women could not the for training in what was an (and While was among of Deseret Hospital, women in Utah not have to the to train and as well as medical of the of the frontier nineteenth not the the Latter-day Saint women could not on a system to (and church had wanted a hospital and by Latter-day Saint women, they not have a to that The as well as were by a on was not the only reason that Deseret Hospital The that over to a was no in the of medical care from the home to the In the of women were at a because their were in traditional than had in in the her not to a frontier by and Deseret Hospital to and church who the their the also were not for the of hospital care in the late nineteenth In of her hospital little of at Deseret Hospital. that a of medical on the and by the her for her at Deseret Hospital, her about her we can have her time at the hospital and her about on her also to that too was by the of hospital-based medical care. Latter-day Saint women were and for the of of the that Deseret Hospital it is that it as as it However, what historians have in in medical care is hospital by women was successful and to the The Sisters of the Holy Cross had their hospital in 1875, two after Eliza Snow Latter-day Saint women to medical training and seven the of Deseret the St. Hospital of the Holy the they had became too small for their needs and the Holy Cross sisters and the then the to the Deseret Hospital which as their first Deseret Hospital to and Holy Cross Hospital The in at a of and could it first Holy Cross was one of of founded by Catholic sisters in the late nineteenth In sisters at Holy Cross Hospital and to by The sisters had a that a a and a of private were for women, sick and In to the was also a and a In the the care of one that of Deseret that in were only in Utah and to a Utah of was clear that of to be in a Catholic That the city not to to Deseret Hospital because the women as as the Catholic Catholic sisters who to Utah made about medical care that the women who Deseret Hospital. the sisters not have their were a modernizing medical care the women of Deseret Hospital, the sisters away from the hospital As as the sisters an of a a and be to the hospital for In the sisters mining to their Each who wanted to be into a to the sisters could on a of which and While and continued, funds the more and commercial of a modernizing from the sisters were able to and a hospital to those who could such care and who to that a than a was a of As frontier Utah to commercial Utah, the and Holy Cross Hospital the needs of a concerned class and The Holy Cross Sisters an that as as to have The in brought in when Salt Lake City that was the In a medical on and to than to to to Holy Cross had a of and the hospital is in a This was not simply because Catholic were at Holy it was because Latter-day Saints the more the that Deseret Hospital the Sisters of the Holy Cross a of and as the sisters not have to and their was in their to the of the needs of a modern Catholic were and on of was the of and also an form of when it to medical care. the Latter-day Saint women at Deseret Hospital, the Sisters of the Holy Cross were not Catholic women not such medical as a part of an women's sisters not in medicine. they need to in and to become Holy Cross sisters traditional of and that at first not to be modern but in the of century women their in a modernizing medical system in other sisters the of medical care because on In Catholic of women the and the that made a In the of Utah, the Sisters of the Holy Cross (rather than the the Sisters on the hospital's and the hospital's and and Sisters and the nursing that to their The of Holy Cross Hospital which could a a and a it be the who had the about the throughout the the of their perfected on their of to effectively over their were not by church as they had been at Deseret Catholic of women were not were not the of the Indeed, they had to the sisters they to their from the of an not the that the of The of the Holy Cross Sisters when one of their a hospital in one on could from a could the and the sisters the when hospital Catholic sisters also the of care. in the when to be more in hospital care, Catholic sisters their in their of is on and that a and of that can be established they need not be Deseret Hospital could not on a of and who their on to the of Eliza Snow a a in but of the from her and her as a and a to be a as an example of be in for an to over and However, a more is that the of an is for be it to be of the of the their into their the women were in medicine. Latter-day Saint women in time and not other the of Catholic sisters not become they other women Holy Cross Sisters and their than for the more training of Catholic sisters and Both the and the medical training that sisters were and their Holy Cross Sisters established of a not to to that he could hospital across the and could from to The women in it is to Latter-day Saint women to Catholic women who had been in the However, it is to that it was only the nineteenth century that Catholic sisters made to the modern of and In Holy Cross Sisters had to the of a two after their in than they had the hospital in In were about Catholic in the that had to In were hundred sisters in the that had to The success of Holy Cross Hospital was due not simply to the and of women but to the that the to Saint women, to the needs of the of also expanded their as they the and to be medical as Eliza Snow observed, and their However, what Latter-day Saint women (and failed to was to their and a for in a modern that women to in their Latter-day Saint women were but their were The of Deseret Hospital the of women to negotiate the and the of the

AARON JAFFE

No abstract is available for this record.

Naomi Greene

Memories of the Cold War are virtually inseparable from those of several trials and Congressional hearings that took place around 1950. Following one another in rapid succession, all reflected, and fueled, what has been called the Great Fear of the era. But concerns and targets varied. Some—like the trials of Alger Hiss (l950) and of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg (l951)—were focused on spies and spying; others—like the hearings launched in the late 1940s by HUAC (the House Committee on Un-American Activities) and those held by the Tydings Committee (1951)—were designed to root out subversion in worlds as diverse as those of entertainment and the State Department. In a somewhat different vein, the Congressional hearings led in 1950–1951 by Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee were charged with investigating the role of organized crime in America. Speaking of the gangsters who paraded before Kefauver and his committee, in a vivid passage Eric F. Goldman writes that the televised hearings, with their parade of endless “shadowy figures that obviously controlled so much, catalyzed the whole vague feeling that corruption was moving through all American life like a swarm of maggots.”1 This article would like to explore still another trial of the era that, like the Kefauver hearings, was haunted by the threat of gangsters and of moral corruption. In this case, the principal defendant was a thirty-eight year old Jewish New York attorney, Irwin Slater, who, in 1950, was accused of what was popularly known as “baby-selling” or “black market baby racketeering.” Indicted along with Slater were two Jewish colleagues: Harry Wolfson, a fellow attorney and friend, and Bess Bernard, a homemaker who had served for twelve years as executive director of the Hebrew Kindergarten and Infants Home in Queens. On December 4, 1949, the three became the first persons to be indicted under a New York State law mandating that only parents or legal guardians could “place out” babies for adoption. The charges against them included conspiracy, the illegal or “unauthorized” placement of children, and receiving compensation for such placements. By the end of the trial that took place six months later, Slater had been found guilty on two counts of illegal placements and on one count of receiving compensation. Bess Bernard was convicted on similar grounds, while Harry Wolfson (who worked on legal papers for Slater and never handled the babies who were “placed out”) was acquitted on all counts. Unlike the Kefauver hearings—or the other famous trials and hearings of the era—the Slater case has receded into the darkest corners of the past. However, it deserves to be revisited for in its way, it, too—to borrow a term that Cold War historian Ellen Schrecker applies to the trials of Alger Hiss and the Rosenbergs—was “iconic” of an important constellation or cluster of fears and beliefs.2 Set in the fraught landscape of adoption, it revealed how deeply this landscape—like so many aspects of life at mid-century—was infected by the paranoia and heated religious passions of the era. Deeply imbued with tensions between Catholics and Jews, it pointed to the contrasting images and roles assigned to these two religious minorities in the postwar era. In terms of Catholics, it suggested the power of the to and as as religious as were it revealed how and the of and the of In so the HUAC it a of a by In a a at the of the Cold that, War paranoia had as one of its called the “iconic” of the as as the of that around it, in from a of it was only that and it was that his of babies who were of with parents who were This an on the of his Jewish that while babies were the of Jewish babies principal of babies for that were never Jewish babies to the for Ellen in a of in the were Jewish to had Jewish by a of to historian that while Jewish parents to a through Jewish for of a in the with a of out of to were the first to the that would to Jews, an Slater, or like would been to at But his In this of his to in the of and to been the law suggested that it was to place with it a that it that be with parents of their But such placements were legal or were out of with the of the the and paranoia of the had to their in as the to its as a the and had would be a a the were from the somewhat in terms of had been to these the in Ellen that was the only out for by in the late and only to place babies and with were along religious In New York religious were so that a of would be to or the that a of the Jewish were from the of in from the by to the religious and at in the of adoption. was still another to the of for Catholics his from the in On the in their Slater was from the of the of to Ellen that such tensions between Catholics and In of Jewish babies and the by Jewish were that were as important in such tensions as Catholics and had different on a of tensions between the two were in New York for and But it that the to its on babies and was by one to them be from been to babies to them be from This was so that it important the of babies and and in a to an of of for was it was for to in to them to The to all the been the important in was a of the who first the and to it was of by that the of had to the But the to its on babies in a The on by would been were it for the months before mandating that only parents or legal guardians had the to “place out” these in were the of an for or that was with in the years War the religious adoption, it into a for that held that parents and as as this it was could be into place only by such as and of baby like to be The for that the postwar era were it as as the that only who was for adoption. this a passage from the first The was in at what would a of it for parents to a to and them a or to a baby from the in was under the of for a to the baby and and had the for in the that could by the of that for a of and in the postwar In this the that were and the of were from and found on their as as the of babies who were out for adoption. in a New the by that in along with the of babies a in this in to what the between and that the baby Ellen that in the the to as the role the by to the and of the the became only the of American and a a to against the of it a and to this the of from to the postwar for In this the the of the as those against and it, was on and in and the took and the these to and in the to of and of the of of and for babies that had been all of of babies with and that to the that in the that of babies who in the of the or article in the New York in of was that babies out to be or or with the of babies still another designed to the of This it was an that would a on that of the baby as the had it, the “black market baby the of were for by and or by and in the of all the that the of were a of moral one of the gangsters who paraded before Kefauver and his and who haunted the of the era. one had it, were who in on the of and the of on case of baby as the to be in the baby that in New York to be the and baby of in babies at The of was such that the who had in the were into the of the be their of as an article in the that for babies who out to or or was the between gangsters and baby in a by a known for and the was by a article with the that had been the in Home the was in in the of the the that many of the of in were out by or at this to for In the the by to the of a who, with an on the has the of a that to their babies to the the of his to an the baby had them his in the of a and who, as the to a a on the for to adoption. The of the for of at the of the for along with their for many a for to be into place by by with the of the of and in as could out the of could that babies were as as still that parents and as as In this of so by But so were other such as and and could for a baby with and to the with adoption, this for adoption, to borrow a term from Ellen to what as a designed that was so that it became a against all were was never as on to that the in or was it as late as were still of But to those who for was only the the of had the to and and it with images of the American at the In an era it as that the in could be known and in a or it or was in it held out the that would be New York the place for a to his In this like those by Slater had to be only the of the by the the and the of the American By 1949, the year of the fears market as for a of On of that an article in the New York by that the “black market in babies so that and called for by the State to the in later, the New York a a of were who had babies that as a of months later, in the New York a of in to the by of the that such while babies had been with parents who out to be and still other babies were could only with the of one to their to for an baby who was with these and with for the New York took years of it with a designed to what was as the market in by in of 1949, it principal only could for a only and legal guardians could place had to be before a all had to be to the State of one would that the the in it to a case against Slater and his six months the was Slater, along with Bess Bernard and Harry Wolfson, was months later, on December 1949, became the first indicted on charges from the that with the illegal placement of babies were legal and with receiving compensation for such In of the fears and passions the of what was called “black market baby it that Slater and the were indicted the the of all of what were New many it that the case fears of and of of and the “black as in York In several of the or “black market baby and on the fears for that were the The it important the trial of Alger The it a on the of to the in the of The it took the The by the their was a that, in one the of the case by the in attorney by what a a case to the or by the for the of the of was a it the of its that had Slater, Bernard and Wolfson were of a of organized charged that were in on an with Slater in of Wolfson as his and Bernard in of placement and of the of this the case against that Slater would by in place a for it the placement of in such as The and the as as the Jewish these and were to their babies Slater would a with would for their and as as for in for would their babies to would the babies to or to for a that was in would the babies to their who were in the New York as an and or for legal the that would to Slater at the that the of his the of the this was in a in had a The article to the in the of the that included of and of the who would the case in a with the of with to of the charges against by and the article was in a crime to on several it and and as it indicted Slater by The from a that its through the a had to the the the of the with that of the baby it in the called Slater to the of the by in famous a and in babies to by on who and in the of New entertainment them into his them into their this his for as the in case to the to as a that Harry was in on a the with and through with and a of by and with a for the But and between Slater and his Harry in had a for his for the of the case against Slater, that the of his never the or a of what at that the parents for a a for an of their and religious that the who handled these for to at a of of the in between the and the By the the of Harry his that of By the end of the the and the one and the By the between the and the Slater with the of a this a still at the of his one of In a a of baby that, like Slater, babies from to the New York this with in from different to a in the at and babies by to by a of and New in several to the that the of would the case was in it that Slater had been in the of before the trial the it the of diverse and against the of the to the role of a and its with a to at all the assigned to the in the In of all these it all the that in all Slater would been indicted and were it for the of a that to the role by the in a for role by and tensions between Catholics and was the the in New it was a of the a and with a in and the who worked as the executive in of and of in the of had to Slater and only was babies with of on a was obviously on as and in their on the of the was in to the important role in the only the a role as it took its the in New York to for the to the between the and the or the in it the between and it was to that had the of in the of York to a that the case, and the papers found in the in role in the in a On 1949, an known as later, as who had baby to Slater, the in to that for old while was in the had a for that included for and that the had with it to the at them the with and in New York that had Slater, had to that was an attorney from New York who to place with of In of the that virtually launched the one would to the that at for a from with Slater as had to to to the had through and in the obviously for But or led to with Slater to the at had a that the of and into a with a to an end to Slater and his to to a with on 1949, another of a by the of to Slater in to the that had had with Slater to In to was Slater suggested baby to that to the to to to out on this But it that for several one the was for was a of would be at his the of was in the But in the case that this was into on several a that would the by a to the New York of in them to the case with the the through of other who were in with out the and of in and an that Slater had in a The Jewish In the of the of the case took a that with the of the in New the are with and from as as of with or how their that the of through the of and to But it it that by of a in a with executive of the of had to a the in could a or one had an for to the of a or that of a to the was obviously on by a of the of babies with Jewish with and to what as for the of a at the a baby as that of was to its parents as and the that the a a had it with an was with with like a Jewish first The first Jewish and that be to out baby this that with or with the of the the that only was in a to of in that could the case the were against Slater and his to had to on that only their in could that the the or had an role in the babies out for adoption. it in a had to be in the handled the of the and controlled the of the In with this in a on to to the case of would important at the to all the through to the in the of all the Slater, and role was so in that at it as the in New were in of the the in one to before with the The to the so are on that for the In still for the and of a baby so could a of obviously took in and in with the one as the of a to by Slater and how this to an be the one as on the to the would and would 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Jesse Conrad

A little orange plastic dog just ran into my ear and the little bugger won't come out.I even offered him some beef jerky but he says he only eats mosquito paste so I've been sittin' around smashing up mosquitoes to coax this dog out of my ear and when I've finally got enough of this mosquito-mush mixed up the dog says he changed his mind about it and now he just wants some smack.I don't have any l tell him and he starts biting the inside of my ear and I'm afraid the little bastard's gonna make me go deaf 'cause he's barking too, so -I don't like to do it -but I go in after him with a Q-tip.He comes out looking like a little ball of earwax, but I can still make out the tail.When I was young I had a dog that died and I never got to bury him so I take the Q-tip and wipe the little orange ball with a tail off onto a Kleenex and put the Kleenex in a shoebox and bury the shoebox in the backyard .Then I stand over the burial mound and play "Taps" on my grandfather's old accordion.Then some motherfucker animal rights activist who is very well known for her hunger strikes to stop the extermination of cockroaches, and who was acquitted when she went on trial for killing a Terminex man with a flamethrower, gets wind of my method of little plastic dog removal and calls the ASPCA and PETA which both promptly send agents out to my apartment to flush me out using mustard gas.I don't know where they got the mustard gas -it was explicitly banned after WWI-but they had it and they used it and next thing I know I'm on my way to the PETA Animal Rights Violators' Concentration Camp where, if I don't cough up my lungs in big chunks from the mustard gas, I am slated to be hanged and then burned at the stake when they're through drawing and quartering me.Fortunately enough, I wasn't exposed to the gas long enough for it to be fatal, but I do have some pretty severe respiratory problems as I write this.And since the gas didn't kill me, the animal-friendlies sure wanted to.They had exhumed the little ball of plastic orange with a tail from my backyard grave as proof that I was a barbaric torturer of beings unable to defend themselves.They also got a testimony from the neighbors that I had played "Taps" on an accordion, a blatant mockery of the seriousness of the plastic dog's death.They were gonna string me up at high noon, cut me to pieces and start the fire by five after.Well, I ruined their little plans and here's how: My detainment quarters were swarming with ants.I just took a couple of real big ones with me to my execution.You have no idea what sort of negotiating tool a big ant between

A. Lanethea Mathews-Gardner

This article examines the intersection of race, gender, and American political development in the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) in the mid-twentieth century. In the late 1940s and 1950s, the NACW was one of the last remaining autonomous Black organizations that could truly be called “civic.” Membership was decentralized, active, and widespread among female citizens who might not otherwise be engaged in public affairs. Political change and subsequent developments in African American and women's organizations in the mid-twentiethh century encouraged NACW leaders to begin considering new approaches to organizing Black womanhood. The collective identity that defined NACW clubwomen's public activism as local, nonpolitical, and nonpartisan eventually gave way to more deliberately nationalized, partisan, and political forms. This article argues that NACW clubwomen worked in solidarity and shared common goals with other African American and civil rights organizations, but faced a transformation unique to women's clubs, one that involved questions not only about who would participate in public life, but also about how and through what kinds of organizations. The struggles of the NACW to integrate the collective identities that defined their race and their gender, on the one hand, with forms, and, on the other hand with strategies of organization are particularly useful for thinking and theorizing about contemporary forms of intersectionality.

Amy Dru Stanley

In the fateful year before peace came at Appomattox—as slaves pursued their exodus from bondage and the Civil War dragged on—a counterpoint arose between two antislavery decrees under debate in the United States Congress. That counterpoint illuminates conceptions of universal human rights forged at an epic moment in the downfall of New World slavery. One decree became the Thirteenth Amendment; all but forgotten is the other, a congressional act to “encourage Enlistments” in the Union Army. The amendment provided for abolishing slavery everywhere in the United States and its territories. The enlistment measure freed soldiers' wives and children owned by masters in the loyal border states exempt from the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation. As destroying slavery became inseparable from vanquishing the South, bondsmen refused to go to war unless, in exchange, they won their families' freedom as well as their own. “It is a burning shame to this country,” affirmed congressional abolitionists, “to hold the wives and the children in slavery of men who are periling their lives before the rebel legions.” A month before the war's end, on the very day of Abraham Lincoln's second inaugural, March 4, 1865, the measure took effect. As the Thirteenth Amendment awaited ratification and as the president spoke of malice toward none, upwards of 50,000 slave wives and children went free.1 In a world in flux, where constitutional change flowed from the tides of war, the abolition of slavery fused with freedom endowed by marriage, thereby tethering a new birth of human rights to enduring domestic bonds. That counterpoint casts new light on the making of abolition—a problem of enduring historical and constitutional significance. It reveals not simply how Congress asserted its sovereignty to nullify chattel relations and secure human rights, but also what counted as slavery and freedom as the advance of the Union Army overthrew old ways of life. Simply put, it manifests what abolition was meant to overturn and to create. For both the Thirteenth Amendment and the enlistment measure were acts of abolition. Both split asunder the relation of master and slave, destroying constitutionally protected property in human beings without compensating owners. Both turned chattel into free persons. Arising together amid the crisis of the Civil War, they belonged to a tradition of declaring rights and invalidating unjust forms of sovereignty that had emerged throughout the Atlantic world in the Age of Revolution, a tradition that wedded emancipation to marriage bonds among ex-slaves—from Haiti to Jamaica to the American South to Brazil.2 Their juxtaposition, however, has never been systematically studied; indeed, the enlistment measure barely appears in landmark scholarship on abolition or constitutional transformation.3 Overshadowed by the antislavery amendment, the wartime of freedom has the for a from the of to the of 1865, Congress the decrees month as never before that the Atlantic the rights of The abolition amendment was a and of the enlistment measure was an act of abolition—a on slave marriage bonds. it an of congressional the domestic of the slave loyal masters of the wives and children of bondsmen turned Union the for the emancipation on slave not in a to the of the the measure what slavery the of chattel to and a In the amendment and the measure the of abolishing slavery as a domestic by property in human for in the of the slavery and marriage to together as relations of domestic the master of a to the and of both and in and the in the of the the of all the of chattel bondage to In Thirteenth Amendment not what abolition but what freedom as to as slavery. the counterpoint between the abolition decrees is the of an amendment in in It to light a the of in for abolition but their from Thirteenth Amendment the of the antislavery by the of human rights by chattel slavery. under the abolition amendment, slavery has to a of and the of slavery in abolition never in Thirteenth Amendment It is as and the of Congress had never universal emancipation by of In the of the Thirteenth Amendment illuminates a of the American human rights of rights in the of Congress to in of the and as slavery by the a of landmark and of and the Thirteenth Amendment has never been a of rights the of to the in under the Congress in the slave but never to the of slavery or the domestic slave has to hold is at Amendment of and it is the that the Congress has in from and to of and rights, as the not to or are not as human rights but from exchange, by congressional constitutional from that the of the emerged not with slave emancipation but from it the of antislavery to where the Thirteenth Amendment as a of universal human The of that rights to abolition and to the counterpoint between the Thirteenth Amendment and the enlistment In that counterpoint a of the of slavery and freedom at the moment of abolition and the of and sovereignty to that on both the of the of slavery abolition and a rights tradition with the of the of the two abolition decrees reveals that the of the Thirteenth Amendment in the slave where the master both and to new into the Thirteenth its and its to its The is to as to advance antislavery and of human rights at the or the second is a what the but what meant by on the as they the to slavery and affirmed freedom as to The is what the of slavery had to with the Thirteenth and what the Thirteenth Amendment had to with antislavery of human the of the of the of the chattel relations by the a all the the freedom that a owned by a loyal master to in a of As the abolition amendment and enlistment measure in president It is to to go to on the are and what to for this or as as and The Congress as the debate abolition of human beings with freedom and the to slavery as a constitutional amendment or by a act as the of chattel slavery and the of Congress to that the enlistment measure abolition by For both decrees Lincoln's that slave property to masters loyal to the Union by the Civil debate on the amendment, as in the of Congress the of slave wives and it is to this of slavery and a at the of A year as Union a “It is for the and that of with and abolishing the slavery by the and and the two abolition decrees and in the in amendment to the the enlistment measure from on and the a year they were both of In Congress the the enlistment measure into the war dragged on and the states with the The counterpoint between was to all in Congress. it is a measure to “It is a very and It simply for the and the of the with its It of constitutional with all that the slave property of loyal the of the the freed soldiers' owned by rebel the Emancipation rebel and the of the as a for for the The was to the amendment and the measure in two to end, As the is to slavery it for a constitutional amendment but how it to that both of to it to its by the of the of the men the measure as to but not that it is for the of to the United the are that the amendment not by the and are to all and in to to this in advance of the Thirteenth Amendment or as a the at slave wives and children owned by masters loyal to the property by the the bonds of marriage between the enlistment measure slavery. the amendment was universal in its by all in Congress that the amendment and meant to free slave wives and it was all the that the on the amendment, on came to on its for but all The the of the Thirteenth but to light the of constitutional abolition and the rights at of two for the amendment before the were the by the and from the of slavery as a for the been the United or to their Congress to this by were the by who on of the of are before the that hold as a and the Congress to all and to this into everywhere in the United was the amendment had in was for the of the enlistment in the on the of the to the 1865, and of A in the constitutional of slavery was that the amendment spoke amendment spoke persons. The amendment the everywhere and slavery in the amendment a of universal human rights, all as the not it provided a for for a moment to to the rights of and in the of Both of the abolition amendment universal the the of the by that of freedom to as of human rights is in of a as was of and Congress that as as a new and into it to in the is at won by emancipation of the has been to the As by amendment the before the that was a the was to all as by free or by before the by a of to the of it was was the the as the American not from the not with historical of who had in the amendment, that to but not to all to or and go to the old by For the of chattel slavery. the Thirteenth Amendment not universal the freedom of all not For a in the of arose the that the abolition amendment been the of a that of all as free and before the also of in the Civil and the in the of the the rights arose to to the was or the relation between men and is to the or before the in a the of all men before the a to a a as free as a A to and as free as before the the was meant to the amendment, not in the who is slavery not to in its a of the who that very day had amendment to a in the by that the marriage from the of relations as in and and been for a abolition. a freedom went as the the amendment, not the and the of a universal of human a before it was to the of the in that had to marriage with bondage in from of constitutional abolition by human rights that the on the of slavery was but It was the enlistment measure that to the of the freedom by the debate on the Thirteenth both to the Union Army and to at the slave Congress on the and masters in the loyal states in slave and children and their the from slave property as it never the as for Congress to the For that an antislavery of property in human beings and as the for the new of in congressional abolition turned on of war, marriage, and the the for Union Congress the of the enlistment it constitutional abolition as a war to the of human bondage to the property rights by the the measure both the Emancipation and the it rebel or loyal masters for the of their it property rights in as well as in human and to the measure to the to its It was a debate at as as that the Thirteenth and it went on indeed, the for the had been in it a of from to of but were to at it the in of or of in Union and freedom to as well as and in a that spoke in universal of into making war for the United States and simply that and children were as of or marriage was or was not or by the Congress the for their the of slave marriage, the of and the of of the counterpoint between the measure and the in March The of the congressional and the constitutional at as the debate into the was not human rights the and the the of Congress to war a slaves in loyal on slave marriage bonds at the turned Union and not how and to in and and to bondage that the and it that by the constitutional to of the slave master and to human a and rights by the and of Congress It has been and that the is the Congress has the to the and the is in that spoke of war, and congressional spoke of and constitutional both on and was Congress the to loyal masters of slave to what of the on Congress the to a that Congress has the to the that it has to the That was the to also a tradition to of a at war for In for the of arose the of as the Civil War was for the not for the the tradition had never the to slave and In making constitutional with the of of Union and with an to on of congressional abolition. of both and of from of the rights of with spoke war and The in its that secure the of the and in its and spoke of and to its to an but also in and the of to the emancipation to as as to the and the this from the of the and to an in freedom on slave marriage, the of Congress on both and It was an that the of the with for the Thirteenth was in the for a at this moment is master of the of slavery everywhere in the United without constitutional It it all of to this of congressional the between slave and the between master and slave, the of the abolition an was with of the for Amendment property rights were the antislavery of and property and its for without to the wartime of the constitutional that amendment has been the enlistment measure as slavery as as and as as all the that in the Congress to the to rights of were bondsmen to for the border states had of to the were slave wives and children of as they not into the war for the the measure as well as the of in the a is the of the is to slave of their it is to the it is to it is to the and to slave It was and In the to loyal masters as with a of property rights and with a to the of chattel slavery. to the of and in for slave wives and a of emancipation by the of the had been by abolition in the of and slave the measure to at as well as slave property by all an in in or making or by or by of for the the of the to this they are and for to their spoke of abolitionists, also spoke of toward slaves protected by masters the of As slavery affirmed its a of abolition with a of that freedom was to a of and the Union for slave wives and children free by Congress. the relation between the and children and their not without As spoke of to a and of both the that a and the that the is Congress to the and the the is the to a in the of in the the antislavery of the enlistment measure in abolition before the day of the Thirteenth but the was that the measure as As act to the of its as in a and the rights constitutional and As in this the of loyal masters to slave wives and children to the of the of war, and the bonds of slave marriage as for Congress to abolition. In the of the enlistment amid the of the South and the Congress turned to the and the of slavery and It was not that simply as a to the of the Thirteenth Amendment in of human rights free it was the very of the of the debate abolition. by as well as by the of Union Army Congress to for the Thirteenth Amendment or with the enlistment measure or the the of abolition the slave but also of and a of slave antislavery Congress came to the of slavery. under the enlistment freedom in bonds of marriage that the bonds of as as under the as were a of as a slave as a freed was to rights simply by of the antislavery on the enlistment as the men in Congress. it the of the of the it as and as and that the was slavery by antislavery The as that had the on the both antislavery and was the of the slave to both a loyal master and a the In was the of a turned as slaves had marriage rights by was the Union for in light of the counterpoint between the abolition free a measure with constitutional of for the not and but also men of and men the the debate became a on the of slavery. the of the war and the the of rights, and the of property in to from slave wives and the on their was a slave That was the to and to For the measure on the that the bonds of slave marriage were as to the bonds of chattel slavery. is the of a the antislavery of as the in as was March to the that men a the and the and the As of this and it very to who has a or how wives to the of the slave was for it not the between and but also the of of as well as the of the slave as into the of that was marriage relation in between chattel had rights of on in for slave to as has a the for the of the is to in or where has a and to the of the the enlistment measure simply took slave marriage for border however, who to in a was a in the of slaves were and but chattel to are to a in has a in and that the to with to is not marriage was a of Congress “to as marriage that is not marriage, the of a of slave all freedom by the and to it by the the are at very in a that but an is to the to abolitionists, the the of the not how slave marriage bonds free a from the bonds of slavery. As the of the measure was its of freedom not the of a slave is the of a the war freed the of and but not as a that the relation of and is not with and this relation is of as a measure of who the of the that the measure for the to with new of slave marriage, or a year of the measure that slaves or or enlistment day counted as of marriage, with children to freedom the marriage had the of the Thirteenth is this to the in is a who was not a of a The was freedom by slave marriage bonds that the of both and The was that and it was and or the of a slave this who the Thirteenth affirmed that slave marriage and as and a to the of the slave who the slave to and the to to human not property to not to their marriage the of the slave as was the of how the slave was and under the were not in the a slave without how loyal a the who had the abolition amendment but congressional abolition had to by the the slave of a loyal and for the of the slave and the with a new in March that loyal masters to by and came to debate the with Congress on the of a slave as the of of this chattel in the or or a or a the and they it to the war's the in slave not it very to for the master that by the In a slave at this in the of also a slave very on the slave as on a antislavery were in the loyal slave and for a of freedom the Union the the slave for of simply it for the Union to into the to slaves the is a antislavery men of as of in or at is to are a in the of the was that to the slave however, Congress that the of a slave was For it the of property in human for abolitionists, who it to the both property in and the in they antislavery to not this to the of of to the are in the of the United States in the that to for property for it is that the that slaves are property and by the Congress of the United that the a by a was from the enlistment an act that a slave counted as property under the for a Congress from a loyal master and to a what was the in and The was that had That the not for the Thirteenth all the of the enlistment the of slave marriage by the of with abolition the Congress the counterpoint between the measure and the It was a between antislavery and that had emerged with in the and in wartime with the of Congress free the slave or for an abolition in as was to its March to the in Congress to their the the enlistment measure a to the act the of this by and by and that the the to to the of the and the of the that on the of the and the in the new the amendment had been in both of were and the was to act at all on the enlistment that amendment slavery is throughout the United a this measure the the or for of a slave from the to the and of That free the slave the amendment slavery Congress for a was not simply by but also by the who that the enlistment measure was but in the amendment in they to the and as to who A year with the amendment in the had that this constitutional amendment and this not the to not to free slave in the were to the of to free human where to the hold by of a to freedom to for the counterpoint between the measure and the amendment old between abolition and to the It to to a of the antislavery to the Civil War as an a between and human As Congress abolition or for the amendment that a and the antislavery in the of both and The the of a constitutional amendment the of the to the of the who for their for in the of the not that the men who the the of the by the as it is change it in a constitutional had the on the Thirteenth the of the was for congressional abolition. It was the of the slave that this by the The of abolition by on at the loyal In the of a slave and and refused that not to for the Thirteenth of the of Congress. as never in the a to of before all to a had in in the of was all to a was all to was and the who had been a Union that had of and as the the slave freedom to of their loyal masters were the wives and children of making of their and and it as for their into Army. this by with a year that Congress was the slave was all of to from and on the came that was of the for slave were on a in the border were in in with and all of that the soldiers' wives and are and by wives were or to were from slave wives to at As by was by a master to of was and and and of to and as the loyal the to to their by slave wives and but to for For a the of slaves and and in the congressional debate abolition. was the from of the country,” a a to in how is not to and children to a that were to the enlistment measure that their was by the of the The crisis was by the of a and slave who was a from a and this was and It a from to the the but the emancipation of for the of to the an provided at from the the of the slave for congressional from the border states to the Congress on the of slavery. to free the slave that slaves between loyal masters and and were freedom on marriage with the of antislavery in their that the the a on the as well as to for the Thirteenth Amendment that a what of men to act and and slave wives and the amendment, an from the to a slave to and however, they the of by to and wives and children or a the For a antislavery throughout the Atlantic world had been with of in Congress. and slave all the of the of and marriage all the the the of a the of to and as of of the Atlantic slave to the of antislavery as crisis into In the the and that as a free in the that debate on had of slavery is that it the marriage the of the debate on the Thirteenth it was for to in by of that the of the is the of and who in the of The of the not simply slave emancipation but also of freedom as an The of the universal of human as the of chattel relations of and to is it is to the of the American at its in the of the to the of from the of its from the or of the slave the of freedom as for its the American the for and and this that but on a The and the a That is was an by the slave bondsmen to their had all slaves wives from and before In the of are in and the of a who simply to a slave it to the relation of master and in the of the that it a of slavery. to the old with in with all of and and the from an of the American for and of The enlistment measure to the of also its For the American not the of Congress to slavery its slave states in to the that the and the sovereignty of to on the of the slavery that under the has to with of the slave into the loyal border the enlistment measure that antislavery the Thirteenth the measure a of in the measure the of For in freedom on marriage it congressional to antislavery that the very bonds property in and a free of an The by abolition was has a to the antislavery the slave is not the but the to with the from property into a abolition also of slave marriage bonds and the of the slave As the an antislavery that a slave to slave who but never to the of as the the rights, chattel slavery became the for A free was chattel a that is the slave turned the slave from loyal master to a Union antislavery as well as the of marriage as a to freedom but of slavery. The of the was the sovereignty that the slave the of of as The the among free or the sovereignty as the of In it was the that to in the loyal slave in the bonds of slavery marriage the the slave freedom but the to an freedom to a of the relation between the Union and the had the of slavery in the and affirmed marriage the enlistment measure slave marriage the very of American abolition. spoke of to the slave but to and of to the for the to as a but to the as a for for the a of go to a and to to the of that the moment is turned and children to Simply the of from the of the the that the debate the Thirteenth at slavery marriage, by of their as property relations of the thereby slaves and wives into For the marriage bonds as the very of abolition. the enlistment spoke of the rights of but without rights to slave of antislavery men that of slave wives beings and was the of Congress to and the of Union to the toward their wives and children that men as as and where is the who in the Army of the United States and and children to the the and of a and of In the the antislavery belonged to who the enlistment measure in the it belonged to the who the abolition of in slave for the as by not the slave freedom was simply of under the to the and of to that a of and is to men who are all for and for the of this For a Congress the slave what was and to how and to for the Thirteenth the of to never For all the of and the of not to a of rights of the to a of but as a not master of in 1865, as the enlistment measure Congress. the Thirteenth Amendment had been by the states in the and slavery had been by

William J. Novak

The American present is at odds with representations of the American past. The American present witnesses the steady aggrandizement of executive, administrative, emergency, penal, military, and war powers as contemporary commentators such as Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, and Giorgio Agamben contemplate the contours of American hegemony and superpower in a new era of empire.1 The global impact of present American politics, political economy, and foreign policy is obvious to any casual observer of current affairs. The story of the American past, on the other hand, continues to be told in narratives that seem to be heading off somewhere else. In place of the growth of power, the history that America most frequently tells itself highlights a story of relative powerlessness—a usually benign tale of legal-political self-abnegation, emphasizing constitutional restraints such as federalism, checks and balances, the separation of powers, limited government, the rule of law, and laissez-faire. When presented more positively, American history is usually framed as a quest for freedom—the struggle for political liberty, emancipation from bondage, the rise of civil, economic, and social rights. Property, contract, and freedom of speech, press, and association form the constitutional backbone of a free market, a vigorous civil society, and a democratic polity—hallmarks of a free people. Oddly, key elements of this tale are kept alive in both older political histories of the liberal tradition in America and newer histories highlighting the rights and agency of particular cultural communities. Coming to terms with the historical rise of the mechanisms of legal, political, economic, corporate, and technological power that currently shape so much of the globe is thus a more difficult task than it should be. A true philosophical and political history of the American present continues to elude historians.2 This disjunction between historical perception and political reality is not an entirely new phenomenon in the United States. As early as 1887, in a penetrating essay titled “The American State and the American Man,” Albert Shaw chided Americans for their laissez-faire fantasy: “The average American has an unequaled capacity for the entertainment of legal fictions and kindred delusions. He lives in one world of theory and in another world of practice … Never for a moment relinquishing their theory [of laissez-faire], the people of the United States have assiduously pursued and cherished a practical policy utterly inconsistent with that theory, and have not perceived the discrepancy.” Surveying thousands of regulatory laws passed by state legislatures in the late nineteenth century, Shaw concluded that “the one common and striking characteristic of this huge collection of new statutes is its utter disregard of the laissez-faire principle … They deal with the citizen in every conceivable relation. They seem to have left nothing for future Legislatures to regulate.” One hundred years later, in the middle of Ronald Reagan's America, Senator Ernest “Fritz” Hollings (D-SC) similarly observed the powerful role of government in the construction of modern life and its renunciation in the American historical self-conception. Seeking the 1984 Democratic nomination for president, Hollings delivered a stump speech deploying several different versions of a story about “a guy who came home from the Korean War, went to college on a form of the GI Bill, opened a business with a Small Business Administration loan, made sure his parents' farm was adequately wired through Rural Electrification and irrigated with assistance from the Army Corps of Engineers, saw his kids get subsidized school lunches at a school that received lab equipment from a National Science Foundation grant, got his mortgage from the FHA and hurricane disaster relief from FEMA, and one day, took AMTRAK to Washington to complain to his congressman about getting big government off people's backs.” Like many Americans, “the guy” never saw the role of collective power in the creation of his individual declaration of independence.3 Shaw and Hollings reveal a disconnect at the heart of the American experience—a tension between the story that Americans themselves like to tell themselves about individualism, self-reliance, voluntarism, associationalism, free labor, and the free market and the actual history of the “concrete national institutions,” as Shaw put it, that have been capable of wielding such broad interventionist, coercive, and regulatory power at home as well as abroad. Samuel Huntington once dubbed this yawning gap between facts and norms “cognitive dissonance”—an almost pathological tendency to confuse a fictional American ideal with historical political reality. From Thomas Jefferson's elision of slavery in the Declaration of Independence to Ronald Reagan's anachronistic invocation of John Winthrop's shining “city upon a hill,” examples are obvious and legion and not always merely rhetorical. At the turn of the last century, Roscoe Pound surveyed the damage done when the United States Supreme Court took a “long step into the past” and imposed the fallacy of “liberty of contract” on modern industrial labor relations, as if the parties were still individual “farmers haggling over the sale of a horse.” As Pound's example suggests, the problem is one not so much of psychology as of political economy. Shaw and Hollings foreground a particular American version of the tension at the center of social and political thought—the between and power, freedom and and and and A of this American the power, and of the American much of modern history with the of powerful and the of their and of the American state one of the more in in a different and a The “the American is as of an in a of and When at the American version of a state is as not to the that modern and tendency to the American state its history as continues to a with American power in the The and of this historical of the American The of the American state is to the history of American the is to American constitutional and laissez-faire is to American political economy. Like the of and the of a American state is the of a tendency to American history as the history of the of a the historical and of is of the of America as a place of American from a state of As John with almost in the the was The the of individualism, civil society, free labor, and a free in American it the more historical and role of collective law, government, and in American In this the state itself is as of a that never a place in a and The of a American state in and on individualism, associationalism, and to the power of the state in many of democratic and have his American state was in “the government of the United States is to get by it from its of it the of the tradition of in the American state not on perceived to be an from the United States was a at “The of the of this State is not and and the for a not for a State and a a of has the of the late nineteenth and were of commentators to the to is in the United in an American political a characteristic the for the of the of the American state was the the heart of In the of with American to between American and the a of on an national historical American in liberty, voluntarism, and a market, the role of the state in social and In political such as to a a and national that as the of a for over individual over collective and and over and state this the history of the American state its and almost and regulatory in the of national cultural of was the American it was a the of an to new for the of the of and free the most to the of the of the American state is the to this has been by with and an social in the and the state to the of American by historical such as and political such as the of the American state The tendency to the American state as of a to of a continues the of of American political As American has not been by it has on a new new form has a of that the as to and American state power with and for another and The modern American state is still as and the of historical and by social in the of the nineteenth The tendency to about the American state the of has never been more for most the of that an of still to be The American state in of the most historical and “a “a “a and “a a an of the modern American state is an and its in the has a historical This on the of an of Samuel Thomas and the and the actual power and of the American state in this have been for the new and into state by their and early to such as in American and the of this has on a life and of its a more of and political who have of in an era when state have and more the American form of legal and is the The obvious present reality of American state power in the early is a of the history of the rise of a global The most and of this is that the American state is and always has been more interventionist, and than was in of histories of the American state to one of the facts about modern American of a and is contemporary American to the of of the and of the American American history has the in the of one of the most powerful in world that American history of the construction of American state power from the of the to the past. for has the history of the American the creation of a that “the true of the American was not to to more power, to and an entirely new power was a state in the United it have been the of government in a most of has similarly the of a powerful and national to the of the the historical that a national and regulatory the of the John has almost of the of government in the nineteenth through his of the role of the state in the and of from the to the and has government power at the center of the new history of and and As the of a of social and cultural and and of and were not the of laissez-faire a to on the powers of the state a for people The of the state is over The powerful role of the American state in labor has been the of a of on “the state and the has on the role of in the creation of a national in the United States. power was present in the social from such as to more in and is in this that John examples of in came from the United not and the of the The powers of American and are new has the history of American state of has the history of national and disaster a of new histories from John and have to the powerful of social and social The growth of and in the has on new in the histories of and One the rise of American national and the role of the the and powers in American to a state The of American state is the past, and for the in present should not be into that the American state is the and the and to a more of and laissez-faire. the the power of the government to and its well as other never been As contemporary should be to the of in late is and In to the of the American the historical well to the and construction of new of state power American This story of state not into such as modern social it not the to about American voluntarism, it is the story of the creation of powerful modern mechanisms of American and the rule of were of this new state as social one should not to a historical of liberal and legal elements with “The liberal state has always been as as the political and social and the of has and with the of it has its with the of it has and its with the of the it has and … has upon and law, upon and This of the American liberal both and law, and and new of historical In a of a of historical and political to the of “the of social theory and their in about the social and political of and the almost of American social theory and is more when of modern state The problem historical of the American state is the tendency to American into a the of modern more than a In the ideal of and are of modern a and legal and to a of business with to an of the power to rule and and the its and the to and the as by the and have the of modern from this to be as of to the of the the In the from the American state is almost to for state is an of state a of at the American state than from other of the and of American government to other that for the power of the American of more for the American The historical in this of and the American in the of new to the of an American of state are a of the of a to the problem of a of the of in American a of the power of the American rule of and a of the as was a when it made to the and of and as of state and the of political In the early century, such the world and the future to be by social different from the of the early and state than a of the political by and of and the and social of the century, the state of social theory more like a of the than a of the the to and have and when to their and American that and not well the a of have the of the United in the the of to be and the of the and the of the when about a state as about the of the of people At the an of the of should the state usually into a of the of The Michael a with his between different of state power and power, to the capacity of state to rule by other of power by civil power, in to the capacity of the state to civil and a for of the the power of the American The American state the American that is is about and powers and balances, and the constitutional of state terms life big the creation of a of government and an is this and of that most have in when about American American by this for power and for in the of state of power to be of and are not by the power is as as to any of power to be their upon the for the power the in the power of the American state have been the and of its power is and always has been From the of the national to the of from the creation of a for the of to the construction of a powerful and from the of powers of and to the of new of and in the of national the power of the American state at as American legal, corporate, economic, and cultural the is this about American state it the that the of the American state its is to to and state power than the by social was the problem of political for most of its for actual power of state in to have on social theory The problem of a new of power democratic and modern power more with a individual the the as well as into the of modern social and the problem of early American social The of and John the of and John the of and and the of Roscoe Pound and an for modern state One of the of the of John and their was to a about the of ideal and of legal as to the In place of the practical world to ideal a more and in the an and to and by actual and of and in As so put it, was that to an to from one place to another and to common of and historical In place of about and the actual social of an for The of the well In law, political and American social theory and social in the early In law, and an with of the of “the the of the of the of and a quest for a more of state and in John for the the of the state in of a more of the of the state as a by at it in the “the state in was more than its in In law, legal a the and of about and the of than He “The of about is the business of the people who have the in be are of the about is to the through of this are so as is their as The American and to the in other the of and that state that American state that one in at state of state The at policy was government to more about the of the the state through the of that the and of people in the This of is as power a much of the of the American The of A that American state power so is that it is so an of and are more than in the United States. the national government and state and school with powers and the national government the and of power be The and more than and The as well as a of The and more than and that in almost of and in the One an of the and of American state by at a of such as In almost and state were by such as the the of and and The and of and a that continues to state with and with The American more than a people. The in more than this is by the American and national This of is not the of a is it a at this of American and is of a The characteristic of the American state is key to both its and its In social theory, the state is through an of with of and The American in is more is and than frequently and is to of the power of school in the United States as well as the powers of The power of government to in the of and in the of than the national the terms of the the national government has The power for the for state for the people. to to the power of the American state the of American policy by at the national center the is to much of the the and state the As American government on the powers of from the This American state by mechanisms for an and Coming to terms with the American state a of this power on the state theory on state power at the it is not so at the of power to the power is by of the state to the of the The of and government are different from the of of different as the task of the of the at the center is from the of the people on the are frequently for and of power, and democratic and are not of state the in many are the of The American of government, with its of of state separation of powers, federalism, and the rule of for an of the state through civil to the for a and legal of rule that has of the most The rule of A to American state power thus an of the state in than in theory, from the than the of the as much as the as much as and the and of power as much as its and is another it is to for state power in the United and that is the rule of One of the of American is the place of in state and policy From the role of the in the creation of the to the of law, and legal in the United States is a legal as with the and separation of powers, the of the American state has been a of and the of constitutional the rule of is as a on American state to the of modern regulatory From the histories of to the the has been as of a to liberal of a and American tradition that the of a American as legal and legal have been for American has as more than a constitutional on state has been an and of political and power, a than role in the creation of the modern American has been the of such a and of power, that in place of a of to power should be as “the of upon histories the of in state from the of contract, and to market in the nineteenth century, to the of the power and and regulatory in the One to for the rise of a modern state in the United States in and and labor and and and and the of and laws and American state power is a of legal of and The of as state be into a of state through law, and other legal the power of the American state such as John and have been as an of American state is to be as another American for state through of the most policy in American and and the Americans with on as a of the and relative of such should the that law, and are of state the such examples the power of to a citizen into civil and the to the the of the When to this to its of have an of American state power and The a in an American of state the The to American state power the of civil is in the in it and the This the American state has the to The of through law, the and and is one The of the powers of to the of a national through the of powers such as to and is of the American and the American to a role in social and and collective into the than power, and policy in the of a the American state and powers through the its its and its in the the history of government and other of power to the is well the other of the role of the American state in the creation of the From the role of state in the of and to the role of in the of the the market, and cultural the powers of the state were to the and of American civil As observed about the market, history that the of national was in the of the and emancipation of the from the the market has been the of a and on the of social and cultural have been a about the construction of and The most of American power have always to the problem a the people the the state the the and to American state the of and of and in to this is the that American power has been a of and not as for of the of the American the American the American the American the the the American the American the the and the National The power at the of is of the of and in the United States. emphasizing the of the legal-political and the the the of in more and power, and and The of such a is by the of American such as and The of was on the of rights contract, and the market to to the of In a of and the role of and the state in and and rights. the of the hand, the state in the legal-political of the In the and the of and power that “the of as power and He of that the ideal of has never in been In through of the powers and He that the the role of the state in the that so much of the of and power in American on the of and power in the actual of the American state has it to the of state the to of the power over the of the to the of such of As and the of in the United States be as the of market that market was itself the of and political are difficult to from the of by the of contract, and in and politics, the the of to the of power in a democratic When are about the as well as the as well as be more As be as to that the of never be by as it be to that the of political power never be In his essay the of on the role of fictions and in the of power, as well as more to who with a philosophical the with the many are by the and the with their and to of their When by this is as is always on the of the the have nothing to From the of to to the of a government of laws than national and historical of and have kept the of from into the and of modern The of the American state is such a of both and In an era by both and state theory, the story of an and version of that state in the United States was the in politics, and global the last the of the American state as is should be The aggrandizement of power the American and historical as as well as new of and of state theory the of not be the for the new of power that in global political economy. is an In the early century, a of and and American social of at power in its economic, political, and to by of American that with and the and of American power is From and John to and John to and early American a of a and of American and the and of power in a United States. the problem of power in America as and not as it the of state and civil than the of the of the on of power in in the and that American than the of power to the of political theory the political of social a more of as is to are political and legal never the of and the that from American political the of the of legal and political They never the that state so at the of his and the that legal and political place a of and The of American state power are In a democratic should always be on the of the the history of that power has never been more

Timothy N. Thurber

For many observers of contemporary American politics, the Republican Party's nomination of Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater in 1964 signaled the arrival of Sunbelt conservatism as a potent political force. Once dismissed as historically insignificant given the magnitude of his loss to Lyndon Johnson, Goldwater now appears to many as the forerunner to Ronald Reagan, Newt Gingrich, and George W. Bush. There are indeed important roots of the contemporary Republican Party in the early 1960s, but narratives of conservative triumphalism overstate the degree of conservatives’ success within the party and the nation. Scholars must avoid painting too straight a line between Goldwater and later politics and policy. Rather, the history of the Republican Party in the mid-1960s should be viewed from the starting point of Goldwater's defeat rather than through the prism of subsequent Republican success. Such an approach foregrounds a sense of contingency and shows that conservatives’ takeover of the party, though real in the long run, was neither inevitable nor immediate. Sectional and ideological tension remained strong well after 1964. Goldwater made a breakthrough with conservatives across the nation and especially among whites in the Deep South, but, as Richard Nixon and others astutely realized, his approach could not be copied directly if the GOP wanted to overtake the Democrats as the majority party. This article will look at divisions within the Republican Party between 1965 and 1968 over racial matters. Race was one of several issues that figured prominently in a vigorous debate about the party's identity and future. In recent years, numerous scholars have crafted a rich history of the grassroots rise of Goldwater and battles to control the party in the early 1960s, but they have paid too little attention to the political and ideological tug-of-war within the GOP after 1964. The image of Goldwater delegates at the 1964 Republican convention booing Governor Nelson Rockefeller (New York) as he called for a more progressive stand on race and other matters symbolizes to many the death of liberal Republicanism. That was a moment of conservative triumph, but the next four years were a time of ebb and flow as various factions battled to define and control the party. Sunbelt conservatives, led at first by Goldwater and then by figures such as Strom Thurmond (South Carolina) and Ronald Reagan (California), scored some notable gains, but liberal Republicans, including figures such as Senator Jacob Javits (New York) and Governor George Romney (Michigan), continued to shape civil rights in and about the of race in Republican political such as and Senator to a with the of Richard Goldwater wanted to the of the party and not an on several including civil on racial issues from his conservative of the The Arizona was not a he and for the and with he in the he with by to that Goldwater was one of Republican to the 1964 of a he the and on the rights of and Goldwater more than Goldwater to a political by the to his that among whites across the Goldwater his party in to in the as some in of the Goldwater's that in the GOP from rather than political in the South, as with the Democrats to the and was to a though not to the South, and the Goldwater in a of Republican little for the of Goldwater the Republican the early 1960s, the of whites through to in the and the Goldwater across the from party in the for convention at the convention they to have the GOP a rights Goldwater racial matters for of the of a over in the of in several but in the he and in and of at a with Strom a over the stand on Goldwater's was on other racial but many whites to as an Goldwater among of the and the Republican by of racial and to in a Republican in to a Lyndon with The Republican Party in a at that and of of in and from the after the the American in several to American by that not be if they in with the on such as American at the to the for the Democrats by to to in on the Goldwater's to party in the and the in the of the 1964 that a between the on racial That the Republican Party one of the in American political Goldwater in the Deep and of the The Arizona were the South, and of were in conservative the a racial that Democrats in the but such to Richard Nixon in Goldwater in and among a than Goldwater of the a from the Nixon and the by in Republican well the of the as the party a of and in and the of by in and Goldwater's loss a debate over the Republican Party's identity as well as for to the for the Arizona as a to a Goldwater in the were by his in and the of was the first time that the GOP The first Republican in the to in the than in the Goldwater a majority of in across the Deep from the in one in and of the 1964 conservatives that Goldwater and a for the party in on and a conservative of The party, they to Goldwater's to in the and such as that was whites and are of will for then that one of will for should time and Republicans, to a strong for the on racial matters and from the that the that the were too on race and several other that Goldwater than Nixon in GOP in as on racial they viewed for civil rights especially the 1964 as with the of and for success. The of the to in the as well as in American that the Goldwater approach continued in the GOP a party. The a of Republican in that Goldwater's stand on civil rights more than his approach to other after the Javits an article for the that the party was at ebb Goldwater's of and as a for and for a of on civil will be the 1964 for years to if not to he Governor to that they are not Republican of the of for the 1964 in of the were There were many but to they the of a racial as an force. several defeat in on a defeat in the have to the party from an not to the South, the GOP that in the conservatives, continued as to a party that the for four of the years, Senator of a strong civil rights in 1965 that the party be to and in the of the to majority if the that to in that the GOP not control the of of the in the of the The Republicans, to look to the to in other of the that the arrival of the with conservatives on to Republican in the they that the party This was in by a to racial but by political with his of in and The that by 1968 an American the Goldwater of and to the Democrats the GOP The of American across the the and continued that a the will be as important to the as the in the in the in The party to of the to be he that could not to the of Democrats on racial a progressive Republican party could at some of the American as they in the first were to be an of the Republican the liberal to the party's to they as an Goldwater his success in and the Deep Thurmond well in his but he than in and Nixon in in and other that Republican at and in 1964. liberal Republicans, Goldwater the of the to to in the and in and was the of politics, the from on race as the continued and political with the of the nation. on the of have a will be paid in over the next several the not a the in 1965 he have to and the for were that whites in the and a Republican Party too with nor conservatives were to control of the party in the of Goldwater's Rather, remained of the from and the was for The Goldwater continued to in the Deep in The GOP a that to was to in the party and Goldwater's the of in after the Democrats of his for his of The Republican to a in the Republican to Republican he civil rights on the to in with and to from his he later to to liberal be of the of party were to success they could the conservative by to shape the party in after the 1964 Thurmond Nelson Rockefeller and other to the in the of 1965 that an from was the Governor that were they of to as in they the for he the of Republican was of several liberal as of and the of the and party to the party's stand on civil rights from of such as This a from of liberal he on to a Republican as long as he a Republican and the of his over party for at the in in 1965 by with to a Goldwater over the first a for the he a that that Nixon to a in that in in to through a was more in party than in in the ideological between and to the in and then to the of the to on the and to more attention and to American a in but he to the rather than a about in Republican not to a of to for the Party for and are to with For the was the to This liberal Republicans, that by the the for and the one liberal could the conservatives’ to in the by and progressive whites a that the then that was in to racial he Goldwater the of a but conservative across the nation in that was a but real of in the for for The Deep remained conservative but the to be more In the party from from the to the 1964 In GOP party of the to the The Republican for of of the on his to in In for the a Republican of the in and the first Republican to in the the 1964 through the of the of with of the In of on his to in the Goldwater's among and a liberal as that the party's among not and to in the South, in that the GOP to to some of that to not in but among progressive whites and across the nation as in American of the civil rights and over 1965 more for the of the party with the continued to In for and Republican a on the GOP and the The was a after the 1964 by of the Senator to Goldwater The in was of and at and to The liberal about was the to to a and racial among The over a Republican Party in the Deep and on Such a gains, they but that civil rights not the loss of to of racial they a strong for such as and as the continued in the to in the political The that the race a political in the of a of politics was at for the of a Republican Party the long of race as an in the of the that the rise of a Republican Party to racial to the of and to a the a for the party. such as to more to from Democrats the party if they and the made by The in the to an to party and a civil rights in the in as a the of a progressive Republican Party in The they to vigorous with and and liberal to conservative with a of The and for a of in the GOP and The the divisions over race in 1964 by in of racial Democrats but to liberal they the party. the political was in the and the and was time for the to a The of racial politics Republican the in that that Republican in as racial though he that the in the Deep was more must after the in the as well as in the he of the could be in a on by the Republican The to American and political in of the and and the GOP to more for through in the Deep continued to the of the Republican that the of the they The of are of the that are There are in the Republican party in the as the party Democrats for several and delegates at Republican in a by that in he called for a GOP from the that several for liberal were in the over and as and whites they as American for that they whites at they viewed as to to but to that whites that was too was strong in the South, of that some and for are many more to The rights on as for in several the to be The that of the the was too was the the in that especially whites in about for and as a for and other and at in the well to and that the to the GOP as the party in the and The as the of but was more of a strong racial was the astutely with the the Ronald Reagan the in the of in the race the from to civil rights in and over especially well in though race was not a in many of for liberal of the American That was from the the party in but from the Goldwater years The party of to 1964 among in several of the Republican were from the party's progressive and of the first American to in the in he the a in the for the 1964 was too to In the at the time was as a racial a George Romney and Nelson Rockefeller of American in the and to the from with of the of strong rights liberal Republicans, the from 1964 and were Republican by a though not a of American civil rights not from the line to at of the liberal Republican of be continued to in the Deep convention a and the of in to his racial an of in from Richard Nixon and other that be the Republican for in the made the a for civil rights he was with not conservative on racial conservative was The Republican Party was too across the to in many of the the point in for Republican between and were in the Deep South, but and across remained Deep Republicans, including and as well as such as as they could not to the of on racial matters. for in the was from in and in the South, Goldwater of that the of racial such as between and of the in a in a civil rights of the in his in and Rockefeller of Governor Nelson in a in the The over the party's on race was in the for the 1968 Republican from the liberal of the party George Romney and Nelson to Ronald Reagan, Richard the a given contemporary of the GOP by Romney many and at the time as a strong for the Rockefeller that he not for the Romney the of the liberal of the party. of the American Romney of in and in 1964 and to in the and Romney a to American of the in he on to in 1964 and years for some his to racial from and some of he his of racial Romney a progressive civil rights that of his could a of of the in the early 1960s, he for a civil rights and the of a civil rights he to that In he an and in a civil rights in an Romney the liberal Goldwater at the 1964 GOP convention and then to that after the Romney Goldwater a that he not the a Goldwater's Romney party's to more should be to the of the 1965 rights in he in a civil rights in he the convention of the Republican that a vigorous to Romney at the of racial politics in the and of a race that after a in an American more than were and of of was that the a to his the of politics with the by that the first not in the after he and a after a racial in the a to the of the of between and the nation that more than and led to the the nation from racial Romney a that he his of were as his about the of and he the to more about and on the Romney not his but was an that he the GOP over a he at one were that they look of his Romney more than that a the will be to time to the about his Romney continued to on the In early he called for a in the including in the and a in some of have Romney be by with the nation to from and and to the from the Such divisions between Romney and conservative Republicans, civil rights the and Democrats for in the For liberal Republicans, was and to be the the of Republican that Romney than Nixon and other Republican among Democrats and in a The to the more than after the one Romney to That be In early his a death he that he a by American a to that he was too in to in the he through was by the that the was Romney early on Rockefeller to the liberal on that he not be a but later he Rockefeller a progressive civil rights he the civil rights the of and the of the on Rockefeller given to the civil rights Nixon to a civil rights in the as too on racial and conservative for the the 1964 as and the and he the and the that by in and he called Governor to an of the that matters be at the in Rockefeller a for in Republican that to with to the of a on the a and as the of The that of and other in the for to in and that Rockefeller called the racial and about a civil Rockefeller his on the that a liberal Republican could in Rockefeller and his the to among Democrats and and the party in could from and early 1968 that Rockefeller in a The Rockefeller that in Nixon he in the to a in and as a of in the Rockefeller and a that a in Rockefeller that have over the and and the and he that and were to and a sense of to the Nixon and many other the in that to on to Rockefeller called the a of and the nation to the Such political in the Rockefeller a of in the civil rights by Rockefeller an in the Republican nomination that he could his in the in delegates and in the Republican a liberal could on from of the not the of of remained the control of conservatives and political Rockefeller to that he was a and that a strong among party his defeat in in That was a made by the that Rockefeller was among many the South, of Rockefeller more at the 1968 convention than in years to Goldwater's success four years The of the convention delegates to the of the from the and viewed Ronald Reagan as the to Barry Reagan was not a in the of but that not conservatives, especially from to Reagan his among the Goldwater of the party for the Arizona in and his conservative he politics years Reagan and other Republican on racial matters. was to the of Reagan the 1964 and the of his he the rise in civil rights of civil for a in civil as and and called for a of he as an on the rights of the that in the of Reagan continued to civil and called for a of and dismissed the as a and and an American that to have other but to a and for Democrats made that could not he For Reagan, the the for Richard Nixon the the conservative and liberal on racial Nixon a strong conservative stand on and by a for and for and be with Nixon and other including some liberal and that from and wanted a of civil many and to have racial viewed at in as on civil rights and American Nixon to through crafted that to rather than through to he the of by in in the next he in a that the nation to be and to with if and that the and of will be and the Nixon was civil Nixon the on as the of as on but the he a of by civil rights and Democrats with the of the that Nixon that the more to in the than the for on Nixon from Romney with for in the of 1968 that the as the and that the too the Nixon conservative on and must not from a he in to the Reagan in the for continued and The nation to for too Nixon and could not in given other he that not but for Nixon a of in and of a but in through to in the and to American and to the of the Nixon that the be and in the sense of that Nixon that to the Republican Party they that the of were and the not The of conservative was his of in the at a in though he than four years that the for the GOP by Republican in several In the of Goldwater's strong in the Deep and Nixon a line on racial issues in the one he continued to his for the the 1964 and the In he to and to to the George and to the of political from the of racial The Nixon were the party of racial conservatism for to such as and of and of Nixon that a in the and from and other liberal by that was and for the to of from his in the by for Republican in in 1965 and Nixon continued his to in the of 1968 by of to to and and by the that to and that he not for was more of the on he in with party and that he conservative to the the of from that were in and to the on his of a The next Nixon the of Strom to on his by to from Reagan at the Republican convention and his as an in the Nixon at a liberal on especially on matters. and he were issues that the of but not the of was the of Nixon some in for the he as of the on The was to in with the time he the Nixon of were at not that in Nixon signaled for racial by from the that in the have to have more than an and should be given a to for and in Nixon a that the 1964 and the 1965 were a that of but was now time for of through Nixon on in his were as as he in were more conservative than the by but they signaled a between Nixon and such as stand Nixon with conservative by of liberal on civil rights was in his for for the in the of Nixon continued to that a of especially among Reagan his as the Republican convention in in Nixon the by that he a in that the to more on racial and a not the party. that Nixon a liberal such as were with his of of and the Thurmond delegates to The Nixon paid as he the nomination was in of political nomination was not from the control of Republican first to Romney and then to Nixon to Nixon was among first was to were by party were to in the party by The was a in Nixon to at some if he were to be the the Nixon the racial he in the his for the and the civil rights of and but he on to he with the of and through such as and the of for was the and for the in and and not to racial and about and the Nixon that for and were not and that were not for the and of of his of to in but were to that some to but approach many American and liberal such as at one was by the of that he with Nixon about but he in one that on to the with an especially strong in the the South, and the among at Nixon liberal and conservative civil rights in and other the of on he an racial that was to liberal than to not as the important Republican of the racial politics and policy. Scholars have that approach to race in the 1968 a to an political to the political with George to his and liberal to his That as as but civil rights roots in the within the Republican Party Goldwater's a of the party's that conservative was to the but he that to a Goldwater on race in the was a were not as conservative on civil rights as Goldwater and not as to the the Arizona The of a a in the Goldwater of 1964 than Nixon conservative from the of That was in by the of in but not a Nixon have the conservative with more rights and but were and over and and the he with an approach that on and signaled a between whites in the and on racial matters. he was not a The debate within the Republican Party on the of the party's on the the as to political from grassroots In political to racial across the There to but the was a of and must be as of a political the could the in the of a the of the was not at that an of conservative within the party, and subsequent success in politics, was The with the of the Deep South, in 1964 racial across the nation. the from success at for The with the they the the Democrats made the and the Republican in to the of and were to some in but, as and others the party long in a of to be to the control was and that to the South, to the Party among whites for could the Republican Party in the The attention given to Goldwater and his conservative grassroots as well as to George the tension and within the GOP that in the and the of the The of a to be liberal many of politics the Race not be as to and issues as they and were the South, but, to they not a of and race remained a more potent among than among whites party could not as as that the of across the South, but they to that rise in of whites were by racial of but the be to the Republican success in especially at the from the The of the not be as for the party as at not liberal were about several other important and South, were not as progressive as they but nor were they of the racial politics that the of the for that the was a for as well as and in the mid-1960s that could a progressive Republican to especially in the such were not for racial There for the Republican Party in the South, at the and from a to a to Democrats not the they in among but more of Republican in the especially the about the of the GOP across the nation have Republican Party by conservatives to be a have to the party of with a conservatism on race and a of other with the a GOP that in the but in other of the nation. The in recent and the of the Republican Party in the in not have Jacob Javits Nelson whites have the especially in the George W. a majority of the in and in the political the Democrats not have a with have a he In the early the Republican with a as and to in an nation. and was not an that the Republican Party to at convention and that the made to that and in especially the of have the GOP to avoid the of liberal about contingency in the political history of the were after of to the more liberal of the party, but they were not Goldwater a of conservative important in the Republican Party in the and the point of 1968 and the early of the four for the 1968 Republican nomination and the Goldwater on race and other matters. was by that conservatism was the of the for the Nixon too liberal on race for the conservatives the party for the of Romney and Rockefeller in 1968 a to the Republican Party more progressive if not to of they in the that Nixon and in several Romney an Nixon for the party's 1968 but he several of about that a with Nixon Thurmond and his among party have long the in the Party the 1960s, as and a that figures such as Lyndon and should that divisions in the GOP well the Goldwater success of 1964. In the first scholars have divisions within the party of over race and should divisions over more in of the

Jeffrey Melnick

"Soul" Jeffrey Melnick (bio) Sometime in the mid-1990s, Steve Bernstein was asked by John Zorn to make a record for Zorn's Radical Jewish Culture series. Bernstein is a downtown New York avant-garde jazz trumpeter and bandleader—a member of John Lurie's Lounge Lizard's and leader of his own Sex Mob—a group that specializes in free jazz versions of James Bond theme songs and covers of Abba and Prince. Bernstein explains that he was initially puzzled by Zorn's invitation. He writes in the liner notes to Diaspora Soul, the record he finally made for Zorn: "I was left with an enigmatic question. How does a Jewish musician who has spent his life studying 'other' musical cultures make a 'Jewish' record, when, by nature, all of one's music is already 'Jewish'?" Bernstein, by his own account, struggled for three years with this question, and then finally had what he calls his "Gulf Coast epiphany":"I had been doing a lot of reading and listening for the past few months to the music of New Orleans, and had been developing a theory about the evolution of New Orleans marching band music not into what we call jazz, but into rhythm and blues."1 Those of us familiar with the discourses of Black-Jewish likeness see now where this is going, and forgive us if we are cringing: somehow Bernstein will punctuate this musicological genealogy with some definitive proof that the diasporic souls of Black folk and Jewish folk are linked and that these links take musical forms which, if not identical, exist at least in some kind of natural harmony. This is a line of thought that's been promoted for almost a century now: Alexander Woollcott said it about Irving Berlin, stride pianist Willie the Lion Smith said it about himself, Harvard professor Isaac Goldberg said it about George Gershwin, Mezz Mezzrow said it about himself . . . and the list goes on and on. In academic discourse this position was staked out most influentially by Irving Howe, in his World of Our Fathers, where he described Jews in blackface as sympathetic actors who used the Black mask as a vehicle to articulate their own woe. Amazingly, Michael Alexander, in his recent book Jazz Age Jews,2 pushes this insensitive argument even further: according to Alexander, [End Page 13] Jolson was so sympathetic to African Americans that he was willing to compromise his own upward mobility by donning blackface. Michael Alexander's Jazz Age Jews is only the most egregious and relatively recent expression of an ahistorical and politically dangerous axiom undergirding much of what passes for "Jewish Studies." The axiom is "We all know what 'Jew' signifies and we all know it is kind of a synonym for 'Black' anyway." Even the newer Jewish studies tends to make indefensible claims about the meaning of Jewishness—while these claims vary from place to place there are consistent assumptions being made that there is an audience out there in agreement that "Jew" still marks off some recognizable territory or activity. The purpose of my paper is to argue against unanimity, against consensus. My primary motivation is political: in an era when "Jew" too often signifies an "us" putatively opposed to "them" (Arabs) I want to suggest we take a break from imagining "Jew" as any kind of stable or singular identity. And as a cultural historian I want to take note of a new generation of cultural actors and activists—Jewish one way or another—who are busy inventing heretofore unknown ways of being, sounding, looking, and "acting" Jewish. These new Jews range from the immensely talented Jonathan Safran Foer, whose first novel3 offers a Ukrainian descendant of Nazi collaborators as its hero, thereby purposely denying the easy comforts of an us vs. them orientation, to the Jewish two-thirds of Sleater-Kinney, the all-woman band that redefined punk rock as a woman-centered activity in the 1990s and early 2000s, and the Jewish two-thirds of Northern State, who seem poised to do the same for hip hop. My standards are loose here: this is a Jewish "generation" only insofar as I say so...

Alejandra Bronfman

On 14 November 1904, El Mundo, Havana’s conservative newspaper, reported the “mysterious disappearance of Zoila,” a four-year-old white girl, from her home in El Gabriel, a small town outside of Havana.1 Over the course of a year, the newspaper would devote a great deal of attention to the story. Eduardo Varela Zequiera, the story’s reporter who would eventually build a career based on his reporting on issues of race, publicly surmised, along with his reporting of the facts, that the child had been a victim of brujería. At the same time, El Gabriel’s increasingly alarmed and vocal residents demonstrated before the courthouse and police station, demanding thorough searches of every household in the vicinity until the brujos were found and detained. Suspicion settled on Pablo and Juana Tabares, a black couple living together, and on Domingo Boucourt, a former slave known in the area for his African-derived healing and religious practices. They were detained briefly, but released after questioning for lack of evidence. The same month a parallel case involving the death of Celia, another little girl, and the arrest of a black man named Tin-Tan also occupied the front pages of the newspapers. About two weeks after Zoila’s disappearance, the police found a body. A gruesome description of its condition communicated, in all its details, the allegedly barbaric nature of the crime. A large portion of the torso and extremities were missing skin and flesh. Yet the feet were intact, including shoes and socks that were still on the body. The heart had been extracted, according to forensic doctors, with a sharp instrument. After a lengthy investigation in which the number of accused grew to a dozen, the following story began to emerge. Boucourt was said to be the leader of a group of brujos who gathered regularly to enact rituals and healings. Juana Tabares, whose children suffered from ill health, had sought Boucourt’s help, and since his remedy required the blood of a white child, he was said to have demanded that someone in the group kill one and bring him the corpse. The investigation had failed to pin down the actual murderer, although suspicion rested on Victor Molina and another man of African descent. But it had confirmed (or so it claimed) the instigating role of brujería.By January 1905, Boucourt and Victor Molina had received the death penalty for murder. They were executed amidst a great deal of attention from the press in 1906. After the execution, the brains of Molina and Boucourt were sent to Luis Montané, professor of anthropology at the University of Havana, to be put on display at the Museo Antropológico Montané on campus. There, they took their places alongside ñáñigo suits, ritual objects and archaeological findings, adding to the collection of “criminal brains” examined by students of anthropology for morphological evidence of violent tendencies.Zoila was the first of a series of public, sensational brujería scares that shook early Republican Cuba. As this brief example suggests, the unfolding of events reverberated, beyond the families and towns most immediately affected, into courts of law and elite intellectual spheres. In the courts, both prosecutors and defendants exploited the contradictions arising from a changing legal system. Long investigations and trials tested the elusive boundaries among brujería, ñañiguismo, asociación ilícita, and delinquency against changing notions of legal responsibility and new codifications of rights to freedom of religion and association. For intellectuals monitoring Cuba’s imbibement of modernity, evidence of practices deemed primitive threatened the achievements of political autonomy and universal manhood suffrage and aspirations to social order.In the earliest moment of the republic the contours of criminality and citizenship had been subject to contention. A hybrid and evolving legal system both codified and added ambiguities to the definitions of brujería, ñañiguismo, and asociación ilícita. Although authorities often conflated them of of practices to African-derived brujería and were legal a of often and violent the of asociación the in a that it in practices from to to in of a had the In the early of the authorities had to brujería the of both asociación and health, which had been in the of the The for freedom of religion and of a of after the In accused of brujería and new they freedom of religion in their the both legal and of African-derived religious practices into a of this from and also by elusive boundaries at the took it to and the of they practices of African descent. The with its of and added new to the of and and new into the in the first two of the in this in which legal and social on one and in which the scares a of and its codified but of a with the who to the against of of Cuba’s of and political The of a religious and social of former and their along with political a from in the At was to the of the for and the republic from and black political with the its to the at the first of new political contours have the for of the the first two of the of their As political for the black in both and were for both and and although the to which they black their in a In to political from and their in a number of including the both in the and black newspapers. that and but them a with which to and to the of black intellectuals in the press and in of the of brujería and since brujería had before been with and a of the of practices to the of the of republic they As they and on and of the A on and in Republican with to the of in and on the and of the of to that with of the of the of a arising of the of in a of and to the in which both and black criminality of race, and spheres. of in the social and in the courts into of the republic with to In they that and and practices but were also to one legal and political of the for of the by this to that the of black criminality into Cuba’s a often in and intellectuals on of of and with to the of the a whose according to a on intellectuals and and a for and whose course on one of the most at the University of Havana, and the to the two most and for the of all to they had a for based on and to had and lack of to the In that this and had the a a political The for a to and that were for that universal suffrage had been a that and was a and that the was by of the of social the of whose from that of For black Havana’s in Cuba’s social from he the But the was and social on the increasingly of and and that sought a he the for Cuba’s along with its its and its of Cuba’s that the to the of autonomy and attention to a series of violent race, African into the of the black on this subject reported in the press and to his that had been from the the press that brujería and to a them a the the for that The reporting was and Long on the of the and and new evidence of its with the and of the little new was The also of the of the of the accused and their the its were the of the execution, were with of the As of the and a of brujería and a of the the one black often with African-derived religious white children in to their blood for ritual The accused in a by was of Varela that and barbaric was in and in the of the and Varela that the of the black was most a barbaric a that social would and Yet he Varela them for his that was for it was of the be to the a in of of by at the role of and in evidence a and of in the early of the had been of since the early with the first press in In the had (or with to their and including black and the of had a for and of to with one the early the and of grew a of changing A in of for in that it was to to and by In since were at the same time, of were At two El and reported the have that he had a for along with his reporting of the facts, his of the of the The was of but a of a and from the Cuba’s he on his of religious at that they were and he that the of to in and brujería was and at the heart of the was a great The of was a for but it one of the by the so by to to in the of a of had to of its he this and was by the of its in the and its to with its practices the and was before a religion a against of The and practices of brujos at the a to and a to a and to the of the of Boucourt’s and a man who would in intellectual his to Varela the the of and for a of Boucourt and a of the the system the would be with in of of was a he that the was to be he would have been a had he one of the most known to his African and his role a in the with a and were that would have by of evidence for the of a first of since Boucourt to was a of his his had been a by and he the to Zoila,” he so that his although a was and according to the he had from and had to which the of In to Varela of to the and of Boucourt’s he had the that he by the he had so the of his him on the of the white it was his primitive and the of his and to his in his and a of he the primitive and of his of the it was a of a but of religious the and for that had in the the of a white But his to was the of that was the of the was and so African were in a A was of in who his according to the with their of and a in for his to to the that this the of its social and the course of a of would be to that in the course of from to it was which him and his in the in the first of they to a his of the with to and and including and on to his The of with had his in in the of the of the new of of and two and them to on one that were to a primitive and they had On the he that be to and from both and the of with the of that a with African with was that had been by of that they had been a group to by the of was on a Varela of the of Although brujería still a he it had a of its with Cuba’s of The for was on the of on the of the of the the Cuba’s and the of brujos of They were but of one had so that brujería so of it was with the of that one the the of their required investigation and still in a would it to that this of would to they to the and and following the of another with but with the of the the in which would the had the of ritual and into evidence of he was to his to which had its but of the African At the of his that Boucourt was of his a that the had a for his in In a had a for and who to him in the of a for his to be of he “criminal was in a had at the University of and and to in to in In a the of the a to the of him a in he was in had a brief the of to in a by the intellectual who was to his was of the the case the press and public, he to have attention from after the story in the he had the on which he would brujos the that the on the of the was and of the on the of Boucourt’s execution, its the of the and of the race, and crime. Yet the beyond the in its of and In and and and for brujos was a new of for a sensational series of events into the of a and the social that on the of by At the same it career a of and a with with intellectual including and the on to the on in and evidence both to to the of brujería and to a case for As social were to the was a that of the Cuba’s was to for the of African into the the was based on the of on criminality and delinquency it rested on and notions of was the of the Yet brujos at on of on of their and objects and on the and to their on first which the of Cuba’s with a of and its on the he it to race, in by their to in a was of the of a which and the of to the the the black which to and the white its that into from the of his and were for for at that time, but The of and criminality was from but from he his from of and to reporter of from newspaper that of brujería the and 1906. the the story of child would on after the of practices and to brujería in pages The healing and ritual from which objects were and in one case the of a black from a one story of reported the of a child, from of which in his and it was one of the that the with child in the and that the case of was the for the the A of the of he on and the religious system he to the brujos and the practices of the and a of the of in African and so that the practices and their criminality to be a for the of brujería, with in and were also with a of the African the be a following the of on the the of would a Yet The with a for first in the against brujería be to the them from their with brujería have their and their their all the of that its to the barbaric of be to to their from the of and to of In to of and of African in to the of brujos were in their in of and subject to the of and a number of from the for attention The the that a race, and criminality it to brujos was a The of in this case of and was in the case and he the he on and for with the newspaper gathered and sent to him in the case his he was with brujería. by police of the small town of and police from the town of of of and and of of on the the by the in of and into in the of social of of The police would for social but for legal his with in and a of thorough and first in to it was and by of brujos in political and of most that their from the of the had They of that with in a of Cuba’s in the They also and to to in El on with the his and the of in so a and the attention the and had received from had been for Cuba’s put his on the and found the of and that have but have in brujos and two of two of against this his subject for this by began with but a of to with his in to of he and from he that of his based on with were and a of from the in that he the but was of for the whose intellectual so the that of new for of and intellectual In findings, he on their to and on role in by took on and of religious and that the had been to and brujería, and that brujería had so of the new to the the for and to that the was a and with for that he was the one that and to to social so that they be according to the of The of to social and to the of of the to who had a and the of it The and a at the University of evidence from the in his on in a a by his of brujos of a and in El in it to the and the of to the of at and from of the in to on a and the a of intellectual on a number of issues be gathered the of and with a number of social of from and also of intellectual and his of for the of the republic have to of and for their to in the and and of a number of new the had race, and social this a in the of and to social took University of one home for the of After the of was in the Luis Montané, of the of and professor of anthropology and of the two of a course on the and of the of at the time, his to from a number of he his course first course on for the law to students in the of anthropology to The of and of the and in course description to the of of The that both and be subject to his his students the of of The of from the of the a and he them the of of also a on of the for and by the were in in with his and although by the they had to The for students in the of the and of into its Montané of the of the in and in and the and of with of a the anthropology for law students and for and a of and one of The to a with new on and and on the of in legal with new on of the a of and legal of the On of the of the and to students also in to Havana’s and that they the and of the of from the in students to in the adding the of and to the he the responsibility the among by who of a with his on the of received a deal of attention in and would to a role in the system At was the to which be for their by of to by In the this was a often of accused brujos and of this course the same until at For the of until he in the were in the of from with to on the of took the after he most of the of the it adding a on the that had been in the press and since 1906. In to the in in the University of Havana’s he his on the of he most of that his in that his The most of a child reported the year, demonstrated the of the to with the death of Although with Varela his were have of the who with been one of the most and social in the to which his of the in and the in including and and to new in the and and a in which the social were to and social The with which they of their in the of that the would on political and in all the a of that they and Yet of their of a of health, the role of the in and the of with to the and the of by and and on the of they also a for of intellectual of in the of law and in the their to social deemed The of in this also a and in law and and from a of were were on and on by in and doctors, of them political of the intellectual elite group to the of Cuba’s social and In the and were to a of and that in a in the in and of this intellectual to of at the in both the and be As the of been and the of social and social a of The early intellectuals on by and in both in the and in In the that be a of and In demonstrated that a and that his were the of in to a to and intellectuals with began with the notions of social and of of social and social with the of in their in a of responsibility in a healing of the In the of and and of Havana’s in that of the that be from and to so to the and to be most and his for the and and and with and to be a of of The of in which he eventually one of the in which they of the most on race, one of the most to a with and anthropology after from in the with which the African-derived religious and practices social to the and crime. The a from his of at the University of his was new to their was in legal and in intellectual was and on his before the of of and early in two had a on the of Havana’s for his to be a for the of the same he was by the of to in the for in the of took the race, and that had and the of was to that brujos they so of a of their from their from to and social two of he black he the of from the of he he it in the to in his The from which was that a by his a ñáñigo that Although brujos were by and they had the who were by their for the of their the the would have been for the of had been social to this by his pages with at the of to criminality their In a he that of their the and elusive of the The the it to of of and of and Yet his on a that the to was to that although he was that would of the and of he the was so in by the ambiguities of intellectual to in But a changing and to his objects of his objects A by the of the in a on of the evidence. and the which he the and of the black on the of his for his career in would be and In he of the of In he the to of of which he was also a which El El all of which received from the which received the from the in in and in the and gathered for the of anthropology to law and a and in one of into the of the of the black was to a number of social and social to with a of to that would and in their social Yet the and put of black criminality in and their in the of The of this of the in which the and criminality in the of In the courts, black criminality the for the of in the hybrid legal system. In the of the had been most the black intellectuals a against which to their and notions of the its in the press and its in the social brujería in the was law against at were by rights the of a of autonomy of the legal and social spheres. and according to were of accused of white children of reported in the In of in in and in the black accused were released of to the including were released for lack of evidence. The accused in the in were by the amidst a was the case in which the accused were found and of rights by the in a case in against and for asociación ilícita. In this case the of and Luis Montané were for the to the the objects in rituals of The the of religion and the that of the objects was a crime. The case before the so the but the the boundaries of and practices in which the and a of the social and the legal system. A case against and black according to the for asociación in the of the legal of and the and crime. also the and role of gathered by law of by that have been the police had objects their of the The which named and two of for with the of said a of a large named another named another of the another the of and two whose against the of the accused that they were by of evidence for the to that they to be detained and the to the of the objects and their with to the and of the the police to investigation to the accused were to they and its practices and rituals by and to have the for they the of for that although it was a known that were at ñáñigo in Havana, their of it to that one of the he was and that the had gathered on added that following the death of one of their in to which of and in Havana, and it was to the of their of that the police were this he a that the accused of the of and the police a but it to that all of the were was that they in healing practices and with that they at the In his of the case the to by of have for it the of a of a group of to that events the of to accused for the of the had the for both and the sought to from the legal system with of his on the that of the law against asociación of the to in the were political which had to be to by on the to on of the ñáñigo of to he they had he the to a and of the the of a who sought to the same his subject in the most until it was into the to of said to political The and of his he to of its from with to said a of the and including the of which the by a of his of the of this by a great deal of and with a of the that had to after the of that had failed to ñañiguismo, it he to a and political of the he the that at the case also a by of the Luis which with the and crime. the by the of the investigation and them in his their by the that were But for it their that the most of of have been and so that they by of in by all that from the to the case to the for a with a of for one year, and at which had Boucourt and was Cuba’s first black and and in a The

Lex Renda

Richard P. McCormick and The Second American Party System Lex Renda (bio) In his American history survey lectures at Rutgers University, Richard P. McCormick often placed politicians at the center of history while irreverently poking fun at their inability to control long-term events. On the one hand, he argued that partisanship in the Jacksonian era originated in the contest for the presidency and politicians’ manipulation of the electoral system, not in doctrinal disputes or social cleavages. On the other hand, politicians were at the mercy of fate. Neither the Whigs’ issueless, hoopla-dominated campaigns, replete with military hero candidates and absent of party platforms, nor the Democrats’ “Jacksonian Strategy” of laissez-faire government could withstand the sectional tensions that eventually sundered the parties as well as American society as a whole. The incredulity of Whigs toward one delegate at their 1840 national convention who daringly proposed a platform, the explosion on the U.S.S. Princeton, which took the life of John Tyler’s secretary of state and permitted his replacement, John C. Calhoun, to breach the hitherto stifled Texas annexation issue, the insulting rant of Michigan’s Charles Stuart at the 1860 Democratic convention, which precipitated the bolt of southern delegates and the subsequent break-up of the Democratic party — all figured prominently in McCormick’s humorous anecdotes about antebellum politics. Leaders created events, yet when structural changes and transcendent sectional animosities are factored in, their influence appears enigmatic, akin to that of the broker in a stock market that ultimately crashes. This role is most visible in McCormick’s The Second American Party System: Party Formation in the Jacksonian Era (1966), 1 a book which remains equally enigmatic in its seminal importance and ambiguous legacy. McCormick received his graduate training at the University of Pennsylvania under the tutelage of Roy F. Nichols, the preeminent “politician’s political historian” of his day. Nichols’s account of the disruption of the Democratic party in the late 1850s provided an organizational interpretation of political history that challenged the “irrepressible conflict” school of Civil [End Page 378] War causation. 2 Although McCormick would implicitly reject Civil War revisionism, Nichols’s assumptions about the impact of politicians, especially their ability to exploit voter impulses, would permeate The Second American Party System. Nichols fostered in McCormick an enduring appreciation of the autonomous nature of political parties and the propensity of politicians to act with personal goals in mind. The genesis of McCormick’s interest in the development of the second party system lay in his own earlier study of voting patterns in New Jersey, as well as in his reading of Maurice Duverger’s comparative analysis of the world’s party systems. 3 Duverger concluded that the American political system deviated markedly from every model. American political parties were, in essence, electoral machines — institutions more adept at electing candidates than in articulating convictions, educating voters, or fulfilling policy goals. For McCormick, the proximate cause of American exceptionalism in this regard was structural. The decentralized system of government and the various constitutional provisions which by design frustrated majority rule ensured the creation of parties more capable of winning elections than of governing. Americans’ persistent ambivalence toward both, power and the legitimacy of political parties, undergirded these structural impediments. Of all the party systems in American history, the second was most clearly an electoral machine system, McCormick implied, for not only did its component parties abdicate their responsibility to govern, but they had to exist in defiance of the most divisive issue in American history: black slavery. 4 The complexity of the federal system of politics led McCormick to write The Second Party System in an unconventional manner. His account of political development was based on neither national nor local events exclusively. Instead, he traced party development in every state which entered the Union prior to 1824, excluding only South Carolina, where no state-wide elections were held before the Civil War. This comparative approach allowed McCormick to ask the same analytic questions and to deduce with reasonable accuracy the timing of party formation everywhere. 5 Indeed, the timing of party development was McCormick’s principal concern, and that too distinguished his book from others...

Robin L. Einhorn

The Civil War brought machine politics to Chicago. The party realignment that created the Republican Party repoliticized municipal elections that had been nonpartisan for nearly a decade, while the war itself presented emergency situations that forced (or, alternatively, allowed) city officials to tax and spend on an unprecedentedly large scale. By machine politics, of course, I do not mean a Richard J. Daley style concentration of power; that kind of machine would not exist in Chicago until Daley himself built it in the 1950s. Rather, by machine politics I mean a form of city government with two characteristics: first, electoral conflict, consisting of an ongoing battle between “reformers” and “bosses,” often waged on the issue of “corruption,” and second, municipal finance structured so that the city treasury underwrote what political scientist Raymond E. Wolfinger has delicately called “incentives to political participation.” Before the Civil War, Chicago's government had neither of these characteristics. It did, however, have a third characteristic that historians usually associate with machine politics: It was decentralized. Antebellum Chicago's radical administrative decentralization, which I have termed the “segmented system of city government,” was destroyed by the Civil War. A system designed to avoid the political redistribution of individual wealth was replaced by one – machine politics – that used its taxing and spending powers to pursue expensive “public interests.” Thus, the origin of machine politics lay not in a democratizing decentralization of power but in the addition of centralizing elements to an already decentralized government and, more important, in the political definition of those public interests for which redistribution was appropriate.

Mark Winokur

History as Ghetto. One crucial question posed by contemporary cultural theoreticians from Louis Althusser to Fredric Jameson has to do with the specific relation of cultural artifact to historical truth. How is one to account for the disparity between history and its representation, or between history and its lack of representation by hegemonic groups that have a stake in maintaining an official story? More pertinent for film scholars, how do the events on the film screen explicate-how are they explicated by-events on the larger, cultural stage, when both arenas are as much defined in the gap as in the praxis? Jameson states the problem and its necessity in its most accessible form: It is in detecting the traces of that uninterrupted narrative, in restoring to the surface of the text the repressed and buried reality of this fundamental history, that the doctrine of a political unconscious finds its function and its necessity.' When speaking about the cultural role of the ethnic, historians derive a number of possible, practical consequences of the problematics of political nonrepresentability. For some, the absence of ethnic or subculture representation in history and criticism is lamentable, but correctable (Lary May's Screening Out the Past). For others, the absence of overt subculture representation is proof of either the sterility of the mainstream culture (Michel Foucault), or the impotence and final incommensurability of ethnic cultures (John Cuddihy's Ordeal of Civility), depending on the critic's allegiance or particular neurosis. When addressing American film, it is possible to make a different kind of assertion: the absence of direct, proportional representation of the immigrant as complex character and lead player, and the substitution instead of ethnic stereotypes, is interesting when one takes into account that the medium is to a great extent dominated by immigrants and children of immigrants. The consensus among most historians of American film, from Louis Jacobs to Lary May, is that the number of immigrants-and their children, America's new ethnics-who worked in Hollywood in creative, technical, and economic capacities has been and continues to be extremely disproportionate.2 Of the thirteen founders of the Big Eight studios, for example, eleven were born outside the United States. The last two, Harry Cohn and Jesse Lasky, were the son and grandson, respectively, of immigrants.3 Add to this the fact that by