R.W Pekala, C.T Alviso, X Lu, J Gross · 5 authors
No abstract is available for this record.
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R.W Pekala, C.T Alviso, X Lu, J Gross · 5 authors
No abstract is available for this record.
Max H. Boisot
No abstract is available for this record.
Gjerrit Meinsma
No abstract is available for this record.
Merton H. Miller
No abstract is available for this record.
T. Horiguchi, K. Shimizu, T. Kurashima, M. Tateda · 5 authors
No abstract is available for this record.
X. Bao, J. Dhliwayo, N. Heron, D.J. Webb · 5 authors
No abstract is available for this record.
Jau-Liang Chen, Tzonelih Hwang
No abstract is available for this record.
David Platten, Malcolm Cook
Part 1 The arts: literature, Rachel Edwards literature engagee the Hussards the mode retro criticism the Nouveau Roman women writers a return to myth beur fiction poetry the theatre, Martin Sorrell from thelate 19th to the mid-20th century the theatre of the absurd - and the example of Rene de Obaldia Jean Genet - Anton Artaud Bertolt Brecht decentralization total theatre - Jean-Louse Barrault collective creation Jerome Savary and le grand magic circus Ariane Mnouchkine and le theatre du soleil the dominance of the director Peter Brook the re-emergence of the playwright French cinema since 1945, Keith Reader the beginnings the old and the new the new wave Godard and others women directors the return of quality Forum des Halles cinema conserving the cultural heritage of historic buildings and towns in France since 1945. Part 2 Popular culture: sport in France, A Greaves preamble - sports, games and pastimes administration participation - the gout de spectacle, media influence recent trends physical education in schoos and the Associations sportives physical education teachers - training, equipment status the media, Alan Pedley the decline of the Parisian daily press finance, production and distribution the Paris dailies radio television from state monopoly to privatization the rise of Frenc television advertizing and quotas from TFI to culture cable and satellite television - monster or panacea food and wine, Stephen Mennell the historical sociology of French haute cuisine nouvelle cuisine gastronomes and the gastronomic public domestic cookery conclusion popular music, G.Poulet. Part 3 Cultural debates: Paris versus the provinces - cultural decentralization since 1945 gender issues historical and social landmarks femmes, vous lui devez tout! women and language - the quest for a language autre conclusion the French language since 1945, D.A.Trotter.
Charlotte Villiers, Fidelma White
ConclusionsIn Spring, negligence again presents itself as the avenue through which judges reform private law.The emphasis throughout was on negligence, although the speeches of Lords Woolf and Slynn demonstrate that contract could have provided a remedy.It is somewhat surprising that the contractual analysis did not dominate the speeches, especially since Scally indicates that the contractual analysis should be preferred in cases involving harm arising from e m p l ~y m e n t .~~ Yet only Lord Woolf held that the 'primary source of any liability is contractual rather than tortious,' since the relationship with the defendants arose from the previous engagement;55 the other Law Lords did not address the point.We might also ask what would have happened if the plaintiff had brought the action in defamation.Would their Lordships have found a remedy by reforming the law of defamation?For example, would they have held that qualified privilege should not be available to employers or, if available, it should be rebuttable by proof of carelessness rather than malice?Certainly, Derbyshire County Council v Times Newspaperss6 suggests that the House of Lords is willing to take a fresh look at the rules of defamation where political values are at stake; would it do so where more personal or commercial values are at stake?It seems doubtfuls7; perhaps the employer's qualified privilege has stood too long in a tort 'beyond the redemption of the courts'58 for the judiciary to re-examine it.59And perhaps the return of a more liberal view of negligence makes it unnecessary. Agitating for Part-Time Workers' Rights Charlotte Villiers and Fidelma White"In 1994, progress was made for part-timers in the pursuit of their rights at work.In Equal Opportunities Commission v Secretary of State for Employment,' the House of Lords, having recognised the standing of the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC), granted a declaration that provisions of the Employment Protection (Consolidation) Act 1978 (EPCA) indirectly discriminate against women and therefore are incompatible with European Community law.This involved reversing the decisions of the Divisional Court and the Court of Appeal.This case is significant for a number of reasons.First, while the case recognises the need to protect part-time workers, the EOC was successful because it was held ~ 54 supra n 48, at pp 302-304 (per Lord Bridge).55 supra n 1, at p 390. Cf South Pacific Manufacturing Co Lid v New Zealand Security Consultants & Investigations Ltd, supra n 18, at p 297 (per Cooke P). 56 [1993] AC 534.57 But see Lord Woolf, supra n 1, at p 400: 'it by no means follows that so far as references are concerned the same view should be taken of public policy as was taken when Whiteley v A d a m was decided.' 58 Slim v Daily Telegraph Lid [1968] 2 QB 157 (per Diplock LJ).59 cf White v Jones, supra n 3, at p 216 (per Lord Mustill), and Hedley, 'Recovering Lost Legacies: White v Jones in the Lords' [1995] 1 Web JCLI: 'if we are truly convinced that the will admitted to probate does not reflect [the testator's] wishes at the time of his death, why admit it to probate at all?'
Levent Köker
Local government and politics in Turkey have been under the tutelary control of the central state. Contrary to the Western republican tradition of autonomous local self-government, local politics in Turkey were created by and for the central state. More recently, however, a municipal movement with a social democratic coloring emerged to put an end to central governmental tutelage. This movement was followed by the rise of a new conservative perspective in the 1980s. A peculiar synthesis of technical reason and traditional nationalism was the main characteristic of Turkish new conservatism, which identified local political problems with technical problems of urban management. This approach has been adopted by the party of political Islam, now controlling major metropolitan areas and most smaller towns in central and eastern Turkey; this party tries to resynthesize technical reason and Islamic traditions. Whether Turkey will walk on the path toward more decentralized and participatory political organization or jump into a new and stronger authoritarianism depends on the respective political capabilities of these three trends.
Alec Ian Gershberg
While decentralization is on the forefront of the reform agenda of many developing countries, few studies have performed empirical analysis to provide a holistic picture of the important fiscal, efficiency, and equity issues. Specifically, decentralization nearly always involves fiscal and administrative decisions by both national and subânational governments, as well as intricate intergovernmental relations. Here, two empirical models are presented for the Mexican primary and secondary education sector. The first analyzes the efficiencyâequity tradeâoff implicit the Mexican Federal Government's educational fiscal transfers to states. Unlike most similar analyses, this model analyzes the distribution of outcomes not simply expenditures. The second model analyzes the relative productivity of separate expenditures by the Federal and state governments before Mexico's recent educational decentralization legislation. The findings show that before the decentralization, the Federal Government exhibited some concern for equity, but that in doing so also treated states unequally according to criteria that have little to do with either efficiency or equity. In addition, the results show that the Federal Government may indeed have been the more efficient provider of primary and secondary education, raising concern for the fiscal and administrative relationship set up by the decentralization legislation: the Federal Government will continue to pay, while the states have gained relative autonomy over expenditures.
L. He, T. Inokuma, Y. Kurata, S. Hasegawa
No abstract is available for this record.
C. Assaiante, B. Amblard
No abstract is available for this record.
Charalambos G. Varelas, David G. Dixon, Carol A. Steiner
No abstract is available for this record.
Charles W. Calomiris, Charles P. Himmelberg, Paul Wachtel
No abstract is available for this record.
J A Greene, T A Tran, V Bhatia, M F Gunther · 7 authors
No abstract is available for this record.
Lex Renda
Richard P. McCormick and The Second American Party System Lex Renda (bio) In his American history survey lectures at Rutgers University, Richard P. McCormick often placed politicians at the center of history while irreverently poking fun at their inability to control long-term events. On the one hand, he argued that partisanship in the Jacksonian era originated in the contest for the presidency and politiciansâ manipulation of the electoral system, not in doctrinal disputes or social cleavages. On the other hand, politicians were at the mercy of fate. Neither the Whigsâ issueless, hoopla-dominated campaigns, replete with military hero candidates and absent of party platforms, nor the Democratsâ âJacksonian Strategyâ of laissez-faire government could withstand the sectional tensions that eventually sundered the parties as well as American society as a whole. The incredulity of Whigs toward one delegate at their 1840 national convention who daringly proposed a platform, the explosion on the U.S.S. Princeton, which took the life of John Tylerâs secretary of state and permitted his replacement, John C. Calhoun, to breach the hitherto stifled Texas annexation issue, the insulting rant of Michiganâs Charles Stuart at the 1860 Democratic convention, which precipitated the bolt of southern delegates and the subsequent break-up of the Democratic party â all figured prominently in McCormickâs humorous anecdotes about antebellum politics. Leaders created events, yet when structural changes and transcendent sectional animosities are factored in, their influence appears enigmatic, akin to that of the broker in a stock market that ultimately crashes. This role is most visible in McCormickâs The Second American Party System: Party Formation in the Jacksonian Era (1966), 1 a book which remains equally enigmatic in its seminal importance and ambiguous legacy. McCormick received his graduate training at the University of Pennsylvania under the tutelage of Roy F. Nichols, the preeminent âpoliticianâs political historianâ of his day. Nicholsâs account of the disruption of the Democratic party in the late 1850s provided an organizational interpretation of political history that challenged the âirrepressible conflictâ school of Civil [End Page 378] War causation. 2 Although McCormick would implicitly reject Civil War revisionism, Nicholsâs assumptions about the impact of politicians, especially their ability to exploit voter impulses, would permeate The Second American Party System. Nichols fostered in McCormick an enduring appreciation of the autonomous nature of political parties and the propensity of politicians to act with personal goals in mind. The genesis of McCormickâs interest in the development of the second party system lay in his own earlier study of voting patterns in New Jersey, as well as in his reading of Maurice Duvergerâs comparative analysis of the worldâs party systems. 3 Duverger concluded that the American political system deviated markedly from every model. American political parties were, in essence, electoral machines â institutions more adept at electing candidates than in articulating convictions, educating voters, or fulfilling policy goals. For McCormick, the proximate cause of American exceptionalism in this regard was structural. The decentralized system of government and the various constitutional provisions which by design frustrated majority rule ensured the creation of parties more capable of winning elections than of governing. Americansâ persistent ambivalence toward both, power and the legitimacy of political parties, undergirded these structural impediments. Of all the party systems in American history, the second was most clearly an electoral machine system, McCormick implied, for not only did its component parties abdicate their responsibility to govern, but they had to exist in defiance of the most divisive issue in American history: black slavery. 4 The complexity of the federal system of politics led McCormick to write The Second Party System in an unconventional manner. His account of political development was based on neither national nor local events exclusively. Instead, he traced party development in every state which entered the Union prior to 1824, excluding only South Carolina, where no state-wide elections were held before the Civil War. This comparative approach allowed McCormick to ask the same analytic questions and to deduce with reasonable accuracy the timing of party formation everywhere. 5 Indeed, the timing of party development was McCormickâs principal concern, and that too distinguished his book from others...
Binh TranâNam, CĂŽng NghĂȘ Truong, Pierre N. V. Tu
No abstract is available for this record.
Dror Lapidot, Adi Shamir
No abstract is available for this record.
X.-M. Tang, J. Weber, S.N. Mikhailov, C. MĂŒller · 6 authors
No abstract is available for this record.
A.B. Seddon
No abstract is available for this record.
Krishna K Ladha
No abstract is available for this record.
Anita L. Wenden
No abstract is available for this record.
Matthias Ruth
No abstract is available for this record.