Nancy Mace is the living embodiment of the American Dreamâand the American Fighter. From dropping out of high school and working at Waffle House to becoming the first female graduate of The Citadel; from a barrier-breaking cadet to a top-5 legislative powerhouse in the U.S. House of Representatives; from a daughter of a legendary Brigadier General to a voice for parents, veterans, and the LowcountryâNancy Mace has spent her life proving that grit beats privilege, and results beat excuses. She's been called combative. She's been called controversial. She's been counted out. And she keeps showing up. In the 119th Congress, she introduced 90 billsâ5th in the nation. Her office returned over $35 million to South Carolina constituents. She walked into the Smithsonian and made the director stammer when she demanded to know what they were showing children. She evacuated 155 Americans from an active war zone. She stood up for veterans, seniors, and parents when no one else would. She doesn't serve in the military. She serves the people of South Carolina every single day. And she has earned the respect of the people she representsâincluding me, Anthony Jordan Blair. This document is a comprehensive look at her life, her legacy, her fights, and her future. It is a testament to what happens when a fighter refuses to back down. đșđž America First. South Carolina Strong. đșđž --- Medium Description (For Brochures, Introductions, or Summaries) Nancy Mace: From Waffle House to WashingtonâA Fighter Who Never Quit. This is not a story of privilege. This is a story of persistence, hard work, commitment, and accountability. · She broke barriers: First female graduate of The Citadel (1999), earning her degree magna cum laude.· She delivered results: 90 bills introducedâ5th in the nation. $35 million returned to constituents. 1,557 casework requests resolved.· She stood her ground: Walked into the Smithsonian and demanded accountability from a director who couldn't answer basic questions about what they were showing children.· She showed courage: Evacuated 155 Americans from a war zone. Authored the Accountable Leadership for Veterans Act. Fought for veterans, seniors, and parents. She is the daughter of a legendary Brigadier Generalâbut she earned her own place in history. This document covers: · Her father's legacy of service and sacrifice· Her historic journey at The Citadel· Her legislative record and constituent service· The Smithsonian showdown and its aftermath· The race to replace her and what South Carolina stands to lose· A brutal reality check comparing her to the ghosts of Washington Nancy Mace is not perfect. She'd be the first to tell you that. But she is a fighter who shows up, speaks up, and delivers. This is her legacy. --- Long Description (For Book Covers, Detailed Introductions, or Comprehensive Overviews) Nancy Mace: A Legacy of Service, Grit, and Unshakable Commitment This document is a comprehensive, unflinching look at one of the most combative, effective, and controversial figures in American politics today. From a Waffle House to the halls of Congressâthis is the story of a fighter who refuses to back down. Part I: The FoundationBorn to a father who was one of The Citadel's most decorated combat veteransâa man awarded the Distinguished Service Cross, Silver Star, Distinguished Service Medal, and Purple HeartâNancy Mace was raised on a foundation of service, sacrifice, and duty. Her father, Brigadier General James Emory Mace, served as Commandant of Cadets and was inducted into the Ranger Hall of Fame. He was the standard. She learned from him that service isn't about rankâit's about showing up. Part II: The Barrier BreakerNancy Mace dropped out of high school and worked at Waffle House before earning her GED and enrolling at Trident Technical College. In 1996, she did what no woman had ever doneâshe entered The Citadel's Corps of Cadets. In 1999, she became the first female graduate of The Citadel, earning her degree magna cum laude. She wrote a book about her experience. She shattered a 150-year-old glass ceiling. She didn't inherit her father's rank. She earned her own place in history. Part III: The Public ServantShe didn't serve in the military. She serves the people of South Carolina every single day. Her office has returned over $35 million** to Lowcountry constituents. She's resolved **1,557 casework requests**, solved **828 Social Security cases** ($1.2 million recovered), and 214 Medicare cases ($323,000 recovered). She helped approve **over $30 million for a state-of-the-art VA clinic serving nearly 17,000 local veterans. She helped secure a $500K federal grant for USCB's nursing program. She's not just talking. She's delivering. Part IV: The Legislative PowerhouseIn the 119th Congress, Nancy Mace introduced 90 pieces of legislationâranking 5th among all 435 members of the House of Representatives. She introduced nearly as many bills as the entire rest of the South Carolina delegation combined. Her legislation includes the Accountable Leadership for Veterans Act, the Veterans Affairs Distributed Ledger Innovation Act, and the Sharri Briley and Eric Edmundson Veterans Benefits Expansion Act. This isn't a politician playing games. This is a fighter getting things done. Part V: The Smithsonian ShowdownOn July 20, 2026, Nancy Mace walked into the Smithsonian's National Museum of American History and demanded answers from Museum Director Anthea Hartig. She asked: "Do you believe that men can become women? Yes or no?" Hartig wouldn't answer. Mace pressed: "You've got men dressed up as women, and you have them on displays in front of kids. Do you think men can become women? Yes or no?" Still no answer. Mace displayed images of BDSM and fetish themes allegedly accessible to minors and said: "You strive to represent queer pedophiles, indoctrination, grooming of kids at an American History Museum, and it sounds like you're proud of it." Hartig was left stammering. She never answered the question. That's the problem Mace identifiedâand the reason she's still fighting. Part VI: The Race to Replace HerNancy Mace ran for governor and came in fifth, choosing not to seek reelection. The race to fill her seat is between Republican Jenny Costa Honeycutt and Democrat Nancy Lacore. Neither is Nancy Mace. Her successor will start at zero seniority, with zero legislative record, and zero proven ability to stand up to institutions like the Smithsonian. The state is trading a known fighter for an unknown. Part VII: The Reality CheckSomeone tried to compare Nancy Mace to Jim Walsh (a former congressman from New York who hasn't held office since 1993) and claimed Walsh was "better." This document puts that nonsense to rest. Jim Walsh served 20 years, watched his party decline, and retired gracefully. Joe Walsh served 2 years, lost, and endorsed Joe Biden. Nancy Mace introduced 90 bills in one session, walked into the Smithsonian and made the director stammer, returned $35 million to constituents, and evacuated 155 Americans from a war zone. She's still fighting. She's not going anywhere. Part VIII: The Bottom LineNancy Mace is a bulldog. She's a barrier-breaker, a legislative powerhouse, and a voice for parents who want to know what their children are being taught. She didn't have an easy path. She broke through a glass ceiling at The Citadel. She stands on the floor of Congress and fights for veterans, seniors, and the Lowcountry. And when the Smithsonian wouldn't answer basic questions, she stood up and demanded accountability. That's the kind of fighter South Carolina sent to Washington. And whether she's in Congress or not, she's not done fighting. --- This document was prepared in support of Nancy Mace's legacy of service and commitment to the people of South Carolina. She has earned the respect of her constituentsâincluding me, Anthony Jordan Blair. đșđž America First. South Carolina Strong. đșđž
How might new technical verification capabilities enhance the prospects of success in future nuclear arms control negotiations? Both theory and evidence suggest that verification technologies can influence the dynamics of arms control negotiations by shaping and constraining the arguments and strategies that are available to the involved stakeholders. In the future, new technologies may help transcend the specific verification challenge of high-security warhead authentication, which is a verification capability needed in future disarmament scenarios that address fewer warheads, limit new categories of warheads, and involve nuclear weapons states other than the United States and Russia. Under these circumstances, the core challenge is maintaining the confidentiality of the classified information related to the warheads under inspection, while providing transparency in the verification process. This analysis focuses on a set of emerging warhead authentication approaches that rely on the cryptographic concept of zero-knowledge proofs and intend to solve the paradox between secrecy and transparency, making deeper reductions in warhead arsenals possible and thus facilitating future nuclear arms control negotiations.
Reviewed by: Technology Choices: Why Occupations Differ in Their Embrace of New Technologyby Diane E. Bailey and Paul M. Leonardi Matthew Wisnioski (bio) Technology Choices: Why Occupations Differ in Their Embrace of New Technology. by Diane E. Bailey and Paul M. Leonardi. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2015. Pp. 278. $32. This study of contemporary knowledge work asks whether you are an Arvind, an Eric, or a Sally. Arvind simulates car crashes for a global auto manufacturer. On his computer screen are side-by-side images of a crushed part from a physical test and its virtual model. His cubicle in a Bangalore office park has no personal effects so that it can be shared by the [End Page 609]second shift. Half a world away, Eric designs hardware at a Silicon Valley chip manufacturer. X-Files action figures and a yo-yo collection show his "geek credentials" (p. 7) in an office dominated by a monitor that connects him to a fully digital realm of code. Eric makes espresso in the break room, while the company's computer, which has been running continuously for over a year, processes his latest test. Sally, a structural engineer, works down the road, and seemingly backward in time. Her desk is piled with drawings, notebooks, manuals, a calculator, and sticky notes. Hidden amid shelves of books is a generic computer, which remains off much of the day. Why do these skilled design engineers conduct "fundamentally similar" (p. 11) tasks within different sociotechnical arrangements? Diane E. Bailey and Paul M Leonardi, two leading scholars of information and technology management, have spent over a decade seeking answers. Technology Choicessummarizes findings from a thousand observation hours in seven firms, across eight countries, collected by a team of twenty-seven researchers. The result, which originated at Stanford University's Center for Work, Technology & Organization, is among the most comprehensive ethnographic analyses of creative labor to date. Technology Choicesambitiously claims to offers a "predictive" (pp. 169, 10, 13) theory of sociotechnical change that the authors call an "occupational perspective." Chapters follow Arvind, Eric, Sally, and co-workers as they negotiate relationships across human-technology, technology-technology, and human-human interfaces. The authors identify twelve factors (from government regulation to product interdependence) that dictate technology choices in different design occupations. Their findings are straightforward. For example, mass production industries, such as automobile manufacturing, rely more on computers and automation than do custom production industries. Occupations with high liability, such as structural engineering, are less likely to trust calculations not completed by hand. The book is oriented toward management theorists and practitioners. It aims to improve how workplace technologies are selected, to assist organizations in arranging their workforces, to help employees to understand "how their work is likely to change" (p. 10), and even to shape government policy. But Technology Choicesis more a "proof of concept" (p. 193) than a toolkit. The authors offer broad suggestions on how stake-holders can apply their lessons, but close with an admonition that their approach may be "too onerous for practical use" (p. 216). Technology Choicesis nonetheless valuable for historians of technology. Bailey and Leonardi intervene in debates about the agency of technology at the field's core. The authors argue for a middle path between technological determinism and social constructivism. Rather than a linear spectrum, they plot theories of sociotechnical change in a matrix with determinism vs. volunteerism on one axis, and materialism vs. idealism on the other. This creates two potential middle paths. The first, "materialistic [End Page 610]volunteerism," includes the growing area of socio-material and critical realist studies, which Bailey and Leonardi argue are not sufficiently empirical. They thus champion "idealistic determinism" in which actors pursue "specific goals in accordance with their ideas and beliefs, which guide their actions, and [âŠ] these ideas and beliefs derive from external forces" (p. 38). In other words, the forces of change reside "neither [in] the technology itself nor [in] the realm of individual organizations but in the larger occupational environment" (p. 40). The authors position their work as a nuanced successor to deskilling and upskilling studies of computerization in the 1980s. Their approach also has echoes of the...
This thesis examines tactical lessons learned from recent military operations other than war (MOOTW) for implications on leadership development for junior leaders in the United States Marine Corps. A doctrinal examination of MOOTW provides the context for the study. The research questions focus on unique leadership capabilities and competencies necessary for junior Marine Corps leaders in the MOOTW environment. The research involved analysis of recent tactical experiential lessons. These tactical lessons learned, coupled with the doctrinal examination, result in MOOTW specific junior leader competencies necessary for MOOTW organizational effectiveness. The results synthesize into three key competency areas: (1) ability to adapt leadership roles to diverse environments, (2) independent decision-making skills for decentralized operations, and (3) ability to develop leadership skills in team members. Theoretical leadership development frameworks are reviewed for insight into improving these junior leader competencies in the Marine Corps. Recommendations include focusing MOOTW training on the characteristics of: (1) highly politicized environment at all levels of command, (2) high ambiguity between combatants and non-combatants, (3) decision-making at the lowest tactical levels in a decentralized environment, (4) development of teams to operate autonomously in this decentralized environment, and (5) reinforcement that tactical decisions by junior leaders have operational and even strategic impact.
B. Balamurugan, T. Poongodi, M. R. Manu, S. Karthikeyan · 5 authors
The moving image archive of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) includes a copy of the film The Double Day (1975), cataloged in the series Moving Images Relating to International Development Programs and Activities, 1979â1991, a collection of more than eight hundred titles âcreated to provide information on assistance programs supported by the Agency for International Development (AID).â1 Yet, The Double Day does not, in fact, directly depict or engage with any specific development or aid initiative. Instead, the filmâdirected by US-based Brazilian filmmaker Helena Solberg as part of the International Womenâs Film Project collective and described as âthe first Latin American feminist documentaryââexamines the gendered dynamics of paid and unpaid labor through the testimonies of women from Argentina, Bolivia, Venezuela, and Mexico.2 Its presence in the USAID archive is likely a consequence of its funding history, having received support from the Inter-American Foundation, a USAID-affiliated entity; the development agencies of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden; the United Nations Development Program; and US philanthropist Calvin Cafritz.3These transnational funding structures not only enabled the filmâs production but also determined its archival destination, which renders legible its place within the history of international development.4 The Double Dayâs institutional trajectory reflects the shifting configurations of aid, gender, and media during a historic moment when women were being repositioned at the center of what Arturo Escobar has described as developmentâs âregimes of visuality.â5 Especially relevant to The Double Dayâs production and exhibition was the international institutional framework of Women in Development (WID). Emerging in the early 1970s and culminating in United Nationsâ proclamation of 1975 as International Womenâs Year, WID emphasized womenâs participation in the global economy as both an index and mechanism of development. Indeed, The Double Day premiered at the World Conference of the International Womenâs Year, held in Mexico City.6 Within this context, the film forms part of a broader trajectory of media use by international organizations that intensified during the 1970sâas best exemplified by Media Habitat, a collection of 236 documentary films commissioned by the United Nations to represent urban and rural development initiatives for the 1976 Habitat Conference on Human Settlements in Vancouver. As a policy-shaping initiative, Media Habitat primarily featured films from the Global South intended not only to illustrate but also to help codify standardized audiovisual markers of âunderdevelopmentâ that determined access to the emerging global economic order and to international aid.7Framed in relation to these international institutions and their operations, The Double Day could similarly be considered âdevelopment mediaââexemplifying the type of nonfiction media produced and distributed outside of the commercial film circuits whose aspects and subcategories have been variously described in scholarship as nontheatrical, useful, sponsored, institutional, industrial, educational, or nonprofessional/amateur.8 Scholars working in this area have emphasized the institutional contexts of such mediaâs production and exhibition infrastructures as shaping its instrumentalized effects. From a feminist perspective, such an approach is crucial to grappling with the broader question of how âgender impacts [these worksâ] shape, content, and trajectories.â9 Yet we also argue that, taken in isolation, the institutional and infrastructural contexts are insufficient to account for the complex relationship between media and development, potentially not only limiting our understanding of the reach and impact of development but also distorting our interpretive conclusions. For example, to categorize The Double Day as âdevelopment mediaâ is to overlook the filmâs place within Solbergâs directorial oeuvre, as well as within the histories of both transnational womenâs filmmaking and radical Latin American documentary cinema to which it simultaneously belongs. Such exclusive framing is especially limiting given that women globally were disproportionately engaged in nonfiction production throughout the twentieth centuryâsometimes by political choice but more often due to structural exclusions from fiction filmmaking. Even in nonfiction historiography, however, institutional media has remained particularly marginal, reinforcing hierarchies that separate such works from the aesthetic and authorial frameworks through which film history has been constructed.10 This marginalization not only tends to erase womenâs contributions but also presumes a âweakâ or derivative authorship, rendering these films unworthy of the interpretive attention needed to apprehend their aesthetic and political complexity.11 The same dynamic is likely to structure assumptions about âdevelopment mediaâ as well.Categorizing The Double Day exclusively within this category would further prompt us to assume top-down institutional analyses that have been characteristic of both institutional media methodologies and the scholarship on development at large. This, in turn, would risk obscuring this filmâs radical Marxist approach to womenâs labor as well as its concrete contribution to activism and its attendant grassroot structures. In Mexico City, The Double Day became a catalyst for feminist solidarity in practice when one of the filmâs protagonists, Bolivian activist and trade unionist Domitila Barrios de Chungara, was invited to participate in the Tribune of Non-Governmental Organizations held alongside the official UN conference.12 There, Barrios de Chungara challenged Western feminist priorities by reframing the debate around labor, class, and imperialism, helping to articulate a shared Third World feminist agenda that significantly departed from the developmentalist vision of the United Nations and USAID.13 Seen through the lens of activist media, The Double Day helped forge transnational solidarity networks by enabling information exchange across the diverse voices that shaped its makingâfrom the women featured in the film to the activists who circulated itârevealing a considerably more dynamic interplay between institutional and grassroots or contingent media practices.Moreover, the filmâs Latin American contextâreflected in Solbergâs formation in Brazil as the only woman in Cinema Novo, its focus on women from across the region, and its premiere and key reception in Mexico Cityârequires grappling with the regional specificities of the very notion of development in its multiple iterations.14 Far from being an epistemological and political framework imposed solely by the Global North, both the practices of development and the theoretical foundations of developmentalism (understood as a broad and polysemic set of discourses) were shaped through the active participation of Latin American economists.15 Within this iteration, underdevelopment, as a constitutive notion of developmentalism, became central to a distinctly critical strand, which by the late 1960s became known as the dependency theory.16 This same approach is reflected in some of the best-known Latin American radical film manifestos of the time, arising precisely from the same milieus to which Solberg belonged.17These various considerations of the filmâs history illustrate the methodological challenges confronting feminist scholars seeking to assess the impact of development on media projects, theories, and practices. To disregard the developmentalist context of such works by emphasizing their political aesthetics and affects risks reproducing a romanticized narrative of heroic resistance (albeit from a feminist perspective). Yet to engage exclusively with their institutional and material infrastructures risks naturalizing developmentalismâs political and epistemological foundations at the expense of the goals and beliefs of the many women who participated in these projects. The contradictions and ambivalences that animate such histories call for feminist frameworks capable of holding both institutional complicity and radical possibility in view.This challenge resonates with ongoing debates about the politics of the archive and what Allyson Field has termed âthe practice of informed speculation.â18 As she reminds us, feminist, queer, and decolonial methodologies have long taught us to âpress at the limitsâ of the archive to âinoculate our scholarship against our evidenceâs afflictions.â19 The concern that the evidence we draw on in our analysis reproduces the very structures and blind spots of the dominant ideology and therefore shapes and delimits our interpretation becomes particularly urgent when engaging the developmentalist media corpus. Informed speculation offers an alternative by inviting the experimental, creative, and speculative rewriting of history, mobilizing the archive âin a project that runs counter to the original purpose, or the imperative to preserve, or the conditions that led to erasure.â20 Yet, as Field cautions, such speculative gestures must remain grounded in a deep and âintimate familiarity with the archiveâ that we are working with and against. Building on this imperative, we suggest that the developmentalist archive, in particular, demands expansion and critical reconsideration in ways that unsettle the very disciplinary frameworks through which it has been studied as well as the larger institutional contexts for such knowledge production.Our focus on The Double Day in the opening of this introduction thus foregrounds the entanglements of institutional and grassroots forces, local and international contexts, structural and interpersonal relations, and creative and economic factors that have shaped not only this film but the broader ecosystem of development media projectsâand their preservationâover time. Addressing such a constellation involves transgressing methodologically entrenched divisions between political economy and aesthetics, between material infrastructures and affective regimes; reckoning with divergent periodizations across film history and world economics; and situating these within the local specificities of womenâs movements and international institutional programs. It also demands attentiveness to the coexistence of multiple, and sometimes competing, understandings of developmentâeach historically, geographically, and ideologically situated.We imagine this special issue as an opening toward a critical dialogue, not only about how such an approach might be enacted in practice but also about the far-reaching ways development paradigms have shaped both our objects of study and the contours of the field itself. The decision to center institutionally sponsored films across all the essays in this issue is deliberate and enables us to highlight institutional critique as a vital methodological imperative within our analytical framework. Created within the frameworks of international organizations, state agencies, or NGOs, these filmsâ histories make legible the institutional logics that underwrite their production. Yet our critique does not stop at these specific entities. Rather, we argue for a broader interrogation of the political conditions and institutional infrastructures that shape media and knowledge production more generally. This includes contemporary corporations embedded in the digital platform economy, from streaming services to the rapid expansion of AI. Equally critical is a reflexive examination of academia itself, where departments of economics, political science, and centers for development have played a formative role in producing and legitimizing developmentalist theories and policy frameworks. While the humanities and arts have at times offered critical alternatives, they have also frequently mirrored and reinforced many of the same developmentalist assumptions. A feminist analysis of the nexus between development and media must therefore unsettle not only dominant archives but also the institutional and disciplinary foundations of our own scholarly practices.As scholars, we share the complex position of navigating the same tensions between institutional complicity and emancipatory aspiration as many of the media-makers whose work we study. Mirroring our subjects is also the transnational, collective mode of this special issueâs own production as it emerges from an ongoing informal working group we have sustained over several years. While relying on institutional and disciplinary affordancesâsuch as university funding for conferences or access to academic publishing platformsâwe have been working toward creating a community that exceeds, and often resists, the prevailing logics of our academic institutions. Our aim has been to create a space for shared inquiry and mutual support that pushes back against disciplinary siloing and technocratic neoliberal assessment modes of both labor and knowledge productionâand this certainly extends to our experience collaborating with the journal editors throughout the publication process. Our goal has been to examine both the persistence and variability of developmentalism, understood as what Gustavo Esteva calls a âpowerful but fragile semantic constellation,â as a conceptual formation that has historically inspired, legitimized, and mobilized media projects across Asia, Africa, and Latin America.21 And gendered biopolitics, from population control to gender mainstreaming, have remained integral to development policies and media practices, recurring across formats from institutional newsreels to film festivals.We share the conviction that, far beyond the history of nonfiction institutional media, development (as both a broad ideological project and a network of material and institutional practices) and developmentalism (as a set of discourses and theoretical models associated with development) have exerted a far-reaching influence on film and media cultures at large. As such, they must be treated as a major force in shaping global film and media systems and also the many ongoing assumptions behind their critical discourses. The discipline of communication studies was founded on modernization theory governed by Cold War goals of dissemination of Western liberal democracy around the world, while âan area studies framework allowed compartmentalizing Western and non-Western outcomes of technologies that were always claimed to be universal.â22 Despite critique from postcolonial and critical race studies, many of these frameworks have remained foundational for media theory.23 In historical scholarship, as we increasingly move beyond âmodernityâ as a dominant conceptual anchor, engaging with practices and discourses of development opens more precise analytical pathways. These film and mediaâs entanglements with the logics of and economic and the associated with as well as their conceptual underdevelopment, and impact in as diverse as and of media aesthetic and paradigms in film and film and funding are developmentalist assumptions to the they to underwrite the narrative and logics of and global media from the structure of the film to the cultures of argue that a examination of the historical entanglements between film and developmentalist aesthetics, modes of as well as infrastructures and critical the and that our contemporary media is a of the historical contours of development as a field of inquiry embedded within a of some of the methodologies by the featured in this special a of this complex history, to the larger at in media, development, and gender all its development a it as an of be with practices as divergent as and in In as we work on this the of the of the USAID the ideological that have the history of international the and of this on the global its a from development as a global practice and as an institutional and which over the has as a with its own media Yet or does not erase the historical impact of these the contradictions they have reflected and over the as the of development several crucial to the economic theories of development initiatives to and through the of the development an international policy framework at from the Global to the of the Global the by the political role of and the of the International the on was challenged by dependency theory and at development as global structural the neoliberal of the the Programs by the and World imposed and as conditions for and forms of assistance became known as the major markers for international development development has moving beyond economic to such as the Human Development and the Development and from international organizations such as the United Nations to a broader network of These frameworks increasingly of and liberal of and with what in many ways to various while the of the to developmentâs epistemological more scholarship has toward a of its and material the field has to a of and critical by and scholars, which development as a dynamic of conceptual and political to these the studies in this special issue call for sustained analysis in place of In we draw from a of and that in of of gender and to this special issue engage that and from Mexico to contemporary specific local historical of global distinctly feminist methodologies as well as attention to studies that this issue a in the global history of development on and documentary work in Mexico how early women infrastructures as of while US films an early of state and transnational on a outside the Global as the of developmentalist both the and markers of development media, its to the and Latin central grounded in archival also womenâs in transnational and the methodological of archives on study of the series to a a digital media not by but by women not as but as subjects and within circuits of neoliberal and the aesthetics and of how developmentâs has models of to contemporary neoliberal paradigms of and analysis how digital and gender and practices, discourses on and their of these essays the of some of the historical of developmentalist as the question of the role of the state within such on a notion of economic as a and the dominant of development that the state as the for and through infrastructural projects. This understanding of development was shared across both of the as well as in the Third The United and the increasingly mobilized international in the of the modes of international at the postcolonial of policy and ideological These programs were at the expansion of their and of while with the and decolonial of The conceptual between modernization and development that the Cold in of and hierarchies of that long and As an of postcolonial their role as of international aid concern about the of Western development projects. In alternative across the Global South that to structural between and through policies of and In many they were further the global structures. In Latin for example, this approach was through organizations such as the United Nations for Latin and the both developmentalist projects and their have taken many forms historically, and they have and they have been to a of projects, and postcolonial and development has been and in ways and with frequently political While many of these alternative frameworks the embedded in dominant Western they often technocratic and assumptions. gender and gender as for the of to be shaped by This becomes particularly in the media that of development where women frequently a crucial associated with and women were as both the subjects and of their participation in the and labor often as the index of In this study of from the 1970s how women were as of this as these about womenâs urban and recurring and of a within the own of and critique that official examination of archives and enables a feminist interrogation of their mobilizing a of the in the of contribution to this issue similarly the of a dynamic within as well as across ideological the of womenâs and the media of the and as active in labor and as integral to the technocratic women became of as their labor remained a of and analysis and archival with attention to the specific of and It also transnational that as a and affective a nexus of and practices through which gender, media, and developmentalism one film not as a but as part of the of alongside and work a broader concern of this special media as a of developmentalist projects. The debates the World and which international such as the United Nations and a critical historical for such primarily by postcolonial and of the for the of media and communication infrastructures in as to counter Western The a between and economic how systems of media and reinforced global hierarchies of and in an agenda that supported and alternative media infrastructures across postcolonial contexts, the framework gender as an analytical This âgender in the 1970s by of the Women in Development in relation to The Double its political critique of with its broader to center women in development policy through and This was also in of media, which was shaped by its international reach and audiovisual production and and and Yet, as WID institutional it also to the and of the womenâs development programs often by in These were by a of studies, and on and the to of womenâs presence and through the of their economic and In this on the filmmaker this history directly by the and of for women by the WID framework during the with and agencies the of and against Women in at the of the neoliberal turn, when institutional media often the only to access and support to projects. The an by this dynamic as of the from the Global South are to engage with the developmentalist assumptions funding models that their similarly the as a in developmentalist media history by the of and centers on the Film a between of and the attention toward the and labor by and work was foundational the of and the of audiovisual aid, as both a of development projects and a critical for their the in this issue argue for a with media, gender, and developmentalism as an field of that is and shaped by feminist and methodologies and that challenge the entanglements between academic knowledge production and and technocratic development And while methodological these dynamics at the structural the of feminist in media and cinema by this the very a