Blockchain Papers

Tomasz Karol Mantyk

Abstract Franciscus Titelmans (1502–1537) is known to scholars of biblical humanism as a critic of Erasmus’ Novum Instrumentum . His own biblical works have been, however, little studied. This article discusses his approach to humanist methodology on the example of his commentary to the Book of Job. It demonstrates that he used original languages of the Bible to correct copyists’ mistakes and elucidate the meaning of ambiguous passages. Nevertheless, the application of philological tools had strict limits for him: the Church’s dogma. The Vulgate could be corrected where no doctrinal issue was at stake, but whenever an important proof text of the Vulgate differed from the Hebrew and Greek versions, the ancient Latin translation was to be preferred. Titelmans went as far as to claim that it was the Vulgate, which expressed fully the true meaning of the Word of God, the meaning that the Hebrew and Greek texts contained in a hidden from.

Richard Cole

As the False King Olaf was led to the stake, on the 28th of October 1402, it would have been no comfort for him to know that much of his story had happened before, and would happen again. He was an impostor, posing as a king who had died young, now apparently back from the dead. This was not an unheard-of occurrence in medieval kingdoms (Cheesman and Williams 2002, 87–8; Lecuppre 2006, 67–72). The False Olaf claimed to be King Olaf II of Denmark and Norway, who had died at the age of seventeen in 1387. Similarly, the False Konradin in 1269 had impersonated King Konradin of Sicily and Jerusalem, dead at sixteen the previous year (Scales 2012, 237; Schreibmüller 1949). Lambert Simnel was a commoner who in 1487 impersonated Edward Plantagenet, attainted at the age of ten. The False Olaf was an alien in the country he wished to govern, propped up by both domestic and foreign actors. In this, he resembled Perkin Warbeck, a half-Walloon Fleming who pretended to be first Edward Plantagenet and later Richard of Shrewesbury, who was backed by English Yorkists, the Scottish court, a Portuguese converso, and an army of Cornish rebels (Gairdner 1898, 263–336; Roth 1918–1920). Parallels could be found in European or Islamic royal imposture for nearly every aspect of the case of the False Olaf (Lecuppre 2005, 14–20; Ingram 1882, 77–85). But there is one detail that is unusual. Two sources record a peculiarly Gothic spectacle when pseudo-Olaf was burnt. In Johann von Posilge's Chronicle of the Country of Prussia (ca. 1420), it is said that before he was immolated, “wart behangen alumbe mit sinen briffen, die her der konigynne gesent hatte als ir son, und wart eyn crone ufgesatzt” (Posilge 1965, 261) [he was draped with his letters, which he had sent to the queen as her son, and a crown was fastened to him]. The anonymous Chronicle of Nordelbian Saxony reports that “uppe sineme houede ene koninglike krone uan papire” (Lappenberg 1865, 100) [upon his head (was affixed) a royal crown of papers].In what follows, I will interpret the meanings of this theatrical destruction of documents, staged as part of an execution. We will consider the case in the context of royal imposture, but also in the context of documentary culture. I provide (1) background on the real identity of the False Olaf (insofar as anything can be known); (2) a study of the beginnings of the imposture, including to what extent the impostor was coached; (3) some deductions on what letters the False Olaf had with him; (4) a theory on how he came to be given those letters; (5) the symbolism of the making and burning of the crown and the necklace; and (6) hypotheses on the meaning of the letters to the False Olaf's supporters.The question of who set up the impostor conspiracy is discussed in a separate article, and so is generally not treated here (Cole 2002, 100–6). However, a brief précis of my findings will also provide some background to the affair. On the death of the real King Olaf in 1387, the thrones of Denmark and Norway passed to his mother, Queen Margaret (r. Denmark and Norway, 1387–1412, Sweden 1389–1412). The young king's demise coincided with the return of four castles in Scania to to the on a in the of The as the had not and that Queen Margaret was not from The of the by In the by King (r. 1402, the was to the return of to for a the of the a The imposture as a by to on in was it up by the who to the False Olaf to Margaret in to real Posilge's provide the of his her und und (Posilge 1965, 261) that he was by the in a and his was and his can the but not the impostor at but the in the of to which had Perkin was in the of in and my is which was of the said of and my is Perkin his and but not his In the case of Lambert no sources in of medieval royal but the of one of the is the is his and of the of the sources discussed by the of and the is a in this in of royal imposture, the for the was to of royal in the this was the that to be those that would this, the real identity was to Posilge's as of the in and of the it be that was in part from a of the given by the False is also as an in a that letters of could be but the was have the one from and that the impostor be to and one from the both the of pseudo-Olaf is not the of the in the which is in of the of However, the case at the Richard of was part of an English to Denmark the affair. In a to the in 1402, he an to a now that both the with the and in the is in the of a a before to his the of the and English is not in of a for with European but it at the of sources that have been in in 2012, to know that it be to on the of that have in the country but that of the of the who is at the of the of Sweden a with the also the of a who and claimed to be the King of Denmark and Norway, and of which at I to which was the of the have not with the King of or with her or her as of the of the of October at the as his in and Simnel his in reports that the False Olaf he had been in a on the he was by who his to the real King he was in und was her in (Posilge 1965, a and had here to this country In the the from to meaning that he would have been or by the his he was a not a he would have been an who had a the of the to it is and from the of the to the False Olaf was in one and in on had that in the could have to was in a that when and in was the age that the real Olaf would have that is to is some in this as of royal imposture could be The case of the False Margaret in Norway had a in her of Norway, who have been seventeen that pseudo-Olaf was a (Posilge 1965, much King He was of an This would that he had to Prussia from Saxony or at a the I his but for it will to that he to have had what as a (Cole 2002, is that he to Prussia with his as the would have been a for a of sources that the False Olaf had of of sources is to his was a first a and later in a who a in in a European The first a that a had been by Queen The the detail that the impostor was it is by a who in the of the of the was said at the of the queen to have the The which from to was also had been this, so by a who had the young the of that had him the first and sources to provide detail on the who had The the of the of the in in and in the In his the False Olaf von der was in der die of the much of that had happened to Olaf his which Olaf's had him]. In both and it was pseudo-Olaf the it he had Prussia for But in the and the first of his Chronicle of the of which the to for for der for the year a up who to be King the of Queen he he of which could know the Queen her But he was the of King Olaf's from he had Queen who that he could not be her had died at his at his in the at said in of he her he would have a his when an was was not he was the before and an it been that the story of the the However, it that was on the Chronicle by a and Queen Margaret my son, will have a which in of the is the that the False Olaf and the real Olaf that pseudo-Olaf was so for his to on the to be (1) a who to Prussia and a son, or (2) a who to as and came to to I will that be on this but no be the some of is one aspect of the theory that is not as as it on first to but of was not in is the False Olaf's had been a to he would have been to a much of wart in her und der 261) [he was found to be in as he was not in the and he also could not the his had been a to would a for her and her royal as a was a would to a for her to but have that this is not The of for a from to a in the would have been The that had been a who up as a to before a in a on the of of Denmark to her impostor is so that it can be so that can be that the sources would record The that pseudo-Olaf was his mother, back in to be the who him with to was a with the story of the but the detail to the of by the a the detail is what can with We that the of his in Prussia was and that he his was this that Prussia a by the and a of from the is to that the False Olaf's and had of an is a of who who who for in return for who the of and so is generally in the of to Prussia of European and much to there was a of and the of to be by The for and Margaret is and Margaret in the or of is by the that to und her (Posilge 1965, came him and him he had with The that some the be but the for an to a would have been in a In this would have been the of which first in sources in but can be to have been in the when the the a and the the was but the year some would have been in as as by as a to a or by in the as a from in of and in pseudo-Olaf was his to the king was was a and an for the of was also the to was but and in The of would have the for pseudo-Olaf to have with who would have and to an imposture Queen Margaret on the he the False not from a that no as the of before to a part of from including Denmark in Prussia as in much of happened could could be in and in could how pseudo-Olaf with is as he to or to it is that he but he had some his also have been to as a in his with the when he in The set him up with a court, including a a but in this also a eyn von von der und und und der und und for und und die her der und in her und konigynne von her ir und und in der her her und (Posilge 1965, of who was as von der of Olaf and the and and treated him and a of of the of Denmark and Norway came and him to so that the him as a and him and to him he in a a came to him who for and had a for He and sent a to the Queen of that he was her son, and wished to to the and would much have his in but now the had him that he his country and his as this was in a with the of a or a of the that in back or in this from (1) The was apparently the of who had up some to He was not one who could his and the in a but one who had the to a or one (2) The was was in but apparently not his to The of those in imposture was generally and and the that sources record the False Olaf that the and his it to but the who at the of the The an that a the impostor, but However, is so and that it can be In a as it would have been to in the or in the with (3) As I the detail in the Chronicle of Nordelbian Saxony that pseudo-Olaf a crown when he was and I interpret the crown as of his his letters have been on not on was the of and The of was on letters as as what the that some letters to Margaret to be her son, which is However, Margaret not with the False Olaf his to given that his would have had no in her by and on 1402, to the that Queen Margaret that is in also and in who King her a who had the real Olaf in his as the young king and a and of at that of was from on 1402, that of the will der von who as a king of The False Olaf was not to his as it had been by his He have had to to As that in the him as a and him and to him he in a The first of the those of with the those so that could not or would not that a king of Denmark could the of the in However, have been to in the of could be of and in was by the False Olaf when he in Scania was a his We have that that part of was that he much have his in but now the had him that he his country and his to the impostor not to have to with of his he to have given a of the real so he could not have been by the to the detail the would have been the for the to the of was However, this in would have been to there was no for in royal in or could be but this was from the have that letters apparently of But on the background of the False Olaf's in was a The and The and of von der been treated in by previous but it is to of what letters the False Olaf have In Posilge's he is a of who pseudo-Olaf to of the of his the is not by one but by a of This is a of von have his In the by and he is von der But in the by and he was von der and to the and by the of I have not been to the of Posilge's to However, to so would as of the I to that is as an of a for the in The is also by von der in in this in sources is was a of as his the of his could be to up is In the making as to the as and have that and that his first at was not a is a record from a on the it is that one of of and the destruction on the in the this is the who and of at at some in the of on of the and that von der pseudo-Olaf to of the for to and to by would have been up for a to that was part of the from the The of and and and for that had a in would have been the of the and so he would have there of the who for von in is or a of would to have been a with a and could be to a of is to that the False Olaf's have been one of in of a by him to is not in Denmark and In had in the of and a to the II of Denmark (r. He was in by to King (r. was in a a royal him as a with his royal that set [he was in the year and four on the and a crown was his head he had by the anonymous of a that was to the crown his der krone der krone a with the and to to who had a the he him at is also was and to and was on the and had a crown of on his head and was on the with a crown of on his this happened is by the of a of and his crown in of in and to from Denmark but Richard of was his by at the of his head was on a at with a crown 2006, a crown the of a to the of is the case of a who a with was a from the that had his the part is that in the of and the was for in a previous at the in the detail that he be with a he be to a on the of he be to the he the the crown is not the of the but of the the death of was at the sources record the of a a of on his head a crown with on and to the is a He the crown with his crown which my and for my on his head was and But this which is and to I to for my he was and to the and before his the and of his that had the he was led the of the of the of the to the of is not the crown of a as the that to the of burning the of a part of the have been a that was a the of The crown and the both in and the In some it a In it a In a of the crown as a As a the crown by a can both and so is to be a by not both of one However, I on a by his had of not of As in the to the for a and it on the the was The with was not the on crown to his But the was for to an on his in his the case of the False sources of his the execution. As him a crown and a of or was draped with his letters, which he had sent to the queen as her son, and a crown was fastened to However, not the of which the crown was The Chronicle of Nordelbian Saxony that the crown was but no of the also a of the wart ene uan an ene in der wart ene sineme houede ene koninglike krone uan (Lappenberg 1865, the young king came before his was and said had set him before, and for the but he be a and at the a was and he was up there to the his head a royal crown of and and him and the is the which he was burnt. no but the given by Nordelbian is and to he was from an it that the False Olaf was to a that was the This be it be that to the and one to which pseudo-Olaf was to him from his Posilge's and the Chronicle of Nordelbian Saxony at no provide In for on one that to it would also that his crown was of one or of his letters, his letters to the and to for his is that the his on the that the letters on the stake, but this to be a of The the that would later be at when was of the of the of to the question of pseudo-Olaf and his was the this at was as a that he had been by the also is of that burning at the was the for but there with this no or the False for which is was an the of which one could be in medieval and a it was by no with some medieval that could be to the 2005, to the in the from the and the False Olaf's and the The him and eyn and a impostor and and The of Chronicle was in by from to the on the False Olaf and 1965, this Queen of The had an impostor at We have that Posilge's Margaret that be a of a been a The of to when the was the could not have the that pseudo-Olaf was a in but it that the here is to who the The medieval had to was and that to have been as a that a could as an in or The that was a is that of This to The The from the on the of The the of which it to what would of as and However, as sources have to The medieval to have of English as of it In it was for to be in the as or and In medieval the had a both and imposture We have that this is the by Richard in his of the False which I have as for with of English from the and that the of was in the as the who and the who pretended to a in which not or a at this the could a to In in a and his found of and a for a have the of the to for one in the and that the said be the the for to be a at the in medieval could also to have or to The was that the be and the who it to the the of the as a for This is a in the context of medieval European However, some that the of in be by The for the The of that und in and in a This to a of from English there is no to the to the the I can in a medieval for what happened to pseudo-Olaf is from the of the of a a up with here in the of or or which been for it is a who is a foreign he his with his it is a in which case he with of his from of his he in this his is and the be and to by and one the with when it is and which can be and the of have been the by is some from that had from the of King I The (r. from and it is not to it or the death of the False Olaf on the of the of to have been at in the pseudo-Olaf and not be that and have had by the of the both and is not that the to be and be so one this was the of The a of to is how the is so as it is from was and is so found no be given but it be or to or be the so that no can and The of on the one one that for a aspect it to the a of a the of the a this in in in 1402, one part of the was that pseudo-Olaf was or can be in the as documents, a can be have letters to an of as The False Olaf's crown have been a for a in as also in the case of was in the both he and his The burning of the False Olaf's and his letters have from the of the of have the of burning pseudo-Olaf with his In will consider the of burning the letters The destruction of in a part of the could documents, the of or in including and the burning of letters was part of the by rebels the of as the destruction of could also be a of by by in the of and (r. the of for an by of with a In in the of the English King Richard II (r. the country with the rebels to documents, the up and to one the King his one of by in set to be and will in not the to but now case of this spectacle of the can be found in In King II to an and a The to his which would have not up for the The be as an for and there of in to the for the of the would have had the to the to and of at those and a as to or would have been for the to and for to would have been a to the from by one The also at which to on and to and of the as a King II from the was by the at as a and to and of the symbolism of the burning have that it was of of the of him in in the with the of burning not of to the of the burning of King the for the But it have also sent a in the the to the the of to the who to the as for of a up in is no in sources that the False Olaf letters for for for to or to part in or to as and so would have been he the of the impostor that was not in which the However, the of the False Olaf had the to be of of what I by this, will (1) who in the False and (2) how in The Chronicle of Nordelbian Saxony that (Lappenberg 1865, his could and to be at the that there and was a was and had and came to and on and and would have from the with who a of European and been in as as the and one would In one for the at from with from the of the castles back the royal now had in the of the that Richard and the False Olaf with his He was not the foreign for came to for who could in a by in The of later to this the is to the he to the he with him when he to and to the king and to the he The who the of the False have been and also have been have that had to in to the of royal have is that who not that by Queen We at the of but the or the the medieval in that in that what for or is a to However, I not that to in the False it would to the In I that the not have a of how Margaret and her with the would I would that and will to a of as much of as This was as in as it was at been that in the it was a before the of the not have a of what (Cheesman and Williams 2002, But also the that not the of that as could not be to a the had not been in could be a for at the of the to the at the of This is not the as to that it is for could be that in the case of the False Margaret of an the False Olaf was in and was as a both in Norway and in for to the of a False in he of the that pretended to and at the As and Williams this is a for the in by the of the have a to which before the impostor came and that could be as a set of how and will know what what not know not set from what We set from and on the of the of the and of and with and that those who to not be of but one can We also for there is a in anything that up be in the of is not also as the of the to in the both for and the of In this the False Olaf's and his The at in a that had with his He had documents, and he be a real the real In the his letters and his and But the to and the letters could no be the his would the with which was the as a also the of a

Alexandra Reider

The literary culture of early medieval England was thoroughly bilingual: prose and poetry were composed in Latin and Old English.2 Prose in Latin survives in greater quantity than prose in Old English while the numbers for poetry are more evenly split: 270 Anglo-Latin poems are extant compared to 244 Old English poems, by one reckoning.3 It is not enough, however, to note the coexistence of these two languages and their circulation (jointly or separately) in manuscript. Early English literary culture was not simply the “sum” of its Old English and Latin “parts” but was also rather more. Each language was involved with the other behind the scenes, as scholarship on pre-Conquest poetry has made especially clear. Many poets who composed verse in Old English would also have known Latin—the more prestigious, more institutional language.4 By the same token, Latin verse did not exist in a vacuum: certain prosodic features in the Latin poetry of Aldhelm, for instance, are thought to have been inspired by vernacular poetry.5 The copresence of both languages is palpable and can be sought, even in nominally “single-language” verse.But what about the mixed-language poetry of early medieval England? What does it reveal of the inner workings of this bilingual literary culture, beyond the readily gleanable observation that Latin and Old English were both languages of literacy? One admittedly wishes for a larger data set to consider in mulling over the question. The corpus of surviving pre-Conquest mixed-language verse consists primarily of the three “major” such poems: The Phoenix concludes with eleven Old English-Latin verse lines (if Alleluia counts as Latin, more on which below); the poem Aldhelm combines Latin, Old English, and some Greek; and the poem known as A Summons to Prayer mixes Latin and Old English evenly.6 Some other bilingual verse has survived, such as the Latin-English proverbs preserved in both London, British Library MS Cotton Faustina A. X and London, British Library MS Royal B. 2. V.7 Yet one might have expected to inherit a more robust body of mixed-language verse from such a bilingually literate and literately bilingual culture. More—perhaps much more—may have been lost.But other testaments to the fundamental, indeed material bilingualism of early English poetry do survive. One excellent example might come as a surprise, in light of its given name: the “Exeter Book of Old English poetry” (Exeter, Dean and Chapter MS 3501) has a notable amount of Latin—certainly the most versified Latin of any of the four “Old English poetic codices.”8 Riddle 90’s five lines are entirely Latin; they are joined by the Latin half lines of The Phoenix and also by the half line lux et tenebre (l. 100b) in the poem alternately titled Azarias or Canticle of the Three Youths.9 There is also the Finit at the end of Homiletic Fragment III and The Partridge as well as the phrase sancta Hierusalem at Christ I line 50b. While Latin is not structurally constitutive of all these works in the way it is for the three mixed-language poems named above, it is nevertheless a consistent presence in the Exeter Book: texts ranging from a single Latin word to an entire Latin work can be found in the manuscript.Another kind of proof of the Exeter Book's deep Latinity is the fact that the volume is full of direct translations from Latin and has other obvious dependences on Latin literature. We can be confident that most of the poets whose work it preserves were bilingual to a considerable degree. Christ I, for instance, is a loose rendering of the Latin Advent antiphons, and Guthlac B is based closely on the final chapters of Felix of Crowland's Latin vita.10Canticle of the Three Youths derives from deuterocanonical Biblical content.11 In addition to its mixed-language conclusion, the first half of The Phoenix is a loose translation of the Late Antique poet Lactantius’ De ave phoenice.12 Michael Lapidge has proposed a specific manuscript of the acta sanctorum as the one (or very like the one) from which Cynewulf may have been working as he adapted the Latin text for the Old English Juliana.13Vainglory stands in the tradition of Prudentius's Psychomachia.14 Patrick W. Conner has incisively situated The Riming Poem within the realm of complex Anglo-Latin hermeneutic verse, and the three animal poems—The Panther, The Whale, and The Partridge—together enact an English version of the Latin physiologus genre, as has long been noted.15 Even in less obviously Latinate texts, Latin remains a relevant context: Lindy Brady has recently proposed a twelfth-century Latin vita as an analogue for Wulf and Eadwacer.16 Although though they are in the vernacular, the Exeter Book riddles are, in the words of Andy Orchard, “intimately connected” to the Latin riddles, even “parts of the same literary tradition.”17 The poem known as Pharaoh is based on the Biblical Book of Exodus, and the Lord's Prayer is a translation—a very loose translation—from the Latin.18 And these are only some of the more obvious examples. The Latin of the Exeter Book is, on aggregate, both visible and invisible, surface-level and structural. We should speak, then, not of an Exeter Book of Old English poetry but rather of an Exeter Book that stands as sterling witness to the bilingual poetic culture of early England.If the two primary corpora of pre-Conquest mixed-language verse were to be set out in a Venn diagram, the circles would overlap at The Phoenix. It is one of the few mixed-language poems to survive from early medieval England, and it is one of the poems in the Exeter Book that is at least a partial translation of a Latin source. It is therefore particularly well positioned to illuminate the possibility and potential of this bilingual literary culture, to reveal how language choice could itself be a skillfully deployed literary act—in other words, to answer the question I pose above: what can mixed-language pre-Conquest verse reveal of the inner workings of this bilingual literary culture?The bilingual ending of The Phoenix offers one answer by engaging what I call the “interlingual mode”: a style of writing—either poetry or prose—that operates in two or more languages at once. As I shall demonstrate, the first and final lines in the conclusion of The Phoenix do not shuttle back and forth between Old English and Latin as much as they exist in both languages simultaneously. They thereby reward the reader who does not simply code-switch but instead thinks more extendedly in the two languages in unison—interlingually, in so many words—so as to receive some kind of payoff in each, and thus in both.19 In my use of the prefix “inter-,” I envision something closer to the imbricated separation conjured by “interstitial” or “intergalactic” rather than the fused connection implied by “intermarriage” or “interstate.” Accordingly, I identify the interlingual mode, as it operates in this poem, to be the product of conscious effort on the part of the Phoenix poet to construct poetic lines that remain thematically resonant with—add additional layers of meaning to—the larger work upon being mentally translated by the reader into the text's “other” language. The copresence of both languages is crucial, as is their difference from one another: it is their difference that invites comparison and makes their ultimate harmony all the more significant.My understanding of the “interlingual mode” is informed by and indebted to, even as it diverges from, previous theorizations of a hybrid “interlingualism” by scholars of multilingualism and of Chicanx language mixing in particular. The similarities and differences between these concepts, which each name a kind of linguistic interaction in a multilingual culture (and share a prefix in so doing), are instructive and illuminating. “Interlingualism” and the “interlingual mode” are both rooted in a form of “both/and” multilingualism, though the two phenomena differ based on how fundamentally distinct the component languages are assumed to be.20 In Chicanx communities, “interlingualism” most often refers to, in Juan Bruce-Novoa's words, “the mixing of two languages [here, Spanish and English] . . . because the two languages are put into a state of tension which produces a third, an ‘inter’ possibility of languages.”21 He elaborates elsewhere: This practice rejects the supposed need to maintain English and Spanish separate in exclusive codes, but rather sees them as reservoirs of primary material to be molded together as needed, naturally, in the manner of common speech. This interlingual form is the true native language of Chicano communities, even though some members speak only English or only Spanish—as a whole, the language spectrum covers these and every potential blend.22While interlingualism encompasses an entire “spectrum” of language use, the interlingual mode acknowledges and upholds the component languages as separate codes, each with attendant affiliations and associations.23 Put another way, instead of asking interlocutors and readers to dwell in a hybrid linguistic space, as Bruce-Novoa argues that Chicanx communities and writers do, the interlingual mode of The Phoenix asks readers to inhabit two distinct language spaces simultaneously, as one primary language draws on the resources of a copresent second language in order to achieve certain ends.24I suggest, furthermore, that the interlingual mode in The Phoenix is mobilized to religious, indeed eschatological ends. By encouraging the reader to think in two languages at once, the poem moves the reader closer the language of an that makes the of all the more and out this this the of a kind of literary for the a that could exist in the between Latin and Old English because it was both Latin and Old In early medieval England, the possibility of the was to be as the between words to meaning on the as the between Old English verse so could the between languages be a of in the English the first half of its The Phoenix the of a in an in its the and of this within the realm of The are for the in on of this like that of in the how with the of the they in this the and for in the on Phoenix poet in from Latin have long known that the first half of the poem is a loose translation of De ave composed by the poet in the or The Phoenix poet also on other Latin for the second half of the poem, though which these were is less well and a on to the and other have recently been The of some of the primary has a body of scholarship on the translation particularly in the first half of the The conclusion is that the Phoenix poet a and to it as a of a text and it with mixed-language conclusion of The however, is not the of it does not from a single but instead the of And what he has composed is the final eleven the half line the is Old English, and the half line the is Latin Alleluia as a I in in et et of light has to that might to with in might the and on the in the of light and of have of upon the of and and to with the this the Latin the of the Old English it the in every the Latin also its with of the half lines as Some of furthermore, to have been poetic in as has both and in both and they (or also both in This offers about the and it the possibility that other common poetic and literary Latin or Old be in these on Latin and on Latin at the conclusion of over lines of Old English verse also the poet that the Latin and Old English poetic could be the Latin and Old English of the poem are the languages each particularly in of their poetic The of Latin with vernacular verse the in the Latin and vernacular In the the line of Old English poetic as in the poem as a whole, an of Latin material is as Old English as the Latin lines are by Old English in this so are the Latinate of and the by vernacular the of And as these Latin lines are adapted into the of Old English verse, so are the Latinate in the poem into the of the most of the poem, in other words, the Phoenix poet Latin poetic into Old English poetic in the conclusion, both are on the of and this of the of The Phoenix by how and put together this of the as the two poetic the linguistic of this final also the between the two By on the literary of Latin and Old English, these lines beyond the poetic and the to the realm of the the reader who is the mixed-language of the poem with the line of light has to (l. the Phoenix poet with an interlingual a to the fact that he is and working in two The Latin of a name for more or less in Old English as And being by the phrase of in Old English poetry a of The half its The on a meaning in that first with the work of and the and the of to the phrase is a of direct to in and the Guthlac it in to in Guthlac the found it The also in of the Old English which Book of the Latin In this the Old English the Latin text's of and refers instead to the as thereby as of and of he of the of for as long as he wishes to this can is and the is in of Old English verse, the poetic is most for it is known and the line (l. the at the of the that in Old English poetry would to an that as the of the Old English is into The also works to in a kind of in the text of The this first line only that something not what he has The of is in the conclusion to The it is not that is being but rather The of the the that can but the is in the first line of the two languages but nevertheless to who their Old The poet is in Old English and Latin simultaneously, and to the the is expected to do the of is the with and so does it Early English writers often to and complex so it is to in a the final line of The the (l. one its of and it refers to the most example of in early English upon the of England from the or in a The is rooted in the similarities between and and between and both and Alleluia the in the of is the of these and affiliations was in early medieval The is in two Latin texts, which may have of one another: the and The in of the is to a back and . . . from within by he from what they . . . they from come are he of he is the name of the of that And they And he for of should be version in the is more but more with the difference being of on to on the name of the he for Alleluia to be them to be so that they might and of the a to to the of the the it as a the and it by should to the about that has been to by were a of and to who translated the into English In is how many from the of early British their in tradition to the and of the words in which they were There is preserved or more example than these is The Phoenix the only Old English poem to the The in the final line of The Phoenix is out in a in Guthlac on how Guthlac the The Phoenix asks to the from to this in Guthlac B “the and asks to think of The of this is by the in the in both Guthlac A and the of the that the English has been made by the In the of this one one it the the two in The Phoenix poet would have expected to the connection he for Phoenix poet that and could a the of the would the upon the of and Alleluia in the final an informed reader would have been to the both and the of the is as the reader think back to Old English poetic to in the first line of this so they the of to whose whose is at in the It is their interlingual mode is thus to the it and a on which the may be I should note that engaging the interlingual mode is not for understanding the meaning about what between Old English and Latin while What an interlingual of the offers is to the that it is the of the at This meaning is to the reader who not only what all the words but who also how the words are in the other languages of a text's and can the literary The interlingual it the to into Old English, and to the Old English poetic more involved for an of the on of the such as and on the (l. The which the reader to think between is the which in the work from the is And the interlingual and only into is also Latin with all its for its is a both text and It itself also as a to think as the Alleluia may its use is not In this is its only in Old English verse it being in the one more in prose and The also by in Old English not the to three in the for The is by to and certain poetic in the One of these is as Alleluia is often as something or situated in a This would with the by the as that he Alleluia be the It also with the in the an Alleluia is an conclusion to a poem that is full of It is only in the half line that the Alleluia also the poem with an interlingual a into Old English as well as Latin, was an of in early medieval England for its as a In the Alleluia is as In the in for that is word is on and is a word that in Latin, the and language is as as should Alleluia not into English but Latin what for the of Latin to even as he in the same was more in the of translation in of and and one to the that the call and the Latin call and the English of and of I suggest, both to or at least their to language. what has as to a of By might be with of of languages to separate and like . . . from readers who can only identify with It is who works to a of and whose of the and like . . . from readers who can only identify with be would have been readily to with even in their of and are out of more like each This it was both (and thus not in need of would have been to and of linguistic (and thus the of The of by and reveal that Alleluia was a word of known and in early medieval England, and for a it would have the of not only the that makes the interlingual but within the of a single the of the interlingual in a multilingual culture, words can their translations with them and can their in another the literate of these interlingual which upon a of Latin, English, and at least one word of is the in the which an interlingual The and are to to The and of the deployed in this the conclusion as a distinct that acknowledges the of linguistic even as it the of the is with a and a and these are more than the of the the of these that they would have thereby of a The that for understanding the with the poem as particularly is The in manuscript is from the of and it was a separate from the of the work by of its use of use of language literate these not only but also The of for the two A vernacular is for the Old English half by the Latin half lines are in an that for a reader would have conjured how Latin to these would be and as separate is into the of this this linguistic however, is the vernacular verse The Old English and Latin each a in and of but the of the entire is the text of Old English I this choice of a vernacular over a one not as a of the the with Latin is more obvious than rather as a of the could in two at in the interlingual mode, a text's in manuscript can between Old English and Latin because it is both Old English and it is as that the Alleluia is a and A it is as Latin because it is in the same as the As I above, Alleluia is a word that itself to the interlingual mode, and in the manuscript it has been given a linguistic not its it is not only the of the Alleluia but also the of its that the interlingual of the so on the specific as it the word into and the in the word the between Alleluia and the This Alleluia is a material of the with its of word and Latin form as well as its of as a single This is interlingual made simply a poetic the interlingual mode work for The its and its the of the mixed-language with its interlingual a between the languages in the the Latin of the poem is to the A kind of with the is The Old English translation from Latin in the first half of the poem is in the second by Old English in part on other Latin In the of the conclusion, the in is by another in the between the two they each the two words in interlingual and in the first line and in the have been especially for the Exeter Book's English who for I note that of this are out over the of the the same for the who might be as the of the three that these eleven are and in a of the in an interlingual they into but are not The reader do more work to to to a understanding of the and its interlingual mode, then, stands as a even a particularly English of the or deployed in of in the first by that a or is such a not at least the of its the with a of what a or the at in De ave a that the Old English poet on and has the of the within The from to the mixed-language of the and the more of and that have beyond into the of is in observation that the is at long a of but not has been remain and a of interlingual is to The interlingual mode, which draws on the resources of distinct languages simultaneously, a way to or at least the and language that was the of as as one can to the of the in the interlingual with separate languages so as to at the final line of The the poet of to the interlingual workings to have at and in both Latin and The Phoenix is thus witness to a mode of interlingualism that was within early English literary culture, a culture that was Latin and English and the for The interlingual mode may have as a form of poetic to the the name recently to the by which a of Old English verse offers its readers of the of Latin The mode offers its the to Latin in Old English is that a poem as it might have a Latin The mode, then, is to a Latin of an Old English poem By the interlingual mode on the that the think languages as they that they be for their early English writers a way to the literary potential of a bilingual culture and to it to their And both as to the a one in the how the two languages might be together in and resonant In the of the interlingual mode, an and kind of was The can how it

Laura Wilson, D. L. Laczniak

Anyone working with transmission electron microscopes knows that aberration correction is essential for acquiring clear images; this wouldn't be possible without the work of Dr. Ondrej Krivanek. He has been working in the microscopy field for decades (Figure 1). He pioneered aberration correction, is a leading expert in electron energy loss spectroscopy, and is a highly acclaimed electron microscopist (Figure 2). In 2020, he was awarded the Kavli Prize for Nanoscience—a recognition akin to the Nobel Prize, which honors outstanding scientific achievement. Dr. Krivanek was one of the plenary speakers for this year's Microscopy and Microanalysis (M&M 2021) Conference, and we were lucky enough to get the chance to speak with him. In the following interview, we discuss the trials and triumphs of Dr. Krivanek's career path in electron microscopy. In addition to having some amazing stories, he also had some valuable advice for early-career professionals in the field. (left to right) Niklas Dellby (co-founder of Nion), Chris Meyer (an old friend who joined Nion in 2012 and heads the software effort), and Ondrej Krivanek in front of the very first corrector they built at Cambridge UK, circa 1995. Some of Dr. Krivanek's work, featured on the March 25, 2010 cover of Nature. Some ideas may seem a little reckless at first, but if your hunch is based on knowledge that suggests your approach to the problem is going to work, it's worth pursuing. I have a hard time thinking of outright failures where I went into a project and had to give it up with absolutely nothing to show for it. There's been plenty of learning experiences, though. When you go into a new field, you don't know everything that's important. So, when you build the first version of an instrument, typically what happens is that you realize, “Oh, this is something I should have paid more attention to, and that other thing did not really work out well either.” Typically, it's the second instrument that's a really good one. But I don't think you would call that a failure. You would just call it a learning experience. There's no way you can actually figure out everything before you start on the project because the literature about the subject has not been written yet—it's brand new. That's basically progress in science, right? At every stage you say, “This was good, but these things need improving,” and you move on to the next stage. Don't rely on popular knowledge. Just because a crowd of scientists has managed to persuade itself that things are a certain way, don't get discouraged. There are two things to consider. One is, is it going to work? This is something you have to decide for yourself. Supposedly there was a famous NSF report that aberration correction was not going to work back in the 1980s. I never read it, but if I had, I would have disagreed. The other one is funding, and that can be a bigger problem. If you want to do something really new and/or something that, in the past, has not worked, agencies may be discouraged from funding you. This is where you have to get inventive. Every project, even if it's really worthwhile, will meet some skepticism in the beginning; if there weren't skepticism, it probably would have been done already. For any really adventurous thing, there will hopefully be some moment of brilliance where you say, “This is the strategy I have to employ to get funded because the conventional routes are not going to work.” Good scientists recognize that there are high-risk projects that might not work out but are really worthwhile and should be tried. If you persist long enough, you should be able to have a referee who is in that category, and you should get funded. What's important is to do really good, fun science and explore new frontiers. Everybody at the start of their careers needs to ask themselves, “Which field is likely to be an interesting one to go into?” You want to know about the brand-new areas where there's going to be a lot of interesting research to be done, where you young folks can really make a contribution and stake out a career. Start with a [research] hunch, just an expectation, and follow that. If it seems to be turning out well, keep following it! For me, it wasn't that much of a switch. I always found that doing good research wasn't about where you were doing it; it was about what you were doing. The benefit of working in industry is that finding funding can actually be easier. We had a magical 10 years at Gatan where Peter Swann, the president of the company, was very open-minded. While he would watch the bottom line, I could come to him and say, “This idea should be looked into, and it probably will make money,” and he would say “OK, go for it.” The benefit of working in academia is that the research payoff—the output—doesn't have to be achieved within the next few years, which is important for riskier projects, like aberration correction. Aberration correction would not have made any sense for me to do while I was in industry, at Gatan; it was too speculative. So, the smart thing to do was to first take a leave of absence and go explore the concept in academia, which was what I did! But then, in academia, it would have been very difficult to get funding for round 2 of the project: improving the corrector so it would work better and be easier to operate. If I had written that proposal in academia, it would have been rejected. What's the point? We had already done it and were just trying to improve it. However, in industry, at a small company like Nion, we were able to get the funding to continue corrector development and improve the instrument. I think that every university professor is actually an entrepreneur! He/she/they run a group of postdocs and research students. Funding is needed, projects are needed, facilities are needed, budgets are considered, and proposals are written. You can't do that without a bit of entrepreneurial spirit. So, when I switched to operating a start-up company, basically I ran it as a university research group, and it worked well. However, as an entrepreneur, instead of writing proposals, you write quotes; people come to you saying that they want things. Sometimes they want things that are not working yet, and those become customer-industry joint development projects. An example is our monochromator, which we wrote a theoretical paper about, describing how the monochromator should be designed. Ray Carpenter at Arizona State University read the paper and said, “That's the monochromator I want,” but apart from the theoretical design, the thing didn't exist yet. He came to us and said, “I have money for one. Can you make it for me?” And we said, “OK, great. But, you know, it's probably going to take us about three years because we haven't yet started on the detailed design.” We went ahead, and it turned out to be the highest-performing monochromator that anybody's ever made. You have to draw on how things are relevant to people's everyday lives. For instance, people just take something like the iPhone completely for granted. If you look at the circuit diagram, it's an incredibly complicated computer. And none of it would be possible if we didn't know how to manufacture semiconductor circuits really well, which requires electron microscopes for visualizing the nanoscale and quality control. So, electron microscopy may look esoteric to the “real world,” but Snapchat or TikTok would not be happening without it. I don't know; that came naturally. There's a lot of people in our fields, and in science in general, who do a lot of different things. And the ones who are really good at science will probably be very good at something else too. You can't work 24 hours a day and expect to keep on getting fresh ideas. You need to take a break every now and then; it restores the mind beautifully. So, when you're young, you try to see what kind of a peak you can climb and stuff like that, and when you get a little older, it becomes a bit more sedate, but it's important to keep at it (Figure 3). The Greeks invented this idea; in their academies, you were not supposed to sit around the whole day discussing the works of Plato. You were expected to do something athletic, too. And it does help. Ondrej Krivanek and Eda Lacar at Jackson Lake in Grand Teton National Park. There were several episodes where the results surpassed my expectations, but one of them does stand above the rest. That was the magic evening we had at Oak Ridge, where we were imaging graphene and nanotubes. We were working with a new microscope that we delivered [to Oak Ridge] six months earlier. At the time, graphene was hard to get hold of, but I had secured a good collection of graphene and monolayer boron-nitride samples, and also some nanotubes. We brought them to Oak Ridge, and the images were just spectacular. They were so much clearer than anything I had seen before. And it was like, “Wow, this all really came together, the theoretical performance of the microscope has worked out in practice. Here's the living proof.” All those years that went into designing the aberration-corrected microscope, from the proof of principle corrector, to the second-generation corrector, to the third-generation corrector with a microscope to go with it, here's the proof that it works. I'm also very interested in biological things, but because I'm not a biologist, I don't know that much about them. When we ran workshops at Gatan on energy loss spectroscopy, if a biologist came along, I took them under my wing and worked with them, looking at mitochondria, endoplasmic reticulum, and all the other wonderful components of living cells that we would have no idea were out there if we didn't have electron microscopes. They are truly fascinating. So, for somebody from the outside like me, it's a new continent that seems really exciting to explore. I don't know if you guys had that experience where you go to a workshop and you come out of it thinking, “This is a field I need to go into,” or “This was really fantastic.” I had that experience at the 1978 Cornell workshop organized by John Silcox and various other people. It changed the way I viewed what was important in electron microscopy and what needed to be done next. It's so important to get people together and exchange ideas . . . it moves the field forward. So, do attend conferences and workshops, places where you can trade ideas. You want to listen to more than one person's perspective, but figuring out what research path to take is something you have to decide yourself. So, stay active, go to conferences, talk to people, learn from them, and form your own opinions. And strive for that moment when you realize: “When it comes to this particular field, I probably understand it better than anybody else.” That's when you're really making progress. It's hard work, and perspiration is a major component, but luck comes into it as well. When you get to that moment, you'll know. Then, 20 or 30 years later, you'll have young people asking you to give a summary of your experiences.

William R. McKelvy

Reviewed by: The Return of King Arthur and the Nibelungen: National Myth in Nineteenth-Century English and German Literature William R. McKelvy (bio) The Return of King Arthur and the Nibelungen: National Myth in Nineteenth-Century English and German Literature, by Maike Oergel; pp. viii + 325. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1998, DM178.00, $106.00. From 1714 to 1917, British subjects were ruled by two Germanic dynasties, the houses of Hanover and Saxe-Coburg-Gotha. George V ended this nominal Teutonic reign when he exchanged Saxe-Coburg-Gotha for Windsor in 1917. Victoria’s grandson did this because his subjects were deep in a bloody, muddy war against a Germanic alliance led by his first cousin (and another grandchild of Victoria), Wilhelm II. The commander of British forces, Douglas Haig, had a new war strategy (“kill more Germans,” as he put it) which was not chiming well with a king whose name (George Frederick Ernest Albert Saxe-Coburg-Gotha) sounded like roll call on the wrong side of the front. This is a dynastic way to illustrate the broad cultural arc inspiring this book. “Around the middle of the nineteenth century the English were quite convinced that they were just as Teutonic as their continental neighbors” (3), but (largely) because of World War I, this thriving Victorian Teutonism expired and then was retroactively repressed. The birth of the Windsors in 1917 is the most dramatic marker of this significant cultural pivot. This book in turn supplements a series of studies which have retraced Germanic aspects of British (and, in particular, English) intellectual life from about 1750 to 1918. Some of these earlier works have documented the invention of Germanic cultural and racial genealogies. Others have focused on reactions to innovative German developments in hermeneutics and, more generally, the rise of historicism. Oergel’s book covers both the ethnological and the philosophical fields staked out in these earlier studies. The best material is delivered up front in the two opening chapters, where Oergel summarizes a post-Enlightenment process in which “the status of both literature and history was elevated to a quasi-religious level” (11). In this part of the study, Oergel joins an increasing number of critics who are revising the standard secularization thesis. It has been a commonplace for some time now that the birth of the modern in the West had something to do with the death of God. But literary scholars interested in the formation and institutionalization of their own profession are discovering a more complex, metaphysically ambiguous process. As Oergel puts it, “the secularisation of the sacred texts,” a process normally described as the rise of modern historical criticism, “in turn generated the sanctification of secular literature” (11). The same critical tendencies which [End Page 525] undermined the historical accuracy of Scripture led to the sanctification of national literary and mythic traditions. As Christian scripture became mythic, national literary canons were sacralized, and history, as God’s new master narrative, became the living, universal gospel. These are important and persuasive generalizations, but Oergel, after setting the stage so well, rarely applies them in stimulating ways. The major innovations proposed in this study are an incorporation of Alfred Tennyson’s Idylls of the King (1859–91) into the cultural history of Teutonism and, more specifically, an insistence that Tennyson’s text took shape in response to the same cultural forces that produced Richard Wagner’s Ring des Nibelungen (1869–76). This second point is too general to bear fruit from its proof, and one blushes for the author as this most tedious part of the argument commences with an earnest appeal to lifespans: “Initially there are some basic facts: Wagner (1813–1883) and Tennyson (1809–1892) were near contemporaries” (215). The first point about the ethnological significance of the Idylls is troubled by a complexity that Oergel does not handle well. Tennyson’s epic is about an explicitly non-Germanic hero whose primary business, after being cuckolded, is to kill more Germans (to borrow Commander Haig’s phrase). At times, Oergel addresses this difference, but almost as often, the author seems to be working hard to forget it. Despite the titular Arthur’s Saxon...

E. Thomas Lawson

Introduction The recognition that human beings learn more than they are taught, already prefigured quite early in the Platonic literature and much later in Kant's notion of the synthetic a priori , continues to intrigue scholars concerned with cognitive matters, especially those with a stake in the possible impact of the cognitive sciences on culture theory. In fact, much to the dismay of empiricists, it has breathed new life into the rationalist tradition. Possessing more knowledge than instruction can account for obviously presents a puzzle worth solving. Among cognitive theoreticians (especially in generative linguistics and cognitive anthropology) the acquisition puzzle has given rise to a range of suggested solutions. At one end of the theoretical spectrum proponents of the autonomy of cultural systems postulate the presence and operation of very subtle and hidden cultural forces silently transmitting culturally constrained cognitive knowledge from a ‘cultural system’ to the largely ‘empty’ minds of cultural participants. At the other end of the spectrum nativists proffer innate cognitive mechanisms, replete with cognitive content, as solutions to ‘the discrepancy problem’. Even theorists in the middle seem willing to nudge the direction of research in one direction rather than the other. There can be little doubt that arguments about acquisition take place in contentious territory. The issues are by no means resolved. Proof of that lies in the continuing combat between non-nativists and nativists about the significance of, and the solutions to, the noted discrepancy between the amount of cultural knowledge by explicit tuition and the actual knowledge a person in that culture possesses as well as about the most adequate explanatory models capable of accounting for the discrepancy.