Bunkerville, a small town of about 200 inhabitants, lies just over the rim of the Great Basin on the southern bank of the Virgin River, at a point about 30 miles above the place where that stream enters the Colorado. It is surrounded on all sides by miles of chaparral and cactus covered desert, rolling rocky hills on the south lead to a range of mountains about 12 miles away and on the north a range of sand hills stretch away to a table land of desert. The altitude of the valley is 1000 feet; the climate is extremely dry and arid. It rains very seldom; a snow fall is an event of a life-time. The climate is very warm. As one old settler said, âWe have nine months of summer and three of pleasant weather.â The thermometer frequently registers from 109 to 115 in the summer and has been known to reach 120 degrees.1The first record we have of any exploration of the valley was in 1854 when Captain May, of Mexican War Fame, and a company of men passed through to explore a road between Fillmore, then the capital of Utah, and the California-Utah line, which was supposed to be about 30 miles east of Los Vegas, Nevada. They followed down the creek of the Santa Clara to Camp Springs, over the mountain to the Virgin, went down that river 25 or 30 miles, crossed the sand hills to the Muddy Creek somewhere near where Overton now stands, up the Muddy Valley and across the mountains to Los Vegas. Previous to this Captain Fremont had followed this trail east from Southern California a few years before and some of the Mormon Battalion Boys had found their way over this route to Salt Lake City in 1847.The first settlement was made as a result of the Mormon belief in the United Order. This had been attempted in Santa Clara, but proved unsuccessful. When it was discontinued, there were still some who wished to go on with it. These few decided to go down the river, start a new settlement and live under this plan. James G. Bleak, then secretary of the St. George Stake, gives an account of the move in his records. Book D page 136: âA few persons including Edward Bunker and family, Lemuel S. Leavitt and family, and Edward Bunker Jr. and family, and others being desirous to enter once more into the United Order, held a meeting at Santa Clara on the first of January 1877 and organized themselves into a company for that purpose, with Sr. Edward Bunker as president and Lemuel S. and Dudley Leavitt as counsellors, Mahonri Steele as secretary and Edward Bunker Jr. as secretary. Their company numbered, in all, 23 persons. On the 2nd of January they started for the Mesquite Flat on the Virgin River and were joined by Lemuel Leavitt and daughter, also by Samuel O. Crosby. The company had 6 wagons and 70 head of cattle. They arrived at Mesquite on January 5th. On further examination, they decided to locate on the south side of the river and pitched camp at a point about 2 <two> and one half miles north east of where the town of Bunkerville now stands. They started work at once, and on the very day of their arrival put up a small lumber building on top of the hill and called their location Bunkerville, after Edward Bunker Sr. the leader of the company. On the 7th which was Sunday, the first meeting was held at Bunkerville, then consisting of one house and six wagons . . . On Monday January 8th, the brethren commenced work on a canal to convey water from the Rio Virgin to the flat which they had selected as farm land on the south side of the river. They vigorously prosecuted this work during the week.On Sunday <the> 14th of January the second meeting was held, on which occasion a Sunday School was organized, with Elder Samuel O. Crosby as superintendentââthere were present eighteen members in all.â2 (Deborah Leavitt and Elethra C. Bunker were the first women to come to Bunkerville.)The quotation gives a good deal of information as to the type of people who made up that company. They must have been hardy and courageous to have faced such an uninviting situation as they met, and possessed of unusual religious zeal to have left the homes they had just built to move to a place where they could live a religious principle. That they were industrious is shown further by Brother Bleak's record: âThe work on the canal was continued the following week, and on the 18th some settlers began clearing and grubbing the land. On the 22nd of January, Monday, the four foot canal was finished to a point of 2 ½ miles from its head. It had cost 108 days labor.â3When one stops to consider this, it seems almost impossible, especially when the nature of the country is taken into consideration. Because I doubted the accuracy of the statement I looked further into the record and found on page 92 of the same book an account of a conference and a report of a sermon delivered by Edward Bunker Sr. I quote: âOn January 22 they finished their irrigation ditch, a mile and a half long and four feet wide, costing 108 days of labor. This ditch was afterwards increased to 2 ½ miles in length. They set to work and cleared 75 acres of land. Had sugar cane in 7 acres which was in healthy condition, had harvested 22 acres of wheat, 14 acres of cotton, and the balance of the land was in corn.â4Such an accomplishment by so few men seems very remarkable. In fact, it is doubtful if they could have succeeded so well under any other plan. They lived at first like one big family, having one large dining room and kitchen, and individual bed rooms. It was customary for all to gather for morning and evening prayer. The meals were served first to the men and boys who were old enough to work in the field, the women and children eating later. Everything was done under the direction of the president, after frequent cou[n]cil meetings with the brethren. The women divided their work, a part of them taking charge of the cooking for a week, others caring for the butter, while still others took charge of the clothing, including the washing, ironing and mending. Each week the women changed tasks, rotating in regular order.With all its faults, the progress made under the United Order was phenomenal. Byy the fall of the year they had established a burr flour mill, a cotton gin and a molasses mill all run by water power. The first crop of grain was reaped with a cradle, threshed by a flail and by driving over it with cattle on a clay floor, and chaffed by hand. This was done by taking the grain in pans, holding it high and letting it fall on canvas. A breeze would blow the chaff away. Brother Bleak reports: âNew years day 1879 the burr mill at Bunkerville did its first grinding turn out a fairly good grade of flour.â5The first harvest was a great relief to the settlers, as they had to bring all their provisions from Santa Clara and St. George, a four day trip by team. The summer, too, had brought its discouragements. The extreme heat, bad water, and swampy condition of the river bottom brought sickness. The personal diary of Myron Abbott reports nine at one time with Malaria, others suffering with boils, and frequent calls for administration. There were some points of encouragement, however. During the summer Myron Abbott and his family had joined the group, as did a number of others. The wives of most of the men had also arrived.On Wednesday, August 15, 1877, the first white child was born. This was Hugh, the son of Edward Bunker Jr. and his wife Ariminta McClellan.Varying reports of that first harvest are found.ââOn page 136 of Book D Brother Bleak: âThe season of 1877 the Bunkerville company of the United Order produced 400 bushels of wheat, 700 gallons of molasses, 9,040 pounds of cotton lint as well as corn, squash, and other vegetables.â6On page 206 Book C he reports: âBishop Edward Bunker addressed the saints in the tabernacle. He reports the result of working the United Order in Bunkerville, Nevada, being satisfactory. In 1877 the first year, they produced 450 bushels of wheat, 12,000 pounds of cotton on the seed, and 600 gallons of molasses.âSince the company arrived in January and consisted almost entirely of grown-ups, no school was held the first year. With the coming fall, however, and the arrival of families, the need was felt and school was held for about four months in the shanty on the hill. Charlie Hoath was teacher. Most of the people had now moved down to the old gin site about a mile and a half below the original settlement, and some had moved down another mile to the present town site, so most of the children had to go a long distance to school. The equipment in the school was primitive; rough, home-made benches of split cotton-wood logs, a long table and a bit of black-board made up the furniture. Some of the students had slates or pieces of slates, and the teacher had a spelling book, an arithmetic, and two or three readers. This same year Myron Abbott taught a night school for the men and boys old enough to work.Just a little over a year after their arrival, the colonists were organized into a ward. They had previously been a branch of Santa Clara. This took place on January 12, 1879, with Edward Bunker appointed as Bishop, Edward Bunker Jr. as first counsellor, and Myron Abbott, as second councellor. George Lee was ward clerk. They now proceeded to organize more fully and to draw up written rules for their guidance. These give a good idea of the way in which the United Order was carried out, and seem to furnish a basis for a more extended study of the system. I given them in full as they were first drawn up: Art. I. This company shall be known as the Bunkerville United Order.Art. 2. The officers shall consist of a president, two counsellors, and a secretary-treasure[r], to be elected by members of the company.Art. 3. No person shall be received as a member of the company except they put themselves and their possessâthat there shall be no conflicting interests outside the company.Art. 4. All property shall be appraised and on as and then shall be over to the members in or as be for the of the company.Art. No person shall be received as a member the of the company.Art. the of year, all the property by the members of the company shall be appraised by the to the property has in by and to all that they be with same the There shall be a of four or more appointed with to all property and to of it member or shall have to and to they shall have all or part of the of property to their shall with the company in all of All of any property by the company shall be held as to balance any that or to be divided the members of the company as be for the of the person to draw out so after an of the the company. They draw out their capital and an part of the of the to the during the time they were with the company which shall be by the The company shall have the to any member for with the rules or for or a to the and by the company. This shall be done by a of the company and they shall be with as in 12 and No individual out, or being from the company shall have the to any or made but shall be in and as by the the and the shall to it shall be to the company.Art. person out shall have a full settlement the are at the of the All of shall be done by a of the company.Art. No members shall be to the of the company.Art. The officers of this company shall be elected during the of January of year at the place by the The above rules be or by a of the members present at any meeting when has been the and and to and by the above rules in the and the of in to to . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rules were by the had now and was to live as a family, a of was this one would be for a of the work and would as of others. Brother was made of the He all the by the and them out as they were would have charge of of and the put in a of the first on the present was a for this the idea of the way in which this be by the personal of some of the as they were to a record of the of under their In the one by Myron Abbott, such as the following are ditch and Myron in went after a of second summer also proved a one for the settlers, in of the that their was by a in Brother Bleak reports: 1879 they produced bushels of wheat, pounds of cotton on the seed, and from to gallons of This year a was brought in being by all the way from a three of St. George arrived with after and at This the first house was on the Bunkerville United Order under which people lived to now and we it could have been as as it The and it were of the the being that was to the for which he was That was to his all for the good of the group, in his and the same of and which his During the first year and under the they were for a some I from Brother Bleak's Book C page it in the Bunkerville where the of the United Order have been working as that some through their and were and in while others through and bad were the of the year the This was very to were to at the of The result was that a meeting was held at which it was decided that have the to draw of the of their the to be in the as a to the capital This proved to and they of This a settlement to be made of the increased and it was decided to the Bunkerville United Order. The company the and of the The United Order from January 1877 four page of the same book, under of he âThe settlers at Bunkerville on the Rio Virgin, having in the United Order for of have this commenced to its property for In the company all the capital and on all from the first of January 1877 to of Myron Abbott gives some of the of this The property was first appraised by a of men selected from their the and given a It was then divided as near as the This who had put into the company. men who had the two and a half years were this Order was its still on all and irrigation were by days being set when on When a new or a building was built the same also other in the holding at the was that the be and This was as the people were to and Their cotton was to the in for some had their and made their Their molasses and took the place of Salt was from a mountain miles and their butter, fact, they was at the up of the family was as as the had been to this time there was little and in were very With of the however, there was for and the people began They could from ½ to the four a distance of miles, a day for when the were a was for other and people of and other this time was as a of to this point I have given the more side of the of it was its As as began to and other were held on a year after their this they and by a lumber by the side of the dining one side of which a to was to two while in the left the one one a was This with two and the the the consisted of an by were in the it as his This held for the second year of the people moved to the present and a number of were and were held in the when the first building was on the shanty with a had served as a meeting place during the summer months before The new house had been finished by so the men and boys as time as on it during the On the day before all the members of the on while the women and in to their in it would be done for the it was The were all the and the was as water as and there were two and a it was so It would by just a little while the other would two and most of the The school as they called it served as a school and a when a large was was by the of men who had been the of the It was a of the town that be held on but they were on a trip and a before they the was they to one of their over which they would have They organized a company with Leavitt as president, Abbott, George and George Bunker as They a site, put in a had some of the and the lumber for when the them to the ward and the building a ward it was 75 by with a a high and a It had been built by the of work and from in a of their and lumber from miles two of and a was to the a company was organized and such as and âThe in a were years the of the town in of the that season a few The frequent and were the of this On Brother Bleak had a ditch at the cost of of which ½ mile was also six to acres of their farm land. Dudley was at and at There were 22 land Book C page On this a part of canal at It is that would the Mesquite the 7 mile canal was away in which would cost some to as were in the years that one being followed by a few in and the there was a need for a new school a number of years there had been three but they had taught in in in of the people and themselves to a school Some of the men in charge that at that time the people of the town were the known in the United as I have found the of The building was finished in and was a four three which were by after by Edward I. I. and others and by the made for a The first 15, was teacher. The year an a was made for two more years of work, and the first and second A high school had come to There was a school a but with all the of a students to and of were held in in and in the the coming of and S. in the school was and a new in school in and were and work was to In the first was in to this as I there was no school In a building was but just as it was well under way it was down by a Because of this the people decided to the to a The building was and in way was to the It a large and and and out with A and a good and were also same year, however, the town another great and the of was set of this has been as it started about 2 in the The grade building was and all the equipment The old was then with one of a was put in and the two in the of the and one on the This did on to a this building was also the equipment and were and the children with their before this the of Bunkerville, St. and were to and who had been at Bunkerville before was made his the new grade building was in too, is in way and a to the has been a great to the town and the child now a high school away from to live and with no to or is and and all are cost to the of this the school is There seems to be a of on the part of it is just a where and person with to the good old but there seem to be the and that in the first few years of school when there was a for a I this however, by During the years the school had a which was once the of the and for a number of years for were also and the for were the table of that of who up or went on to of them a they are work, an record to In and a number went for two but to the which was given in and at Bunkerville and in at St. there have been a number of the of years go the is so as by the have been a number of who have to is the from homes which have and have while just as and just as but from have This is shown by the that out of the from one family of who have four are from the same that has to it is the that for a number of years there was a school to between and The situation was such that the of school was and under such condition of could be the present however, are The building and equipment are good for a school of the the well and the work is of grade in The school well in the the present time the town seems to have to The of has In it was in and in it had to The ward before were by but from to that have left The record also gives account of people who left but The of that have in the this The town is a healthy place to as the that the are year and a of very few were The for a regular of water for irrigation to were the most in people to that has been people have moved away of the and more of in other there is no water in the and a few have and there are no The and the across the Virgin May, have the of now there are in The of the as the for and for farm is the of such as and and people in a grade of and These followed on a would lead to which in and people to come to most before the town is the There has been a great deal of of and the people there be a great deal the table that out of the now are entirely to the and four of are This it almost that the people Bunkerville is on to a or in a great small in the shall be done about people to with the is that to be with the of would it be if it could be new is but the time has passed when people to and there seems to be no to come it. of and an of the situation bring a
In his âEasy Chairâ column in the September 1953 issue of Harper's magazine, Utah native son Bernard DeVoto reported on a newly popular form of lodging growing up all over the Westâthe motel. To him the word motel was an âawkward word, a coinage out of the folksiness that named the suburb's Kan-di-Korner,â but for the motorist it had conveniences that made it superior to a hotel. DeVoto dubbed the motel âthe highway's hotel,â a boon to the motorist who wanted nothing to do with tipping bellboys or crowded lobbies but preferred to carry in his own bags to his spacious air-conditioned room.1 According to DeVoto, motels and their towns sprouted like mushrooms along the highways of the West.DeVoto's commentary is valuable for his accurate description and the signal it sent: motels were here to stay. They were everywhere in the West, along the edges of the highways and lining the town sidewalks. As DeVoto makes clear, motels offered a clean private room, along with the privacy and ease of parking right outside the door. This hybrid form of lodging replaced the old tourist cabins and courts with something new and modern, befitting the postwar era. World War II was over, and the consumer economy was heating up. American families took off in their station wagons looking for the authentic West of cowboys and Indians they saw in movie westerns. Traveling businessmen appreciated the desks, free stationery, and a telephone to the switchboard in every motel room. But the neon lights and the swimming pool were put in to attract the pleasure traveler who chose the motel while driving through what DeVoto dubbed âMotel Town.âThe advent of the motel and its impact on Utah and the Mountain West was more complicated than DeVoto suspected. The building of motels at mid-century was spurred by the expansion of the highways and robust consumer spending but could not have taken place without the investment of capital and labor in the family motel business. Three Utah men played prominent roles in the growth of the motel industry in Utah and the Intermountain West: Ray Knell of Cedar City, Bentley Mitchell of Logan, and Ken Orton of Salt Lake City and Phoenix. All three were actively involved in creating business associations that set up the scaffolding for an extensive western hospitality network. The regional lodging associations were a crucial step in the metamorphosis of the lodging industry from small, family-owned motels to the later dominance of the nationwide motel chains like Holiday Inn.These three men helped enable the rapid growth of the motel industry in the modern West by founding affiliate organizations on a state, regional, and national level. For the motel entrepreneurs the organizations created networks of friendship that insulated the owners from the uncertainties of expansion in an era of ascendant Fordism.2 In the postwar era of increasing federal control, notably the expansion of the interstate highway system, the trade associations gave the owners a forum to voice their concerns. Small business associations lobbied for relief from the regulatory apparatus of federal oversight. Those associations would later become lifelines to their very existence as family-owned motels became overshadowed by the expansion of corporate lodging chains.Born in the early twentieth century and reared on farms in Utah, all three of the Utah motel entrepreneurs were embedded in a culture of market capitalism mediated by the Mormon historical experience and values. The Mormon value of cooperation, a hallmark of the faith's approach to capitalism, was reflected in the construction of the associations.3 The Utah motel men drew upon skills gained while serving as missionaries for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and through later church leadership experience. Influenced by the Mormon cooperative tradition, they formed networks of business connections to promote tourist lodging. A striking similarity among the Mormon moteliers in their religious practice and family relationships illuminates the cultures of capitalism in the Mormon culture region in Utah and beyond. By seeing the Mormon motel entrepreneurs as embedded in a culture of cooperative and competitive capitalism, we can better understand the forces shaping entrepreneurial tourism in the Intermountain West.4Utah played an important role in luring tourists to the West. Tourists to Salt Lake City on the Union Pacific Railroad in the late nineteenth century sought glimpses of the private life of polygamy, but local boosters turned their attention to the impressive architecture and birds-eye views of new parks and boulevards. Indeed, Salt Lake City was dubbed the crossroads of the West, and the âSee America Firstâ movement originated in the state's capital city. The expansion of state and federal highways across the West ushered in the automobile age, and Utah became a proving ground for roadside businesses like the motel.5The history of the distinctively American motel has generally been set within the context of highway travel. Historian Warren Belasco argues that the desire for comfort and convenience powered the tourist court mania and subsequent motel boom. While Belasco's book provides an excellent history of the genesis of tourist courts, it ends in 1945, before the postwar economic recovery gave a boost to motel construction.6 John Jakle and Keith Sculle propose that motels followed the same place-product-packaging marketing strategy as gas stations and roadside restaurants, relying heavily on branding to provide a reliable sameness to their customers.7 This story of a trio of Utah motel men demonstrates the importance of business associations in explaining the sudden rise of motels, the subject of DeVoto's 1953 essay in Harper's Magazine.8The foundation of modern tourism in the West, from highway towns to mountain canyons, began by building places for tourists to stay. The word motel was coined in San Luis Obispo, California, in 1926, but it was not commonly used as a term until the 1950s, at about the same time DeVoto brought it to the attention of his readers.9 The predecessor to the motel was the tourist court, a group of cabins around a filling station with an open court facing the highway. DeVoto did not think highly of the cabins: âA motel may be dingy or uncomfortable but at its worst it is always better than the highway's slum structures, the corn cribs and chicken coops called, offensively to our patriotic tradition, âCabins.ââ10 The growth of tourist lodgings in Utah followed the same pattern, of maturing from auto camp to tourist court to motel.11Motels did not âsproutâ up, as DeVoto alleged, but many were built on the foundations of tourist courts already on Main Street. Courts changed their painted signs to electric neon and updated the architecture from homey to modern by building a shared roof and raised portico. Newer motels were built on either side of the highways outside town to lure tired motorists before they reached the downtown business district. The tall neon signs beckoned to the highway traveler who scanned the roadside at dusk to find a place to stay. DeVoto complained that his stay in Motel Town was often sleepless because âthe whirr, hum, and flick of passenger cars continue all night.â Because of the glow of the colorful neon outlining the windows and eaves, âThe tourist closes the venetian blinds, turns out the lights in his room, and may still read the Gideon Bible without eyestrain.â12 His observations help us appreciate the novelty of the both the architecture and the art form of roadside lodging.There was money to be made owning a motel in the West as tourism replaced mining and agriculture as a significant economic contributor in the mid-twentieth century. Motel net profits were reported to range from 36 percent in the late 1930s, to around 25 percent in the 1940s. The profit margins resulted from low and with on family labor and and the the motel the the of In the early the the industry trade magazine, was on the of industry percent of as net profit has reached a it attract and of were who could the labor of their and could on family for investment small, businesses became as the motels, family businesses that had a low to with the of a of Ray Knell of Cedar City the of building a motel business and associations to promote western travel. in Knell up on a in In for a in California, and his Bentley in They to Cedar City, and by the time a tourist court in they had three The along to new of construction with a for a of Knell the of a motel court the that modern of motel By the was on the of modern with its over the The with but the were very in in modern with venetian at the were with a used in was of a postwar business in Cedar City at the of automobile motels in town were to by at and The in Cedar City be to of the tourist in of the state, with a to provide excellent for a of up the of new motels and to the tourists driving the highways to the national City was the to and parks and the In the early twentieth tourists took the to the town the Utah by to the the advent of automobile the of a to the tourist The to the not the To to âthe they in and they and for their to money from Knell the of and owners of the in to his on the side of the motel The Cedar City of a the town as the to the Utah a of and tourist courts the tourist of was an early of the The history of as the with his and in of In was not by but by a group of men Knell and John both from The motel men the for at a of the Courts in in or They were that Courts in was in its and that âthe it offered were the group of entrepreneurs the and of and comfort in an era of in the motel was a boon to motel owners who wanted to to a motel of A at motel could the to a at motel for This was a valuable in an era were made by The the of the of western motel a for and be of the be for of the time the for but it was in creating a of motels a Knell was in on the ground of the As of a founding Knell along as as to owners to the the of in the same region to they were state and regional lodging By Knell was the and the of the Utah was the of the Utah Motel and a to promote tourism from to offered Ray and Knell the to As a of the national of of the American and his in City, and In the took a to the of at the of the to a in and to the his motel business Ray became a in Cedar to the of the 1953 of and of the Knell was a of the and the of As a the local to signs the at the and the at the brought business to Cedar City, state of motel owners and the Utah his church as a in local Mormon from until of his to his and a of his leadership was an early in the motel who his in Cedar City played an important role in and state tourism The of his and him to and the business and to better the of his was to motel and stay in a highway but his to and in trade associations had an impact on the of motels not in the state, but in the western Ray Utah motel Bentley Mitchell in his local to his in Mitchell a Latter-day to from gained a in the and became to church his Utah They in and on the family in In was to to as of the who had in as a him with their three in early Mitchell the construction of the Latter-day and a new for the in Church from Salt Lake City for the in and the was by three from as as While in Mitchell gained skills and in to his as Mitchell to than to stay on the family his to in Mitchell to a as a motel In the Mitchell Motel on the The low the and to cars up to the of their a story was A tall neon with at the with out in a the A of and modern the Mitchell Motel was of motels in along with the was in many and was an of the Utah Motel and the American In his motel Mitchell was more than a regional as of the of of the American out of City, In role sought from state on industry as the newly federal highways and the of with from owners of courts and motels from to was in the of the had at the Utah in Salt Lake City in September The in and to without a by the distinctively Mormon local the a to the Salt Lake for its and a of the city. the was a with by the of By the time they Salt Lake City, the would have had a to not Mormon culture in Utah, but Pacific as by was a founding of the a group of hospitality along from to The was at the of in in September by a group of hospitality owners of motels, and The of the was with about of the and in Utah, in and in A the of at the in Salt Lake City, a that many of the have been Utah founding in September for the of a of and the The was for the to be played in and on the the on had the of on by In the of the the was the on to the They with the on to and of in its from Utah, in to in Those the that were their and local were not new Mitchell the the to the Mitchell of built around the from of to the out to their of at the in they took through the a and a in business off by a of and all for While the businessmen and their the up the of for the and to in their of capital would be to the of by to be to But were signs of the of a of to in and the of for a movie the is but it that the in or a of and a nationwide of Bentley Mitchell may have played a in the of the was from up a new in for a local his in on with His was to their and the Bentley as was the of the Mitchell to its the motel a of business from Utah The to the of town In had at the Motel for the for an to a before their that the motel to to Indeed, to that were to by the motel the at the Motel and for the group to stay at the Mitchell they did of but by the of in the Pacific have made more to of the in provide that was a a Mitchell tourism in the a local to a group of tourists on a in with the and the and the tourists were to a and the of of the Utah and who of the put excellent that old Utah hospitality always The business of Mitchell the importance of the to the of motel Mitchell and his used the Mitchell Motel in as the for motel growth through the West. In his as an in and the Mitchell was embedded in national lodging networks that him to national in motel Indeed, his out of to his in the but his to within organizations and promote their him to within the a but on his Knell and Mitchell built their motels, Utah native John Orton his in in in Utah, his in began a Latter-day in Orton was of missionaries in all of with the of the and more The and the native and of the the was in three of His gave him valuable in and him to and they had Ken and a local business and in the of the the of the became its motels as a later by at as at old had money to a on Main Street. it for a it and later to the on By the late motels on in Salt Lake City, the and the The was a with Ray who was to his capital was to in on the ground of owning a Orton upon the of church who wanted to a to by the prominent The was a of The The a of by early church John became a of the for in its and to the Mormon son later was a family business in made the the and and helped with the and Orton to have been embedded in the of Mormon business and but had set his on a as a World War Orton was among from who the American in in was as of with the of more in to that did not motel owners to As that in to the the was to and of the that a who had than had to be offered a a that did not to In a in the Orton they to to open an in to for their Orton was in that and motels in profits because of the that they had to provide for the many and were from their was not until that the were still the importance of as a voice for motel owners was for the his The story is that the Ken to to his in a for the of have been the but more was to by the business in By had his Utah motels for a from the and a to The family to Ken the at West and it to His profits from were his hospitality business at a but more capital for a business a who was from a in a of took and formed a that the at and a in and the profits in his The in was while with his in that that the would The and put the in to over in the West. His businesses a of the World War and became as and Orton were in for the tourists who to to the motel Motel on on and motels in and But it they did not have capital to as as they in the for the the for to for to the and room, and to the and his in Orton a from of Utah, his life they had the and in early Ken to his still in a as as the is have to but have had for him the the was for the to his the court business a of more than and more to in to A they were of and of the to be to put in more the who the would have to and the they to a they were to from the the motels were took in in a percent over the to for of in the new in the The built their with the and in by from the and the the and and who a and motel in Salt Lake City, the group of would become the for their of built by In they built the at on from Orton took for the and it was as with courts and all the of a The architecture was of the motels, with open by made of by all painted in To in more a to motels and across the The to lodging with an of court, and the term from his hospitality business the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints him to as in the of his as a In late and his to of his was to better with the was in three and in increasing the of missionaries from to was in a of from the at the Orton the motel business was not as His took a from in to the family motel His to his of for profits and labor in business has off very were from for the have been and find that it is all over town but we to a to out more and to up more was to the business and did not have the to the Ken Orton an of and was from his a in Salt Lake City and to in Orton his with a hotel. In built the on A for the motel in the it of the modern a the by a swimming is by a room, room, and private a out of who had and the took out a in The the of the in the Orton and his had made the from highway motels to with and that for local organizations and private was the in at The was of a in the American West of and of the but have been by his for the of in the of Orton a his of the as son became a and the a in that took him to and The was turned over to but the families their in the until the and in the By building the motels as tourism to the owners a foundation for the growth of tourism in the to Salt Lake City to Orton to become a regional in the hospitality the to the Orton an business associations that helped him by building motels in the West. His in his experience in the growing hospitality industry in By his we better understand the highway motel gave rise to the of the story of the three Utah motel with its in the of Mitchell and Orton in us better understand the growth of motels in the West, as by The men their were in building business associations that the foundation for the automobile tourism of tourist courts and experience in church and organizations skills in the associations they and in the western They were with the motel owners from and were at business Mormon skills were put to as they up new to their own they to be to organizations they would and their church leadership they to and associations they helped a culture of capitalism that the edges of competitive The networks of state, regional, and national associations helped their in an corporate economy that was more subject to state and federal The associations were like before chains like Holiday the hospitality The organizations were not but became organizations in an era of expansion of federal business role of the of three men is more to Bentley Knell and Orton were as of their but Mitchell is to us because in the business can that were as the of motel owners their to The up for the and and The gave the a to the and The the a from the of on and for their motel were up in the local a that their in The history of their has to be but is to understand the of their motel on family labor and the capital from family networks and like life As family changed and federal highways from the motels were to in The of motels in the with in but began to by The of the era to the of the of family-owned motels, and by the early owners from chains like Holiday and The motel owners to stay and they began off motels in the early as the chains for the of who could better money at a and the of the were in the of the family-owned business. would be to that the chains motels were by their as changed who wanted to the business could do by a from a with and a highway motels have Ray who had up of to the of his motel took over the the of Knell in the was to become the by Cedar City, of the in the Utah the Mitchell Motel to as its of the motels was to the was to in The were of a of from who the motels by the and of who built in Utah, is a motel at every on and Salt Lake City, and in every town along the or a national their who motels, the on family capital and and a national business the American The of the the western lodging and its impact on Utah, is Mormon Mitchell and the for Mormon hospitality industry and the of America and America in and Utah, built his from in in the business did not until the and on the but his Utah Mormon his own business motel men in the Intermountain West created the foundation for the from family businesses to to the of Bernard DeVoto would have about the hospitality of is open for his clean his or the would have something to we were to read of his we would and our in But be to the of the mid-century highway motels at time the owners at the and their brought of to room. for old motels has spurred their motels, with their open colorful neon and convenience to tourists for an authentic in the of the old motels a of to motel towns all over the West. the tourists a while by the they a to the motel of the West.
WHATEVER deficiencies Bernard Bailyn may have had, reticence about the practice of history, fortunately, was not one of them.1 During five decades as a teacher at Harvard, he devoted his research seminar in Early American history to introducing first-year graduate students to the discipline's essential skills and practices. Simultaneously he instructed scores of individual doctoral candidates in matters of research, argument, and writing whenever their drafts diverged from his acute sense of the relevant standards. Between 1951 and 2000, he performed a similar service for authors and scholarly readers in the incisive book reviews and review essays he published in learned journals, delivering thirty verdicts on works from La MĂŠditerranĂŠe et le monde mĂŠditerranĂŠen Ă l'ĂŠpoque de Philippe IIâa critical debut as auspicious as it was audaciousâto the first two volumes of The Oxford History of the British Empire, the subject of his last review.2In seminars, thesis supervisions, and reviews Bailyn typically directed his comments to individual works and writers; that they reflected aspects of a larger, unified sense of historical standards and practice was often less clear to his students and readers than the deficiencies or merits of the specific case under discussion. Only in December 1981, as his professional career reached its zenith, did he speak publicly in general terms about the discipline of history in âThe Challenge of Modern Historiography,â his presidential address to the American Historical Association.3 Thereafter he discussed aspects of the subject in invited lectures delivered in 1985 (on creative imagination in history), 1995 (on context in historical writing), and 1998 (a comment on history and memory that concluded a scholarly conference on the slave trade). He also spoke in personal terms on the teaching and writing of history in long retrospective interviews recorded in 1991 just before he retired, and in 1993 just after.4Becoming professor emeritus at age seventy did not end Bailyn's commitment to sharing his views on the practice of history with students. He remained engaged as advisor and co-advisor of history doctoral dissertations until his eightieth year, while returning from retirement to offer an introductory methods course to first-year graduate students.5 He first taught that seminar, History 2910: The Practice of History, in the fall term of 1993 when he was seventy-one. If its twenty students imagined that the pass/fail grading format foretold a ramble through historiography under the guidance of a genial emeritus, rigorous weekly discussions based on hundreds of pages of readings soon disabused them of the illusion. In fact, the course was an expansion and generalization of the Early American research seminar he had taught for decades and nothing less than the summa of Bailyn's thinking on historical method.6 Even when that seminar was last offered, in the fall term of 1999, he had not uttered his final word: he last commented publicly on historical writing in Illuminating History, the intellectual memoir that appeared in the final year of his life.These activities and writings trace an extraordinary effort to explain a discipline that Bailyn maintained âcan be an art, is never a science,â but âis always a craft.â7 At one level this dictum paid homage to Marc Bloch, who prefaced his unfinished manuscript on the historical method by disclaiming any philosophical intention. âI submit it for what it is,â he wrote in the introduction to The Historian's Craft: âthe memorandum of a craftsman who has always liked to reflect over his daily task, the notebook of a journeyman who has long handled the rule and the level, without imagining himself to be a mathematician.â8 There was, however, much more to the claim than self-effacement, for to call history a craft was to declare disciplinary independence from the social sciences and their orientation toward building general systems, models, and theories. Construing historical writing as craftwork put in brackets a number of philosophical issuesâthe strength or weakness of history's claims to represent objective truth, the definition of what qualifies as a historical fact, and so onâwhich, while important in themselves, tend to emphasize the epistemology of history rather than the investigation, analysis, and narration of the past. To define history as a craft also had important practical consequences by implying that its skills are better taught by example and practice than by precept, and that standards of historical scholarship and writing are best transmitted not as rules but as understandings shared among acknowledged practitioners. Professional training in history-as-craft therefore required students not merely to command a body of knowledge but to be acculturated to the community of working scholars. The claim of craft, in this sense, embraced medieval guild traditions as an analogue for modern graduate education even as it attempted to describe the lived reality of historiansâ practice.9But what, specifically, did Bailyn believe could be gained by construing historical work as a kind of craft production? What basic skills were needed, and how were they best nurtured in students and scholars? What knowledge of rhetoric and traditions, what grasp of the standards by which historical writings could be understood as successful or deficient, were essential? Where did the boundary lie between ordinary scholarship and historical works of art? Tracing Bailyn's own trajectoryâfrom acquiring the discipline's fundamental skills as a graduate student to imparting them to his own students as a teacher and mentor, to expounding his views on the character and practice of history to professional and lay audiencesâallows us to address these questions. In answering them it becomes possible to understand Bailyn's writings, from the mid-1960s onward, as the work of a master craftsman determined to create literary art.Two indispensable steps in the long march to learning any craft depend upon emulation: developing the habit of analyzing excellent work to understand its essential features and finding a mentor whose practice exemplifies qualities the student most admires. That Bailyn achieved both during his first two years in graduate school was not a foregone conclusion. An incomplete undergraduate education in English literature, interrupted by military service in World War II, meant that he entered Harvard's History graduate program in 1946 with âa general orientation to social and economic historyâ for which his previous academic work offered minimal preparation. During the first year he succeeded in identifying a potential focus for studyâthe intersections âbetween mental, interior states and socioeconomic conditions and forcesâ in the lives of people who lived and worked at the âintersection between Europe and Americaâ during the long transition between the early modern period and the modern eraâwithout securing a mentor who could help him translate that inchoate ambition into a dissertation project.10 Bailyn's assigned advisor, Samuel Eliot Morison, was personally aloof and professionally dismissive of analytical history âas a betrayal of the historian's obligation to tell the human story of what has happened,â and it was only during his second year that he gravitated to Oscar Handlin as an alternative.11 Handlin was only recently tenured, but Bailyn admired his lectures as âtightly woven analyses of the structures of events and circumstances that explained how things came to be the way they wereâ and was drawn to his understanding of history as âa form of intellection, a cognitive process.â When Morison took a leave of absence to write The History of United States Naval Operations in World War II, Bailyn switched advisors.12Late in life he described a crucial encounter with Handlin, probably in 1948, as an awakening to history âessentially as a craft with rigorous demands and standardsâ: As a largely unsupervised graduate student, I was struggling with a dissertation on religion and economic development and had got myself tangled up in the theories of Max Weber, Ernst Troeltsch, and others, and was told that the person to see was young Professor Handlin, who knew about such things. When he asked me what the problem was, I explained at length, exhaustively, with every twist and detail. Then I waited for his response. I can still recall it. He said âECH,â and waved his hand dismissively. I got the message, and it was liberating. I never again got caught up in theoretical issues in approaching a historical problem.13Whether mere seconds or whole weeks elapsed before Bailyn deciphered Handlin's ECH, in the end its meaning was unmistakable: he needed to ask his own questions and make his own arguments to answer them. This did not mean he could disregard Weber's Protestant Ethic and the Rise of Capitalism (1905), much less R.H. Tawney's challenge to Weber's general arguments in Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (1926). Far from itâin 1994, Bailyn noted that he chose to study the New England merchants because âWeber and Tawney had made clear that the one pure case of the influence of Protestant ideology on capitalist development ⌠was in early New England.â14 Handlin's gesture and grunt had, however, relieved Bailyn of any imagined obligation to confirm or challenge Weber'sâor anyone'sâtheory. History was its own discipline, in no sense bound by the system-building imperatives of the social sciences. What historians needed to do was simply to ask the right questions of the sources that intrigued them.This liberating insight, Bailyn realized, converged with a quality he had found compelling in Marc Bloch's masterpiece La SociĂŠtĂŠ fĂŠodale, which he had read for a medieval field in his General Examination: Everything in Bloch's writing impressed me: the scope and detail and organization, the tightness and clarity of the language, but above allâwhat I remember most clearlyâthe sense of movement, change, loss, evanescence, in everything he wrote. He was a master in tracing changes in the meaning and uses of wordsâthe way the expression, the language, persists but the meanings are transformed.15Those âapparent anomaliesâthings that don't explain themselves, things that are puzzlingâare entries into the peculiarities of the past.â Alertness to such surprises was a quality shared by the analytical historians whose work Bailyn most admired, those able to explain why it is that a word meant one thing at one time and another thing at another point. That kind of anomaly ⌠leads you into areas you otherwise wouldn't think about. This is the basis of Handlin's article on the origins of chattel slavery. He observed the difference in the meaning of the word âslaveâ in the early seventeenth century and at the end of the seventeenth century. The word was used at both times, but it meant different things. To spot these apparently inexplicable developments is a way of entering rather deeply, I think, into the strangeness of a past situation, because they are anomalies only with respect to us, and therefore ⌠distinctive of the past.16Crucial insights flowed from this realization. To recognize anomaliesânot just linguistic shifts, but all surprising departures from an expected course of developmentârequired the researcher to imagine the âmovement, change, loss, evanescenceâ reflected in primary sources, to be attuned to their contexts and nuances and inner logic, and hence to be open to discovery. This validated Bailyn's temperamental skepticism of abstraction and reinforced his commitment to investigating the colonial merchants whose daily pursuit of profit had created a treasure-trove of evidence. Like Handlin's investigation of thousands of individuals, families, and households in Boston's Immigrants, Bailyn's deeply contextualized analysis of commercial correspondence, notarial records, ledgers, and other business documents made it possible to understand the merchants not just as entrepreneurs, but as shapers of New England society and founders of a viable regional economy.Two pillars of the historian's craft as Bailyn understood and ultimately taughtârelying on primary sources for questions to drive one's research and expecting the unexpectedâwere thus fixed in place by his early dissertation work and emulation of Handlin's approach. A third followed from Handlin's suggestion that he âread Sylvia Thrupp's book on the merchant class of medieval London.â Reflecting on her arguments brought into focus the theme with which he ended the dissertation: What I discovered, and then tested in the later statistical study of shipping, was that there was no such thing as a [merchant] âclassâ in any recognizable sense. The merchants were simply a group of people who participated in trade. The social and economic range of these people defies all class definition⌠So the book begins with one kind of problem and ends with another.17Handlin's seemingly tangential comment enabled Bailyn to see the relationship between his highly focused analysis and a much larger historiographical issue, the influence of social class on the development of eighteenth-century British North America. Handlin well understood the centrality to Progressive historiography of Arthur Meier Schlesinger's pioneering social history, The Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution: its argument that North American merchants resisted Parliamentary taxation to defend their class interest was regarded as validating Carl Becker's and Charles Beard's contention that from the Stamp Act crisis to the Constitution the leitmotif of American Revolutionary history was class conflict.18 Because social classes formed over generations and maintained structural coherence over time, the demonstration that New England merchants c. 1690 were an occupational group rather than a class had enormous implications for interpreting the political response of merchants, seventy-five years later, to changes in British trade policies.19 Understanding this, Bailyn staked a bold claim for the significance of his findings for âthe decade after 1765â in his book's final sentence: âAnd this time, too, as in those distant days when Randolph and Andros had darkened the horizon, the New England merchants reacted not as a unit but as individuals whose social differences were at least as strong as their common interests.â20A decade after defending his thesis, Bailyn quipped that âone of the greatest values of the doctoral dissertation ⌠is the almost universal experience ⌠that one has given the right answers to the wrong questions.â21 His own questions, defined by the sources and refined by stages as the project progressed, were in fact excellent but narrowly drawn: their historiographical implications eluded him until Handlin's suggestion helped him recognize their larger significance and prodded him to make it clear to readers. The third great lesson in the craft of history that Bailyn took away from his dissertation, therefore, was that the final, hardest, most elusive question that the historian must answer is always âSo what?â.Bailyn chose his words carefully in the Preface to The New England Merchants when he acknowledged Handlin's âwise counsel and the example of his remarkable scholarship,â his thorough reading of the manuscript âat every stage of its preparation,â and the critical remarks that âconveyed something of his own inspiration which makes of history a subtle, penetrating analysis of society.â They summed up his understanding, as a newly certified member of the historical guild, of the essential qualities of a master craftsman.22By the time Bailyn joined the Harvard faculty as an assistant professor in 1953, his understanding of the historian's craft rested on three pillars: the knowledge of how and where to find topics worthy of exploration in all kinds of sources; the recognition that research and rigorous analysis depended above all on asking the right questions; and the conviction that the historian's work is finished only when he or she can articulate its significance. Continued professional growth now required him both to produce scholarly work and to impart historical knowledge to undergraduate and graduate students, groups which he knew had fundamentally different needs. Undergraduate instruction, which dominated in his early teaching and until he retired, meant about the past in a and students, by needed above all to be to essential ⌠tested through that them to a analysis, of is or To be attuned to these was because in history, as in other craft, standards of quality can be among those who practice it. That is why ⌠the training in the graduate when it is handled makes sense. how craft skills have and tested through the the of undergraduate most of his time and because obligation is to at an level, a whole subject in an form for but Only a of those who in his classes or history but all of them needed to understand that the discipline of history an essential way of the is an of human a way of of the of one's own life and and of more of what human experience has it is the way of the so that you where you are and where have from and so you don't about the past and make up to you can make based ⌠on what has on knowledge of of undergraduate were thus to to grasp the and the of the subject and at the time to their so that they can ask their own he also from Handlin work his in and that undergraduate teaching could scholarly as well as Handlin, who not to his was by their carefully to his lectures as a of scholarly arguments to lay The from he noted that everything published has in one form or in which are because you can it is a way of own because you can was crucial in teaching undergraduate that came to the than he the question was, What issues you for analysis and The for is that the ⌠⌠to an understanding of critical in the by which a distant and different past toward these critical have to be without any sense of or they have to be in all their and with all the as I with no that or that his in this way was not merely a but the of how he understood the discipline and its History was not merely knowledge of the it was a way of the that was no less rigorous no less than the of was another did not the writing and of and Bailyn found them less to and more to Because students are to do what I he as he he on imparting âthe discipline of the The is to them and to create and over the to make them that there are and important questions and that there are questions; to them to understand the difference and to what significance Bailyn meant building the to historical works from those that were merely To such he a Handlin used to seminar to such fundamental issues as how to and as historical and with over time in the meanings of the for Handlin a seemingly question a the students to answer with no more guidance than to tell them when they were on the wrong asked you what a not what waited until they then a answer is the of a or At that he the and leave the students to the meaning of what had just they achieved was but in sense the more and because of Handlin, who and analysis, Bailyn used the of to to how historians did their His to readings without any of his was graduate to all of creative by in works on the history of education what he to focus on and about had nothing to do with the history of but or literary or how not to a In this specific he had assigned two a modern book by a and modern and ⌠a book about by an which as and I then in the course of to people to see that there is at least as a historical understanding in that book as in the professional and so by of the basic qualities of in at that of but leave ⌠thinking about basic of historical the early discussions to leave the students âa a of creative that for time, not The time, they don't what to at the end of a number of weeks of this, their are open to all of and they read in That to be a way of them to of and and a way also of a sense of and practice the students they could be as it was for the from who three decades later Bailyn's and seminar as the intellectual that him into a student of early American for the did not so other and other Bailyn could as because introductory not just to students to the practice of history but to them His from Morison to Handlin had the critical in his own students to the in a he not have that the the he never from in introducing students to the craft during the years he taught the the over time, but the essential skills he to impart remained Bailyn in them in during a at New on and the to historians and in issues of common of historical the of historical and the of in Bailyn's was to comment on the an delivered in a on âThe of the the to his own work of the philosophical of and about the to which who shared his could claim their findings were Bailyn the interest of these but their for historians their he three of less but more that they needed in to with their If of history to help historians think he they on those three areas before such as the of in Bailyn's of the they the skills and he was to his graduate students. In his Harvard seminar he expected students to their own understandings from the of at he the the effort by simply first crucial issue, âthe of to for a scholarly of the of the American in the historical or the and The last intrigued him because historical from âthe of ⌠in primary sources that research and writing or from between and that required a of and because every project ⌠is and every question is a it was possible imagine such a thing as a historical was in this he be more to the working historian than volumes of on it is to the or what is the of a the historian had found a the second task, âthe of that âa of thinking through a body of that required the of the question to it with the evidence. thus needed to be to and which required them to focus on the with who remained attuned to the and their of the of their such that a project to âa as a can into a and end up as a the to which may be in a Because the and of âthe problem of the or of Bailyn historians needed to research more than they than on the that their work is the confirm the historians needed to more carefully to logic, between the mere of and the of literary and to the of Bailyn historians must carefully how to their findings and the potential of this he two word and the of In he historians needed always to a critical between and the and they the and focused on the historical situation, not on even a or can the in to his by the and the to from the past to the historians needed to in âthe of the of which âThe way in which a historian ⌠he to the of knowledge he has to the reality of the past as
Itâs our thirtieth anniversary here at Qui Parle. Wondering how to honor this milestoneâin a year that gave more reason for outcry than celebrationâwe turned to our title as a guiding frame: who speaks? Formulated as a question in the first weeks of 2017, this was, most immediately, a turn to thinking about speech today, be it free, double, or squarely violent. At the same time, it was a self-referential move. Who speaks when Qui Parle speaks? From its beginnings, Qui Parle has been a deeply collective project, with an astoundingly rapid generational turnover, and to capture it in its broadest essence would prove nearly impossible. None of us currently on the board of editors has been around for more than five years, so in a sense, we approach this anniversary with something of a short-term memory. But perhaps these shortcomings are the best testament to pay to the future of this collectivity, that it might keep growing, expanding, giving voice. We decided to reach back in time, offering up the limits of our collective memory as the catalyst for reunion, and gathering past voices from across and throughout these thirty years to testify as they saw fit to the journal, to speech, or simply to use this occasion as a timely soapbox.Hereâs what we wrote:Dear Past Contributors,On the occasion of its 30th anniversary, Qui Parle is publishing a special issue on speech, gathering articles that consider the act of speech, the conditions of its practice, and its political and aesthetic ramifications. As part of this anniversary issue, we are inviting you, our past contributors, to write a brief response to the question âWho Speaks?â We reach out to you at a time of deepening social and political uncertainty, one which calls for critical reflection in diverse forms. As such, we hope youâll accept this invitation to reflect in whatever way you see fit: critique, satire, anecdote, poetry, even illustration. We will collect your impressions as a dossier in this special issue. Contributions should be between 1â1000 words (or a visual equivalent) and submitted to us by April 21, 2017.Thank you for your contributions to Qui Parle across these 30 years. We look forward to hearing and seeing what you have to say!Sincerely,The Editors of Qui ParleHereâs how they, you, responded, arranged chronologically in order of appearance in the pages of the journal. We were grateful to receive so many kind words, well-wishings, anecdotes, critical reflections, and acute interventions. In the end, we settled on thirty contributions to best reflect the occasion (and so as not to overwhelm our generous publishers). They appear in this issue next to other previous contributors, as well as a series of new voices. They speak to and resonate with one another, yet they do not always agree. Between disciplines, generations, and critical perspectives, the voices in this collection insist on openness of the question itself, âwho speaks?â Now we share their responsesâand this issueâwith you, our readers, in hopes of opening the conversation further. So here they are, thirty voices for thirty years. And hereâs to thirty more. Authors included:Jared SextonJean-Luc NancyJ. Hillis MillerLisa MyĹbun FreinkelKaren JacobsJohn CulbertAlexander GarcĂa DĂźttmannMichael NaasLisa SamuelsJeff FortAra H. MerjianStuart J. Murray and Sara KendallGerhard RichterKaren FeldmanAlphonso LingisPaola BacchettaMarjorie PerloffJames MartelEli FriedlanderWayne KoestenbaumSimon PorzakJohn BrenkmanJoseph VoglMieke BalChristopher BrackenStefanos GeroulanosMartin CrowleyMichael MarderLisa Hofmann-KurodaPeter Connor and Avital Ronell cofounded Qui Parle at the University of California, Berkeley, in the late 1980s. The journal set up shop at the height of the conservative restoration, against the Reagan-Thatcher alliance and its full-scale assault on the public sector, including the of and from to a of at a brief to the first of the journal. Qui Parle to be as a its would in be of a be it or of the social in the most the question turn itself, than its as a of more as a of the at in the is always the of to what is the of a or the of a title of the journal was in the of question the of Qui has been of of the on on and to critical not the a between that and the of from The and not write in the it who is the the question of when and how the is or or is the that the of this at Qui with of at a dossier of articles the to We in the that these to the of of of and of to a of it is the in what its that the of that the of its and that is with the of so to this of the that the as out not a between and as one between and as to in the of and its with a of critical as well as the of the we is perhaps that these should appear in a journal as Qui which has and at the of its yet has (or to and that which would most critical thinking a of the of the We have this dossier and the of to not the limits of of and the of with an and to the of most in the of the the of the of this would be by a new or to We that might or that way might be in the journal is as the that way thirty years we the appearance of in critical its have for or and have Reagan-Thatcher is and what of the public is on including the of by the of with political in of a the of and in the of and have and of is that the of Qui was the or of journal, from in the same of the a issue on of its from of the of the who to that in it was it journal and as from the of to a to a of in the in and more a at the the at our to a journal. one from what with what of what what and and in about We to speak and the we from the and from the that which our from a yet perhaps a of and of and we our voices we that it was always a and a a thinking back and a a The in this and future of Parle out of and speak the of our in the and of In this issue they speak around and to the question of the and the of in and from the the and of and question of the and the of in the and as as and of and its and At the of its a dossier on the of an with a of that of and political a from of and the of collective of and from who from one that and the of the the the the the that and gathering the of the or the always and the and that speaks the you, and and at the University of California, in Qui Parle is of at the University of has other in this Qui Parle Qui Parle and Qui Parle speaks when a is question to The of the speaks the is a in of or the speaks a are not so with question about who speaks a is by or in these In have in the that has or and on and or the to at five in the or is a and would not so were not of the are of what are as when is a by the to the are that or not to as when to back to in or to back to the or to out of the or to that new from the from or when that the will of new in the it will a at of is is many of as well as of and other that more would be to and consider that to be a of your to out and do in a in The of a to from that it would be to to a who has our who is by in our should the that is in would it be to on an the of in and of and including political on and and that of so as by in of is so is at in and that of is is a kind of speech or is it not to in the is not a by the or by at the and or by in the and speech act or the speech act J. at one in to with be by in the and in or with to about a in the As for be in a way or by an on the or in a or in in to with is and would be to here what a to has a to about as a of speech about the not to keep on the question of on the one a speech act be as to with so to or on the other the of words by the speech act do whatever or of is that and are on the of the that our is our even with a on in when that is a by the or that is and be for on the that is is a speech act it is many and were by to of the has for the and for throughout the We have the of these Who speaks a it is the that whatever and it will be or will by a of is a and it a words have to they are or even they are and in the have as they do on who the including the of and in who that is who that words will about or or the between and in the or or of how be that not to a on and that of is not by to that be a Hillis is of and at the University of California, has other articles in this and in Qui Parle and Qui Parle of the as us to a that in the first the and of our of is to be from or out from this the of and of and And at the same time, this calls for our with this and response to a from in the end, we are not speaks? 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do what and that to of of to the against which these The which the of MyĹbun is of and at the University of has other articles in this Qui Parle of and Qui Parle and and and the of Qui Parle the of which been as the by which we of the to a to a to that we in to and their We to speech that the and an with one that the of the late has been as the of by of from is to by or of that from the is a We the in other us as a between the order and the of the in as a by to with what was as a They to the and of as and the of which be to or be at the of and as of a to across a of and its many of have in the which to the of the and of and and which in the of or of to to in its have to or in But that of as one might the from the late and the of and to our as it the of to with an acute of that and of a and a as part of a of in which the of are on the and of The time are they are and the of with the from and its in the of which are in is than a of the it to From a and its that have or the here as for the and of that have from the in the in response to of and their of the of the in with a of in the public of with its of the of and and the of the with its of as a As the of the in and the of the in the in its a that was in political by as and new a of of that are by the of collective and of of these with the of the The new is the and are the new up as of its the the to with in our our or other have we been with our The to the and about and the in of us to of and new is best as our to our of and The new that nearly of us use and as a of and against the on the of past by of than a than a The new by the of a of and has been as and as it is and even as it us a The new with the of in the to its in the of of an and the against an of speech we to is of at the University of and the of in Qui Parle a it a question the its first appearance in the the question Qui might that the future of and Qui as one of up with and its for political and from to to on the of with a from these many of the Qui as has been a to and are in The this it be a in it for the most part in âwho is simply as In in the the between the of the and the of the it question the of or the of the or it as to the in the In years, this of has been by a in The speaks about the between and the and of the that have the of Qui Parle thirty years the is a In the the back to the in the previous and as the the of its In is the of a as in the Qui and a between and is in and with it the between and the which to who to In of this that is currently to to as or as well who or that the is perhaps in a as of a and political And be for this for the of that would that a of and the of and and our this by that and that and in that and that by that this of is a question of political In the to to the of the of the and in the of a a a set of the that of to many the is in an of In the of the is to a a and a issue from as by from a on the The is not we a in and of the and the is an of and is a of and the of most of political the has a future of in The title of the as with its use of the the is by that part of speech as the about the with the are at a by the you the one the another, and is than five We should have is a and by these or the the and to a was the the that was of the of when that was that But is in other is a a a and a as the of the Who speaks in a and who speaks when the that be the of political and at the same time the of the of and that has in to the of to which our are to the of that and the with to so the And what are we to Who is of and at the University of in of the in Qui Parle as the conversation was and the was to is a that it would be to or to it was not on the But should to a a would be of out a way of of the words response not the about was a a that from We been to The conversation was for a that would of and in a we be And when an to the that the of to it by with a it is not so us to the that and hope that something might of that it and it in what a of would it and it to a who not be GarcĂa is of and of at the in Qui Parle the and a that of with and or that has for Itâs a way for (and to speak of by way of and that will to that are a way for to write an a the new of a The question âWho speaks?â is and in this of and the to be that the is always the to the question that this would be the of a more is a of what will more of to the in a and it thirty years from they are, thirty years that Qui Parle is to for between its and today, its first issue and this anniversary issue. 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James WhaleThe Monster Man Kristine Somerville Click for larger view View full resolution Portrait of James Whale, courtesy of the George Eastman Museum [End Page 89] In 1917, while serving as a second lieutenant in the British Army on the Western Front, twenty-six-year-old James Whale was captured by the Germans at Aisne Farm in France. Led off at bayonet point, he felt lucky; most of his platoon had been killed. He was transported to Holzminden, a prison camp in the heart of enemy territory where six hundred officers were already imprisoned. The brutal camp commander, Hauptmann Karl Niemeyer, claimed that the camp was escape-proof. Prisoners dug a hundred-yard tunnel with knives, forks, and frying pans, and twenty-nine men crawled free. Another seventy might have made it through if not for a New Zealand aviator who got stuck in the hole, blocking their passage. Indifferent to the escapeesâ plans, Whale stayed put. Despite a meager diet of potato rations and occasional horsemeat and the campâs reputation as the worst in Germany, he made effective use of his time, gambling, painting, and producing amateur theatrical productions. For his plays, he designed and painted the scenery and wrote original material. On Saturday nights after dinner, the tables were pushed together, creating a solid platform for a makeshift stage at the far end of the barracks. For two hours, in the small theater space, inmates performed a James Whale production, forgetting about their harsh circumstances until the final curtain dropped. His plays became popular among both prisoners and camp officials, who would send to Cologne for special costumes and props. After fifteen months, he left Holzminden with his career path set: he would make a life in theater. He said, âI couldnât follow anything seriously after that.â When he left Holzminden, IOUs scribbled on paper scraps filled his pockets, winnings from the campâs many poker and bridge games. The officers, most from wealthy British families, paid their debts, and with the sales of his prison drawings, Whale had several hundred pounds to stake a new life in London. He freelanced cartoons and illustrations for commercial magazines, but the postwar housing shortage made rents prohibitively expensive. He moved to Birmingham, six miles from where heâd grown up, worked for the Birmingham Repertory Company, and enrolled in Ryland Memorial School of Art. The world of theater offered Whale an escape from a life of hard physical labor and poverty. He was born in 1889 in Dudley, a mining and ironworking town in the West Midlands, to working-class parents in a house crowded with siblings. Unusually thin, with intense blue eyes, red hair, and âfaun-like charm,â he carried himself with a regal bearing. [End Page 90] Family and friends thought that he was meant for a life grander than what Dudley could offer. Click for larger view View full resolution Frankenstein, 1931, courtesy of the George Eastman Museum With a large family to help support, Whale left school in his teens to work for a cobbler, salvaging nails from shoe soles for scrap metal before burning the leather. His talent as a draftsman made him extra money lettering fancy price tags for local merchants, which he saved for tuition at the Dudley School of Arts and Crafts. In 1910, he enrolled and took classes at night while working during the day in a sheet-metal factory hammering ornamental designs into buggy fenders. Other than his attendance at the occasional performances at the Dudley Opera House, [End Page 91] there was no indication when he left art school in 1914 that he would seek a life in theater. Click for larger view View full resolution Frankenstein, 1931, courtesy of the George Eastman Museum Whale understood that success and recognition, as well as money, would be hard to come by. He said, âNo one should wish to become an actor or have anything to do with the theater for any other reason than an inner compulsion.â Yet he pursued his dream as soon as he was liberated, thin and frail, from Holzminden. After a stint in Stratford-upon-Avon playing small parts in the Shakespearean Festival...
Regional planning is one of the functions most often affected by the dilemma of how to provide services and resolve conflicts that transcend municipal boundaries. Most existing solutions, while they accept the consensus that power should be decentralized, have limited applicability and the greatest need is for institutional innovations.-This report critically examines such an innovation â the regional districts introduced by British Columbia in 1965. The hew concept employs the identical institutional framework td provide regional services riot only in metropolitan alia non-metropolitan municipalities, but also in the unorganized areas which cover more than 98 percent of the province. A review of the literature led to the conclusion that before a province introduces regional institutions it should consider five key factors. These were: the selection of criteria to delimit administrative boundaries; participation by local governments and by citizens; coordination with other levels of government; the delegation of adequate powers; and the flexibility to adapt to different conditions. Regional districts were evaluated in this context. The inductive approach chosen to generate data documents the history of regional planning and regional districts in the province, then analyzes five of the districts in more detail, and finally solicits the views of the directors of the regional boards. The latter form a second tier or federation of local areas governed by locally elected representatives. The study concludes that the size or configuration of the districts is not always rational, that the provision for local participation is satisfactory but, with the exception of inter-municipal liason, the coordination of programs with provincial departments is not. Most of the power delegated to regional districts appears to be really a transfer of powers from local governments, with the exception of powers acquired by residents of unorganized areas. The flexibility of the new system was judged to be its outstanding feature. A conspicuous phenomenon was the speed with which regional districts were volutarily adopted. It was concluded the tactics employed by the province to "sell" the concept, together with the impetus provided by linking hospital financing to regional districts through complementary legislation were important contributing factors. The failure to provide any overall provincial planning policies with which the programs of the regional districts might have been integrated was perceived as a major weakness. A summary of legislation adopted by three other provinces is included to illustrate the diversity of potential solutions available within Canada's form of federation. The report does not consider regional economic planning, the property tax, the role of the planner, or liason between various levels of government are within its terms of reference, although brief comments on all of these are made on occasion.
The Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (1609, 1611, 1612, 1617, 1618) by Marc Lescarbot (v. 1570--1641) is read as a symbolic foundation for the young colony of Port-Royal, Acadia (Annapolis, Nova Scotia), a construct which functions as a valid genesis for French America (thus, "New France" in the title refers specifically to this habitation as well as to the men who contributed to its making). Chapter I is devoted to a reading of the work's abundant paratext and identifies the topics at stake in the unfavourable rumours about the Acadian expeditions as well as about the lieutenant of Port-Royal, Jean de Biencourt, sieur de Poutrincourt. Moreover, this chapter explores the subjective marks, disseminated in the paratext, that build up the historian's ethos, which works as a proof of the validity of his object. This chapter investigates as well the metadiscursive comments on the writing of history and their incidence on the referentiality of the work. Chapter II compares the compilation of travel accounts contained in the Histoire with its sources. This comparison shows how the alteration of these accounts of travellers---who recorded themselves the result of their American expeditions---strengthens the division of the stereotyped dichotomy between the man of letters and the man of action, two functions respectively assigned to Lescarbot and Poutrincourt in the Histoire. The order of this compilation as well as the organisation of its various parts according to a diegetical logic shape specific places where a tension emerges between a reliable discourse, intended to a readership interested in the actual conditions of a colonial establishment, and the production of a textual "coating" aiming at attracting a courtly readership, to which the Jesuits, who challenged Poutrincourt's colonial project, addressed their requests. In chapter III, where are confronted the written and mapped representations of Port-Royal, this tension is even more manifest.
Education reform is a long-term project, Mr. Levin and Mr. Wiens argue, and the Manitoba Education Agenda for Student Success will not meet the immediate political need to demonstrate bold action. However, by focusing on teaching and learning, respecting all participants, building capacity, and making use of research, it just might achieve the goals we want for all our children. FOR THE LAST 20 years, governments across North America and around the world have been concerned with improving the outcomes of schooling. The pressure to make changes in schools is fueled by national and international test comparisons and driven by the belief that economic competitiveness rests increasingly on people's skills and knowledge. The specifics of education reform vary from setting to setting, shaped by particularities of history, culture, political structures, demography, and other factors. Nonetheless, some common elements are evident across the English-speaking industrialized countries.1 The main strategies have included: * greater specification of curriculum standards and outcomes, with more focus on reading, writing, mathematics, science, and technology; * more assessment of student outcomes and public reporting of the results on a school-by-school basis; * greater opportunity for parents and students to choose the school the student attends; * more pressure on teachers through measures that control their work, limit their pay, test their competence, and so on; * altered finance structures to reward schools that are able to increase academic results or attract more students or both; and * within these policy frames, greater decentralization of managerial responsibility to individual schools. Kappan readers will be familiar with many examples. In the U.S., reforms in Chicago, Kentucky, North Carolina, Texas, and California have been the subject of much discussion, but every state has had some kind of major reform program, and some states have had several different reform programs over the last 10 years. Countries such as England and New Zealand as well as some of the Australian states have gone through some dramatic changes. In Canada, reforms have been particularly extensive in provinces such as Ontario and Alberta. All this reform has produced a great deal of upheaval and much controversy. Many speeches have been made, much improvement has been promised, lots of money has been spent, and many educators have felt disheartened. The results in terms of increased student achievement have been generally disappointing. In reviewing five large-scale change efforts, Ken Leithwood, Doris Jantzi, and Blair Mascall concluded: Most large-scale reforms have not produced gains [in student achievement], however. . . . Furthermore, where data were available on other types of student-related outcomes across the five cases, results were negative. None of the . . . cases of large-scale reform demonstrated evidence of increasing graduation rates, college attendance, or student retention.2 Why have the results of so many reforms been so disappointing? The answer is no great mystery. Reforms have not worked because they have not focused on the things that we know can affect student performance in schools.3 To put it bluntly, improved student outcomes result from appropriate changes in classroom and school practices that are widely accepted and implemented by teachers, seen as meaningful by students, and supported by parents and communities. We have in recent years been learning more and more about each of the elements of this definition. There is growing - though far from complete - agreement on approaches to teaching that are more and less effective. In areas such as reading, writing, mathematics, science, and citizenship we have increasing evidence on the kinds of instructional practices that are most likely to improve students' skills and commitment. âŚ
In Saskatchewan, the community colleges, as introduced in lQ73, were heralded as being unique.Politicians, government civil servants and others stressed the unique philosophy and principles upon which these new institutions were to be based.This dream of something new, yet readily applicable to Saskatchewan, caught the imagination of many Saskatchewanians along with a good number of people outside Saskatchewan.Lifelong learning, access to educational opportunities and the worthiness of learning were to become the pillars for enhancing peoples' personal growth and development.These colleges would facilitate the decentralization of learning opportunities to rural Saskatchewan.The learner would determine the location, the type of services and programs offered through community colleges.These colleges would be autonomous within the designed system in order to accommodate the particular demands of individuals, organizations and communities.The college would be the community and the community would be the college.Government and its agencies would work in support of this idea.iii Colleges have operated for nearly ten years.In these years there has come to be a certain emptiness about colleges, their philosophy and how this philosophy has been implemented.This unique system was to have accomplished so much, but by the end of the first decade, there even appeared to be confusion over what the original philosophy was, what it meant and how it was to be carried out.The original architects of the Saskatchewan community college system were interviewed to determine their vision and thinking related to community colleges for Saskatchewan.Other people linked to this ideal were subjected to the same process.An extensive literature search supplemented the interviews and provided further background and explanation for the development of community colleges.