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Francísco Garrido, María Teresa Plaza

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Robert S. Stone

Previous articleNext article FreeAutos-da-fé: The Roles of a Saint in Spanish SicilyRobert S. StoneRobert S. StoneUS Naval Academy Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMoreTambién, vemos que las imágines cristianas no sólo miran a Dios, mas a nosotros y al próximo.1(Francisco Pacheco, 1649)In a recent essay on Africans in Renaissance Europe, Kate Lowe notes that “the first black European saint, San Benedetto (St. Benedict, known as ‘il moro’ or the Moor), lived in Sicily in the sixteenth century, although he was not canonized until 1807.”2 He is seen here in an eighteenth-century Spanish sculpture (fig. 1). Several versions of his life (1526–89) are to be found, ranging from a hagiographical sketch by Antonio Daza in 1611,3 to Antonino de Randazzo’s longer Italian account of 1623,4 to another short life by the Jesuit Sandoval in his 1627 treatise on slavery.5 Soon after the saint’s beatification in 1747, Joaquín Benegasi’s narrative poem was published,6 and on the two-hundredth anniversary of his canonization, in 2007, a booklet was published for pilgrims to the Santa María di Gesú monastery in Palermo where Benito, as the Spanish called him, entered as a lay brother to work in the kitchen and eventually, despite his illiteracy, was chosen to become the superior.7Figure 1. Anonymous, San Benito de Palermo, 1700–1725. No. Inv: CE0570. (© Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid.)The trajectory of Benito’s life is quasi-picaresque. Born in Sicily to converted Ethiopian slaves, this mendicant Franciscan friar was forced by papal decree to abandon the wandering life and join a cloistered order in which he thrived by virtue of his pious humility, intelligence, and character. It is not hard to see why he was fervently embraced by the Spanish crown as a model for the conversion of slaves, freedmen, and indigenes throughout the empire: “he represented the ideal, illiterate slave (Daza calls him a ‘santo idiota’), a docile and loyal laborer, pastor, and cook.”8 Today, churches dedicated to St. Benedict the Moor are found throughout the Americas and in the Philippines, with the greatest number by far in Brazil.In selecting Benito as a subject for Spanish comedias, the well-known Golden Age playwrights Lope de Vega and Luis Vélez de Guevara exploited his popularity in both high and mass culture. Furthermore, both dramatists had indirect contact with Sicily. Three of Lope’s patrons were either viceroys or sons of viceroys of the Two Sicilies;9 Vélez de Guevara, meanwhile, took part as a young soldier in turn-of-the-century campaigns in Savoy, Milan, and Naples. It is likely, therefore, that these authors knew something of Sicilian society under Spanish rule and that this awareness found its way into their plays, as will be argued below.A century ago, Benedetto Croce noted a lack of historical and literary studies on relations between Spain and Italy, a gap that remains today, although it is narrowing.10 In the pages of this journal, for example, Edward Muir surveyed contemporary Italian Renaissance scholarship and found its focus shifting forward from the fifteenth to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and southward from Florence toward the Mezzogiorno, stopping short of Sicily, however, with Peter Mazur’s New Christians of Spanish Naples.11 In modern Sicily there is a tendency to downplay the years of Spanish dominion by the Habsburgs and their Bourbon successors in favor of a more remote, more easily romanticized heritage of Hohenstaufen, Norman, Arab, Byzantine, Roman, and Greek rulers. This is an understandable and persistent postcolonial attitude—after all, rancor against the half-Spanish king Ferdinand II was a driving force behind Garibaldi’s revolt launched from Sicily in 1860. I will try to address the Sicilian-Spanish literary lacuna by viewing history through the prism of two seventeenth-century comedias de santo set in Palermo, Lope de Vega’s El santo negro Rosambuco de la ciudad de Palermo (ca. 1607) and Luis Vélez de Guevara’s El negro del serafín (ca. 1643). Cognizant of Terry Eagleton’s formulation that one purpose of “fictionalizing history is to reconfigure the facts in order to throw into relief their underlying significance,” I will juxtapose situations in the dramas with aspects of Sicily’s sociohistorical reality at the time of their production.12In Sicily, the dominant institution of the age was the Spanish Inquisition, a presence characterized by William Monter as “overtly colonial and resented as such.”13 Another historian, Denis Mack Smith, describes the situation as follows: “From 1487 onwards the notorious Torquemada was sending Inquisitors to Sicily, and soon a permanent institution was properly organized with its headquarters in the royal palace at Palermo. Naples successfully resisted the introduction of the Holy office; but in Sicily, though there was some initial opposition to it, to be enrolled as an Inquisition official was soon regarded as a great privilege by the Sicilian nobility. The chief Inquisitors were always, or almost always, Spaniards.”14 That the Inquisition, consciously or not, found its way onto the Spanish stage is not surprising, given that the Holy Office’s power was predicated on a well-attended ritual, the auto-da-fé. Richard Kagan and Abigail Dyer define this as “a public gathering in which the ‘penitents,’ as the Inquisition called them, paraded before a gathered crowd, wearing garments known as sanbenitos (smocks bearing an insignia symbolizing the prisoner’s crime) and corozas (similar to dunce caps) symbolizing shame.”15 The highly spectacular aspect of the auto-da-fé has been remarked on by historians, even when noting its modest execution rate as compared to other European juridical systems. Monter, for example, writes that “none pronounced its judgments more theatrically,” while Kamen is at pains “not to see the Inquisition as the only player in the dramas in which it participated.”16 Mack Smith points out that in Sicilian autos-da-fé “the choreography was always carefully devised to make each occasion entertaining and instructive for as many spectators as possible,” and Nadia Zeldes observes that in Palermo the “spectacle began with a procession, which made its way from the Inquisitor’s house … to the square beneath the Viceroy’s palace … [and] usually included the appareance [sic] of the inquisitors, the alguacil and other officials as well as armed familiars of the Inquisition.”17 In other words, the auto-da-fé was a cautionary sort of Grand Guignol avant la lettre, helping to explain its effectiveness as a tool for the enforcement of orthodoxy meant to instill a “salutary fear; as the Castilian glossator of Eymeric’s ancient handbook for Inquisitors remarked in 1578, ‘there is no doubt that to instruct and terrify the people by proclaiming the sentences and imposing the sanbenitos is a good method.’”18 The following analysis holds that the plays dramatizing the life of San Benito for a seventeenth-century public implicitly portrayed the implementation of this “salutary fear” even as they interrogated social behaviors deemed proper in the age.Of the black saints before and during the sixteenth century, Benito is the most historically verifiable. The others are most commonly North African early martyrs such as St. Victor, St. Perpetua, and St. Felicity, while the fourth-century ascetic St. Anthony of Egypt is considered to be the patriarch of all monks. Benito’s most renowned predecessor—the first black of any nation to be canonized—is St. Maurice, the individual composite of a legendary Egyptian battalion that refused to bow down before Roman gods. Yet his “historical existence is so doubtful that more than once the legitimacy of his cult has been vigorously contested.”19 Although Maurice’s very name resonates with North African Moorish-ness, artistic depictions regularly portrayed him as a black, and as such he became the patron for the Hohenstaufen Holy Roman Emperors in the Middle Ages. From this perspective, Benito was the early modern Habsburg heir apparent to Maurice, who was emblematic of “the Holy Roman Emperor’s right to rule nothing less than all the earth.”20 Depictions of St. Maurice diminished during the fifteenth century as the Atlantic slave trade developed; there are even late sixteenth-century paintings of a white St. Maurice by El Greco and the Italian artist Rómulo Cincinnato.21 Thus, the Spanish crown’s promotion of Benito seems to have been an attempt to find a “homegrown” saint whose reach would surpass that of St. Maurice. The Felipes of Spain, after all, headed “a global empire of which Italy was a central part,”22 and their patronage of Benito evinces a desire to be recognized on their own terms as rulers over people of all nations and races.23 Just after the appearance of Lope de Vega’s play in 1607, a direct link between the monarchy and Benito was established: “In 1608 King Felipe III contributed twelve-hundred ducados for the construction of a silver casket that would hold the remains of the future saint” (El rey Felipe III colaboró en 1608 con una limosna de mil doscientos ducados para la elaboración de un ataúd de plata donde reposasen los restos del futuro santo).24 The royal donor is alluded to in Vélez’s play when it is prophesied that “el monarca mayor del orbe todo / se nombrará tu dueño,” lines that equate the Spanish king with the Lord of all creation while predicting the slave’s service to both.25 The prophecy (an encomiastic trope) also seems to acknowledge Benito’s evangelical (and Spain’s political) power when it says that his “deeds will astound many nations, and tame lands across the sea.”26Contemporaneously, the Inquisition’s desire to place its imprimatur on Benito is asserted in the last sentence of the first hagiography, which grants permission for the future saint to be depicted with signs of celestial splendor: “And the holy Inquisition of Sicily, aware of his great holiness and many legally proven miracles, gave license for him to be painted with rays of light and a halo on his head as signs of his heavenly reward” (Y la santa Inquisición de Sicilia, atenta a su gran santidad y muchos Milagros jurídicamente comprobados, dio licencia para que se pintase con rayos de resplandor y diadema en la cabeza en señal de la que goza en la bienaventuranza).27 Does Benito’s path from a slave of man to a slave of God simply reflect his usefulness for the purposes of propagating orthodoxy? This is the interpretation foregrounded in the hagiographies. However, the dramatizations of his life would also have resonated with anyone living under the Spanish Inquisition as a critique of that institution and its officers. Although the Spanish Inquisition was the creation of the Catholic Kings, this did not mean that the Holy Office felt obliged to bend to the monarchy’s will at all times, and some of the conflict in the plays is attributable to discord of this nature. Furthermore, from a postcolonial, globalized, and “postracial” point of view, the substratum of honor disputes in both plays proves as interesting as the primary (if counterfactual) conversion tale, because it shows Benito cast in the role of mediator between Sicilian and Spanish nobles, pointing up sociopolitical tension on the island.Historically, one focal point for resentment of the Inquisition was the Holy Office’s familiars: “It was in the Italian provinces of the Spanish crown that the greatest and most successful revolts against the Inquisition occurred. There were risings in 1511 and 1526 in Sicily, caused partly by popular hatred of the tribunal’s familiars.”28 Familiars, men with written proof of a bloodline untainted by Jew or Muslim (a prerequisite to holding office in the Spanish bureaucracy), numbered at times in the thousands in Sicily. Even Lope trumpeted his status as a familiar on the frontispiece of several works, including El santo negro Rosambuco de la ciudad de Palermo, possibly as a way of immunizing himself against potential accusations of blasphemy. In any event, Sicilians “from all classes of society tried to become familiars and thus escape liability in proceedings which gave little chance to the accused. … In order to increase its authority throughout the island where it was deeply mistrusted as part of Iberian imperialism, the Holy Office adopted a policy of making rural noblemen into familiars; they eagerly grasped at a title which guaranteed immunity from arrest by royal officials and punishment by royal courts.”29These circumstances led to “guerrilla warfare” between viceroys and inquisitors in Sicily in the late sixteenth century.30 For example, when in 1589 the viceroy Alba tried and executed a familiar before the Inquisition’s tribunal could claim jurisdiction, “both parties appealed to Philip II who, after examining all the documents, wrote to Alva [Alba], March 29, 1590, strongly reproving him for bringing such scandal and discredit on an institution so necessary for the peace and quiet of the land.”31 The king “was firmly convinced that the Inquisition was essential to keep Sicily in subjection, which accounts for his upholding it against his own representatives.”32 Viceroy Alba, in addition to challenging the authority of the Inquisition during his tenure in Sicily, favored and consulted with Benito on occasion. Daza’s hagiography mentions this, and indeed, it is Alba whose daughter is exorcised by the saint in Lope’s play, an incident suggestive of the viceroy’s untenable situation, his near “possession” by an office more powerful than his. At the center of strife among Sicilians, Spaniards and their king, then, stands the Inquisition, which competed with the viceroy for the king’s favor, although in practice the two Sicilian Inquisitors were only answerable to the Suprema, the Holy Office’s high council in Madrid.33Historian Helmut G. Koenigsberger surmises that “nothing could show more clearly the confused and undeveloped state of Spanish ideas in imperial administration than [the] struggle between the civil government and the Inquisition in Sicily.”34 This state of affairs is in effect reproduced onstage alongside more imaginative scenes from the saint’s life. The two San Benito dramas gloss over Mediterranean history and more discreetly gloss Sicilian circumstances of the day in order to broach controversial topics without drawing the ire of the censor, paradoxically bringing us closer to the truth of the times. Beyond evincing the zeal of the newly converted, the dramatic role of Benito is that of a reconciler who curtails potentially disastrous clashes between representatives of the Spanish crown and officers of the local government, as well as between “honorable” men and women, all the while raising questions about the Inquisition.The Names of a SaintLope’s protagonist Rosambuco (Benito’s prebaptismal name in both plays) is at first blush a stereotype, as indicated by this name that signifies the blossom of the elderberry bush, a white flower emerging from a black-fruited plant. After a series of divine interventions, he is convinced that he should abandon his “natural” faith, Islam, for Catholicism. Although the historical Benito was as Sicilian as any first-generation child of immigrant parents, the plays foreground his purported Ottoman otherness, in spite of the Castilian Spanish he in to the of the African when one of is Beyond the of his life for a Spanish Benito’s is by his to a with legendary by in North while the name Rosambuco it also resonates with a Sicilian that was from a to a during Benito’s in the plays with and and commonly in popular with its in order to the his a for the through the of his with and the and by with However, the in the plays is so to modern that easily be from other such as that link Benito to the by its in either play is the of the name San In the alguacil when he calls Rosambuco him from the by Rosambuco to him as gran In the saint is to as the between Benito and the Inquisition is as as in in of The first the of the Saint Benedict order first the in the Middle this is by of or as “the insignia of the holy Inquisition, on the and of the insignia de la santa que y del terms and in the of the Holy Office to the saint’s a of which could have been a “a black on which were painted and other to wearing the had to it on he out of a practice by no popular in the first of the Monter notes that when to the had or to their sanbenitos be over an but from in order to be in churches as a of bringing on and for became practice to and sanbenitos with bearing the of the this caused “In the against the Spanish government in Sicily in the sanbenitos in the churches were down and In that in his in Palermo, as the wearing of on the sanbenitos of the who were very and he the people to the of from the Sicilian to Spanish rule was to the for at a before the saint of the name was as be from the were one to either was the would be the is felt from the in Lope’s El santo negro Rosambuco de la ciudad de Palermo, which with a from great an (and on the part of a good man into an life. The of a he to himself down from its but and he the slave of the In the of an honor an in a between the and who his of In an the first of several to Benito’s as a but this when his into a In as noted the future saint a from the viceroy’s to the Benito, but when the the of the over the it in calls an of a Benito his own life for that of who after to in a house the so of his that he is to he his is clearly that of an en a la then, did not out to the this He says he is with the of and as well as the of the Inquisition when a is to the / de a familiar of the Holy is the Inquisition, with while under the authority of Sicily’s are out in the name of honor and and when the Spanish him he the alguacil as “the man Sicily has al / que that and his in the even though his in the play place in the is and his near to Sicilian of the times. In 1590, for example, the made a of the of the up the house in which and his officials and were and would have … Soon when the to arrest some he was for a in Palermo that to the auto-da-fé. The first great auto-da-fé was in following for the first time in the of … It was that be on so as to public … The also on the promotion of the Inquisition’s own a that led to with officials of both and who were to of to the to the of Benito’s his cloistered years in an took on in an he would before the incident in Lope’s play his African for a thus his of has his to him by at the viceroy’s up and Spanish to each other as to a that is on the of the of in his raising about his Rosambuco to his for is only by the divine of a of the St. these not only the many autos-da-fé in Palermo in the sixteenth and seventeenth but also the of authority by the of in the Vélez play will be but more the with the that him from Lope’s to down house with the in as will be the African is and although not however, Lope’s slave a closer in the black “natural” for a for and as a critique of honor and the virtue of their in the of in these would have the who but not the that seems at first to be the black of the a to of the that make Rosambuco are in … The at even though they make an for the (and African slave for an Roman is the of the play is simply of the Spanish attempt to the for not only because it is a but because that are of will the in the Vélez Spanish popular in a that in Lope would into one of his most renowned El de The they the the of the flower of al a la de la de is by as / a la / de / la de is a of to but the a out of the the that a is very a of another for for calls to the place from which for the of This the that the de will for Golden Age Spain, the of honor that Lope as one to popular in his de comedias en is and but his in the and the to and the only punishment that seems to is that of with mentions it This to is by of the que to to a from a Benito, a in order to who this, Rosambuco of one of several by the it is who in the of Lope’s play to us that has an by the out the to the house from It is not the to as the seems to with some that the of Spanish is on a of and under the of the In that with all of the and in Palermo, will found a in honor of the saint, an that points the of the play to link Benito to Catholic play with the in Palermo of a de such as the one that had in the of popular an of orthodoxy in the of to the and of a such as the Holy the of an aspect of the or a each other in times of and most the Holy of the and in Spain to be of and to their purpose was that of a which and could be including “the struggle for in the creation of that were more than of the of the dominant of Spanish of any is the a by in This is from the that a of the Inquisition when over to the and led to the Lope’s play the with a of the saint, with a of from the a a and a of to Vélez de Guevara’s play, El negro del serafín with a of an on

Eugenia Houvenaghel

espanolEstudiaremos en clave argumentativa la contribucion de Alfonso Reyes a la polemica acerca del “mexicanismo” o de la “espanolidad” de Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, debate que se inicia en pleno ambiente revolucionario mexicano. El aporte que el diplomatico nos brinda ofrece material para aproximarnos no solo a la evolucion del debate, sino tambien a la verdadera apuesta de la discusion a los ojos de Reyes. Para Reyes, el debate gira en torno al nivel cultural de la colonia en los siglos XVI y XVII y concierne las posibilidades de desarrollo de un espiritu americano en las primeras decadas que siguen a la hispanizacion del Nuevo Mundo. El ensayista aprovecha el debate para recalcar como las culturas de la metropoli y de la colonia se fomentan mutuamente desde el primer contacto. Rebatiendo el ambiente nacionalista en el que el debate se inicio, Reyes convierte el caso Alarcon en otra prueba mas del enriquecimiento cultural que trae el intercambio de doble sentido entre Espana y la Nueva Espana. EnglishFrom an argumentative perspective, we study the contribution of Alfonso Reyes to the polemic about the New Mexican or Spanish identity of Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, a debate initiated in the nationalist ambiance of the Mexican Revolution. Reyes’ part in the discussion offers elements which enable us to reconsider the debate’s evolution, but also gives us the opportunity to examine the real stake of the polemic in Reyes’ eyes. For the essayist, much of the debate revolves around the cultural level of the colony in the 16th and 17th centuries and concerns the development of an American spirit in the first decades after the colonization of the New World. The essayist makes use of the discussion to emphasize the way in which the cultures of both metropolis and colony have cross-fertilized immediately after the first contact. Going against the nationalist atmosphere in which the debate had originally started, Reyes turns the case Alarcon into one more proof of the cultural enrichment that the two-way exchange between Spain and New Spain has engenderes.

Edward W. Osowski

A Catholic chapel stands above the town of Amecameca, built into the top of a tree-covered hill called the Sacromonte. A doorway in the back of the chapel leads to a cave of volcanic rock, where an effigy is located that depicts the deceased, reclining Christ. This Christ in the cave is an image of Santo Entierro, the Holy Sepulcher of Christ, and it is believed to be miraculous. Native leaders in Amecameca helped to establish the site in the 1580s and benefited from their founding of the place throughout the colonial period. Spanish friars and Nahuas had different ideas of what was actually miraculous about the location and the image, and each understanding involved different senses of history. For the original residents, the hill, the cave, the territory around the shrine, and the beneficent human beings who directed the construction of the chapel all played roles in an astonishing moment in the history of the town when the polity miraculously did not perish but, instead, found a place in the new Christian order. In this article, I place the European Catholic tradition of miracle narra tives within the ethnohistorical cultural context of indigenous political, literary, and territorial experiences and show how such marvels acquired uniquely Mexican meanings.When the Franciscan Order arrived in New Spain just three years after the fall of Tenochtitlán to Hernán Cortés, its members brought their devotion to the Passion, believing that miracles of the cross represented the triumph of Christ in the New World. Indigenous leaders and communities soon began to accept Christological symbols and reports of the apparitions of saints in Chalco in their own locally triumphal way. I argue that one cannot understand the whole meaning of colonial Mexican miracles unless they are interpreted in terms of their importance to indigenous territorial and leadership concepts and historical thinking. Where the wondrous events happened and who they happened to were of equal, if not greater, importance as the theological message of apparitions or particular Christian symbolism of objects, which the Franciscans emphasized. The gravitational cultural force that held land, power, and holiness in the orbit of the shrine was cyclical history. I show how this Mesoamerican way of making sense of the past is also displayed in colonial indigenous written traditions such as the títulos primordiales, the maps of the Relaciones geográfícas of 1580, oral histories taken in the Relaciones geográficas del Arzobispado de México, 1743; and the Séptima relación, an early seventeenth-century Nahuatl history by Don Domingo de San Antón Muñón Chimalpahin Quauhtlehuanitzin. The títulos primordiales are written and painted documents that established the preconquest foundations of indigenous towns and their legitimacy as loyally Christian in the postconquest era; they usually included maps of which were to Spanish as of the and written the of the hill and its cave in the of Amecameca of the foundations of the indigenous in to from the the were of of the roles of territory and This the that Franciscan and indigenous historical in in the new Mexican were in in the of Christ the and the of I arrived a of Nahuatl Spanish and a in indigenous in colonial this is not devotion or the of this of Christ and indigenous of miracle were to colonial Native and in the of Chalco and believed that which how members of the were of the of the miracles are not the of in which the the of the the of Catholic in indigenous in to of their to the and the meaning of Christ symbols the of the Nahuas of Amecameca, history the and after the hill as the and the around it were in the and of the The town of Amecameca is of in the and that the of the of the town of Amecameca are the and In one particular of the of Amecameca the the Chalco and the called held the Chalco in the of the of was in the of the of the of The was a in which to the and to a of In the of the the represented the The the of was the and were the the where human beings the The Nahuas to be and of were to the and were and human from the the who it were and and also had The the was a hill a the which is in as and in the were the of the and as the in the of of Amecameca, that a of the called to a an where they were the to and to and is written that the was the of the colonial period. from Amecameca documents a not place the the Sacromonte. the of Amecameca to the de that locally as in the of in Amecameca in San had the of the of the and the indigenous of were to was throughout the Chalco as a de of and the indigenous as a of had making around a the from when this was to the in Nahuatl which did not The in in a and the The was a place where indigenous leaders as I it was not a location of to but, instead, an of the of into the colonial indigenous and the who the hill of Amecameca to the hill of and its cave the of Christ. in the the of Amecameca the of the of the throughout the of where the cross miraculously in the the the the hill was an site indigenous as as of In the site was located within the of the town of de Amecameca, which was a town of San The in the the as did its of the towns that were Chalco was a to Amecameca and were located the from to the of by way of by from all The of to the site was the of events their the Christian of the of the in the were in the of the that they were in the This by the In the of that the of the Holy and Holy Sepulcher was one from of Chalco was the of and and each had which the indigenous of from devotion to and as of of into to the leaders of Amecameca, leaders benefited from In 1580, within the of a of into the of a who was in a place called a The and to In the about image of the of called de an indigenous directed who the and when the their they of miraculous of and by devotion and of the of was in Chalco and in and the of were the were miraculous image in the of and the that who brought and from and were of the Passion, or Holy Sepulcher of in in and in the of the The had a of miraculous in San in in in and in the de a of and its were by devotion to the In communities in the of and the displayed a that represented of Passion, and of the colonial miracle of the of Amecameca, was to the of Christ, and the Franciscan Order and its in the New de were in it in the the of Spanish the cave located the was an of the of the indigenous of New was the of a triumphal Spanish Catholic of miracles indigenous that the Franciscan and in the brought to such as the of postconquest New as the arrived in from Spain in they brought to the indigenous their devotion to the of Christ, the of which they had helped to in their de and of the de their to the of Christ This the of Christian in the and to of into the that de of in and of the and of and de that as a in was in and of the Holy the Franciscan of the of the the way the to indigenous The not Nahuatl and the Nahuas Christian and the Franciscan the the friars to the the of the and the which the and to the of was one of the of new concepts to the indigenous of New Spain just after their in In to of the the symbols of the the of the Franciscan indigenous in New San de in from the of de de San de indigenous or the de San in the in and it to as a This of is from of and and three an which Christ stands in are the cross and of the Passion, each in a that is of the of early colonial Mexican the de San is to an the around its its to in who had the of de The of the also of which they to in the of the they one in which Christ a its the of a by the symbols and of the 1580s and the of the had the indigenous of and had to the of Chalco the of the Franciscan and Franciscans of the and the of or in and this In Chalco the of Christ as miraculous the Santo de in and the Santo effigy de in had as a Christian site throughout the of that de from The of miracles the which are in Franciscan historical by de de and de European about the cross in cave above the Franciscan in to Amecameca, where saints and to as a in in the cave the Sacromonte. the of and to the the of Christ as into a the hill and in from the a from after from Chalco to that in the of was Franciscan a of their and and the of their in New the established a in Amecameca the the Franciscans to be a in their the a in Amecameca the location of and the of a from that the and the The were to the in a of and in believed in the of of a of the of The of the Franciscan to to the of the in New and the of in the that had the of 1580, to the of the and reports that when arrived in Amecameca from the in in the to and and that the Nahuas had it as a they believed it to the from an who had it in The also and and the chapel within the cave in the Christ effigy and in an and the Nahuas a in the are to as or of their they are to be of and The Franciscan as as the of were of the indigenous who their to the of not the of the indigenous the construction of the chapel in as the early seventeenth-century from the Nahuas did not in Nahuatl about miraculous events that the of New from the the indigenous of of the Sacromonte. interpreted in the of show that the cave was a of indigenous throughout the colonial period. In Séptima relación, a who was not a of in Nahuatl the miracle of the making of the The moment in of the is the of the chapel in which as a miraculous of Nahuatl how an indigenous historical was in which the of Amecameca the site into just a of European the Franciscan had the of the indigenous in the Séptima Chimalpahin the of the friars in the to that was a New as of Chimalpahin the and importance of the indigenous and Spanish in the in The miracles are found in the human that place the of the Chalco are as in the astonishing in which they into a chapel and of in the leaders the friars as they not to a triumphal Catholic Indigenous from Amecameca their to the friars in to to the in the of the of de in Amecameca, as the Franciscan the the of the cave chapel in the in the the de the cave it is in the context of events that the leaders of are that cave, and in is where the Holy Sepulcher of where they and In to are also in the what was miraculous about the In to the Franciscan Chimalpahin not the of saints and the of in a as they de and In this Chimalpahin the tradition of of one this in to of de in the Amecameca, Chimalpahin that the miracle in the cave was the of Amecameca as the place to an Chimalpahin not the that it was a who brought the image to the shrine above of the human of the the to the a of In the Chimalpahin the events the in of the who and of in the and three the Santo image in the cave, to to the terms and miracles that Chimalpahin did not the events as The miraculous were and For which is usually as the of In the it is in the that it or to Christ. The is to the Nahuatl that de as in the place of de The of to the that it to be in a to to or to This that Chimalpahin was making the the image and the Christ, which the image is a Chimalpahin did not the of the that which they were from of such of an image was not were that of the of a Nahuatl in the is which I as of miraculous The of is and it or which or the The of be found in the of de of The by the of the which of of the the image of the The of is a to the of image were Nahuatl the that to the of an or that an did not the of of the of that one Christian that of its and The meaning of the in the context of the is that human beings had a in the place the of which one Chimalpahin of the European Catholic tradition in of the be found in de of and that the of this The Spanish found in was when the of a miraculous image a of a a meaning to the Spanish is not found in the Franciscan histories of the Sacromonte. the terms are the Nahuatl that Chimalpahin the that human beings played in making the image as they were in miraculous to wondrous one of the indigenous to a new which was a that had a throughout the colonial period. of the of Amecameca who was as in the the of The Don de was the indigenous in which was an of the of In the the one Chimalpahin the indigenous the of the of the and their The which the new the leaders of as in the town leaders they in the which their the legitimacy of a In the of the who the of that a the new Christian and the preconquest This is in of Amecameca, the Don de of as as the de of and Don de of to and to and it cave top of the of which I as the which to the is the the or is this in the A as a by and of In this particular the three indigenous leaders are as of the who all to the as in Amecameca was to the cave where miracles their in an of by the as a a to the that the of the place particular and of the of the to were and The leaders were the of the and of and was an of in the preconquest and Christian The and of such of are when an in which Chimalpahin from Amecameca who of Franciscan in and to the of the of the as an of the in to the the of the Don de leadership as the of Amecameca and of the as a way of of The three communities represented by the three leaders were communities that to Amecameca also had each its own In the each had a that when it its to the as a in this In terms of was in the of that the top of and of Amecameca, Don de to the and was as a of the In the were the who as of the shrine were who were in the Don de the the leaders of the who the of of this site in and their this is by that to the of the de The of and of began in the of the chapel Sacromonte. indigenous leaders a of that the to the of the Catholic the of the colonial period. the Spanish that the to the Catholic and order. This in their in when the of Amecameca, Don de a of to of the from the also this period. Don de to cave into the Holy Sepulcher of the was the that the of of the Spanish colonial the the de to of their from the colonial In Don Don de to a to a a and to in a Spanish from Amecameca a of the years Don de a of located and of the town of was the by and the by the of the which included the This was its the and the the de which after Mexican leaders did not of the their own miracle the that Nahuas were and early in their of the Christian of the Franciscan and who to the New World. This was to in Chimalpahin established the colonial legitimacy of such as the de by their from preconquest the of the cave chapel in if the leadership the of of to a of and not a that indigenous the friars in the image of Christ in the they de cave into and it the Sacromonte. This was a the the Christ in the cave, which was the of their they their of place and which were in preconquest In the leaders of the by and making it the of their in their own this to they also helped to establish the new The the new Christian of their and by the Spanish Catholic order. The cave, which had the of the a of the the and throughout the colonial miracle and established the territorial of the For the of Amecameca, the Santo image of Christ, their of de to the cave and the into a Christian the as the in the of the Mesoamerican the Christ and in in the and 1580s established that as to which the Nahuas historical about the that they had making to the colonial the The Relaciones geográficas maps 1580, the and the of miraculous were all indigenous of which in the and early The in the Relaciones geográficas of towns and territory Catholic in the were to legitimacy to Spanish as as of of and the miraculous to the of towns and legitimacy in the of from the of the written cannot be the they early of such as of the they of a and tradition in which Mesoamerican to in the of are documents written and that indigenous documents and The and the all documents in their and the oral that the written were to be or indigenous included and in European and indigenous territory and events that had the founding of the the the the message that their communities were and the to how had in and the to they to colonial as of and the preconquest of who in the colonial Mesoamerican established that communities had to their the that they had not the of legitimacy the Catholic Catholic the history of the which were in the early they were written the of the friars and who to their towns and and their communities to the the of the a to the new colonial order. The that the of their towns the new is their of of are such as the of Catholic and of to Christian or histories the sense that leaders and the new and the the documents to oral events or or and the of are into a is and to a in the of history. The the the the of miraculous and the in their helped members their in a by their and the the of historical of the of experiences of to a past when the of oral and written miracle and the which they in and in how miraculous arrived in their communities in The in which they were the a Holy and their did not as in the were of the in the of the shrine of de in the a of a chapel which a miraculous image of was In the of San the of that an indigenous of as the to the miracles of their their image in the original where it in their all the members from the of The of San did not the of the they did and that had the miracles of the cross in had an sense of the past that it a the indigenous of the had their and who to In they as a the of Holy of the of Christ the of power, to the that the which in had its in the of the the the a the Christ effigy in the the indigenous in the and the new town the In indigenous the de a around the a Spanish in the the indigenous who had the own to the the town the and in of the was a the of their of founding events the sense of that the of the in the did and The of members to in the In and were from and town the founding which the of a and of miracle indigenous and of the founding of the the the of and a sense of the message that the had an to that involved the and of the of the to indigenous miracle that the as if they had to in a particular The miracles of the were that they not to from their communities of This in a in the Relaciones geográficas of a Santo image from that to In the of this image of the Christ, a of from had it in a to where they to it to in a cave in the way. they in the they found that the had to to the of they the and to the The that the be and they found that the image was had miraculously into the the built a chapel of the and the by it The Spanish who this that was written of the of the image in the and that had the from the indigenous a by the de in and in the image of de in a way. Don de who was as an the of the Holy the image a a hill called the of Don it it in a shrine or and it the image and found it in the place where the to Don de that to a chapel to the image the site of and of Spanish the chapel was built around which Don was In the Nahuatl of the found in de the image to in the was all by to the as is and as is in all of the image its own in one called and which to their documents symbols in to that that they and the by their to after the when was making and For in to a of the of in a a painted to colonial in as of the and territorial In the of town of who is painted as an a of the in as in the the the of their the and their to their territory a This is by a in which the are are to as in Nahuatl or as in the Nahuatl of or of which Chimalpahin in to de the the of the was from its as the from which members had territory and to in and established the of Amecameca the postconquest maps from and the the hill as the that the of the The that the from to by each of the The is from a that Don de in and and the is from the of the top of the Sacromonte. the hill was the place to all of the and of was the that the human the one to all the of the by the to the The this of the and the effigy of Christ in the back of the chapel are the as miraculous Christ effigy and the hill and chapel of Amecameca the the of and the of a of the colonial Nahuas the hill as a that to their such the that that they were The and miraculous image were of indigenous that a particular of as European of the in the indigenous the in the and the of indigenous of in the of triumph of did not the land, indigenous and the colonial period. This was a of the but, in the Franciscan of had the indigenous history. In the early to the Franciscans their the of the and this was into of leaders the that the leaders to the of Franciscan leaders de and de the of the and of to this of their in Amecameca the that as of legitimacy Catholic and of the of their which back to the colonial and of legitimacy by the indigenous were concepts of legitimacy in to their of as the colonial their of the miraculous image the the of their a new miraculous image of the of in the indigenous a of to that of A from the de the and how and the indigenous in to a miracle cross in a of the of such the of the of San a of the of a cross in the The to the as from the of also that were Spanish as in the the of the as and the the cross the of the of the the had arrived from to the of this The of the of Chalco from the de who was also an to the Don a of had the cross into the chapel of its had to the of the and the of who to understand if the miracle was or the indigenous town to to a chapel the were three from the and that they had the the indigenous of the that it to the de In to to a they to the that were after years of Catholic The be the site of their that triumph of their the indigenous the miracle in was by the that one of the communities of had a miraculous cross in the to in had an image of to be to a cross to the located in San In soon after the the members of the the image of Santo de to their in The of the cross did not the that the image had in In the a to the image that they believed and In the de that the of the cross in which the to a chapel their found original held a in the of as in of the of miraculous cave in the histories miracle and the from members of their town leaders and to miracles and as the of legitimacy to by to in the and to indigenous as the image or the original the that their miraculous image in their particular the context of New the of the was the of European triumphal and Mesoamerican of the postconquest The of the of the the site its historical the the of Amecameca to the traditions of and such as that of of The of Catholic symbols and into the of apparitions that and indigenous to the all into of the the Christian the of in Spain that are and to the events in New Spain that are in this to of and towns of New symbols that had represented the of the and of For of Christ and of all this to the a in the of the and the years of in the to the in of the to in Holy and of were their in the to the and when Spain was and the was from Christian the cultural to to by the of of and were the of such devotion in soon as the and such was and towns of the of Amecameca as a of European traditions is to the such a site the and was to the who were different in Spain and the to New indigenous was its by years of and to was and from European Catholic tradition is one of cultural the historical meaning of the Amecameca A the Spanish and the Mexican miracle traditions is the of and of miracles and miraculous in the New In Spain and to miraculous all of the miracles that indigenous to the of and did not the apparitions of The was in New who had miraculous as that miraculous image where were had the as the títulos primordiales, and the Relaciones the and early Nahuas their that their had this and to in and the of the this moment in and they a sense of In Franciscan the apparitions of the saints and miracles of de in Amecameca, that the Nahuas of Amecameca believed in a that miraculously their in a wondrous chapel the of this was not to the history of Mexican by to be the found in indigenous written and I that and historical to be indigenous and Franciscan the triumph of their in the and if one is in of the historical the of that and in New land, and did not that the of was to of European histories and the of indigenous above to the indigenous and of New Spain the of the miraculous cultural and indigenous The of the indigenous in the of the triumph of indigenous

Steven A. Wernke

Abstract In this paper I investigate the community-level articulation of imperial and local political structures during the Inka occupation of the Collagua Province, located in the Colca Valley of highland southern Peru. Combined ethnohistorical and archaeological analysis document the emergence of a hybrid imperial/local political formation in the shift from autonomous rule during the Late Intermediate period (A.D. 1000–1450) to the Inka occupation during the Late horizon (A.D. 1450–1532). Documentary evidence reveals considerable but uneven penetration of Inka imperial institutions across the two ranked moieties that structure local community organization, with remarkably close conformity between Inkaic ideals of rank and hierarchy among the communities (ayllus) of the lower moiety, but greater autonomy among the higher-ranking ayllus of the upper moiety. New data from a systematic survey around the provincial capital documents a decentralized Late Intermediate period settlement pattern associated with fortifications, suggesting segmentary autonomous political organization. The subsequent Late horizon settlement pattern signals overall occupational continuity, but with the establishment of an Inka administrative center and the installation of central plazas and Inka structures at large settlements with local elite domestic architecture. The two data sets combined provide a integrated view of centralized, but locally mediated, Inka administration.