An attempt was made to relate variations in metropolitan characteristics to those in rates of commutation between central cities and rings of 95 SMSAs that contained 250,000 inhabitants or more in 1960 based on the data drawn from the U.S. Census of Population. Net commutation rate and ring-to-city commutation rate were employed as dependent variables and twelve independent variables reflecting demographic, socioeconomic, and industrial characteristics of each SMSA were used for the analysis. Multiple stepwise regression and correlation techniques were utilized in order to identify the relevant variables linked to the commutation rates. Several metropolitan characteristics have been found to explain significant portions of variation in commutation rates after controlling for the effect of the location of the line between central city and ring. Factors showing a positive association are manufacturing job concentration in the central city, percent Negro in the central city, median earnings of SMSA workers, and percent of workers in centralized industries. Those showing a negative association are population size of SMSA and percent of workers in extractive industries. Findings of this study clearly indicate that the level and direction of the commutation between the central city and ring of SMSAs are largely determined by the industrial and socioeconomic structure of SMSA and the locational pattern of manufacturing jobs between the city and ring. The growth of the metropolitan areas has been a dominant feature of urbanization in America since the beginning of the twentieth century. The number of metropolitan areas as well as the population living in them have increased greatly. By 1960 there were 212 Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSAs) containing 63 percent of the American population. During this period, a combination of technological and other factors has contributed to complex changes in the functions and structures of the cities and suburbs. Prominent among these are: centralization of such activities as wholesale trade and finance; decentralization of heavy manufacturing activities and of high-income residences; and an increasing separation between home and workplace over greatly extended spatial areas in the metropolitan community. This trend in home-and-work separation has resulted in a tremendous volume of daily commuter movements between the central and surrounding areas of modern metropolis. A basic understanding of commuter movements is essential for a sound urban, regional, and transportation planning. A number of analyses of commuting have been made for the United States and for European countries. Most investigations are confined to one city or region. Thorough analyses of nationwide commuting patterns are rare. Many studies are mainly concerned with direction, distance, cost and volume of commuting, and have not attempted to relate the commuting patterns to social and economic characteristics of the area being studied (Schnore, 1960). Despite the abundant data on journey to work available from the 1960 census (Bureau of the Census, 1963c) there has been little comparative analysis of the patterns of commutation in metropolitan areas in the United States. The present study therefore attempts to relate variations in metropolitan characteristics to those in rates of commutation that were taking place between the central city and the ring of the large metropolitan areas of the United States at the time of the 1960 census. * This is a revised version of a paper presented at the annual meeting of the Population Association of America, Atlantic City, New Jersey, April 1969. The paper is based on the author's Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Pennsylvania, May 1969. I wish to express my appreciation to Hope T. Eldridge, Edward P. Hutchinson, Ralph Thomlinson, and Eli S. Marks for their advice and comments.
B. Balamurugan, T. Poongodi, M. R. Manu, S. Karthikeyan · 5 authors
The moving image archive of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) includes a copy of the film The Double Day (1975), cataloged in the series Moving Images Relating to International Development Programs and Activities, 1979â1991, a collection of more than eight hundred titles âcreated to provide information on assistance programs supported by the Agency for International Development (AID).â1 Yet, The Double Day does not, in fact, directly depict or engage with any specific development or aid initiative. Instead, the filmâdirected by US-based Brazilian filmmaker Helena Solberg as part of the International Womenâs Film Project collective and described as âthe first Latin American feminist documentaryââexamines the gendered dynamics of paid and unpaid labor through the testimonies of women from Argentina, Bolivia, Venezuela, and Mexico.2 Its presence in the USAID archive is likely a consequence of its funding history, having received support from the Inter-American Foundation, a USAID-affiliated entity; the development agencies of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden; the United Nations Development Program; and US philanthropist Calvin Cafritz.3These transnational funding structures not only enabled the filmâs production but also determined its archival destination, which renders legible its place within the history of international development.4 The Double Dayâs institutional trajectory reflects the shifting configurations of aid, gender, and media during a historic moment when women were being repositioned at the center of what Arturo Escobar has described as developmentâs âregimes of visuality.â5 Especially relevant to The Double Dayâs production and exhibition was the international institutional framework of Women in Development (WID). Emerging in the early 1970s and culminating in United Nationsâ proclamation of 1975 as International Womenâs Year, WID emphasized womenâs participation in the global economy as both an index and mechanism of development. Indeed, The Double Day premiered at the World Conference of the International Womenâs Year, held in Mexico City.6 Within this context, the film forms part of a broader trajectory of media use by international organizations that intensified during the 1970sâas best exemplified by Media Habitat, a collection of 236 documentary films commissioned by the United Nations to represent urban and rural development initiatives for the 1976 Habitat Conference on Human Settlements in Vancouver. As a policy-shaping initiative, Media Habitat primarily featured films from the Global South intended not only to illustrate but also to help codify standardized audiovisual markers of âunderdevelopmentâ that determined access to the emerging global economic order and to international aid.7Framed in relation to these international institutions and their operations, The Double Day could similarly be considered âdevelopment mediaââexemplifying the type of nonfiction media produced and distributed outside of the commercial film circuits whose aspects and subcategories have been variously described in scholarship as nontheatrical, useful, sponsored, institutional, industrial, educational, or nonprofessional/amateur.8 Scholars working in this area have emphasized the institutional contexts of such mediaâs production and exhibition infrastructures as shaping its instrumentalized effects. From a feminist perspective, such an approach is crucial to grappling with the broader question of how âgender impacts [these worksâ] shape, content, and trajectories.â9 Yet we also argue that, taken in isolation, the institutional and infrastructural contexts are insufficient to account for the complex relationship between media and development, potentially not only limiting our understanding of the reach and impact of development but also distorting our interpretive conclusions. For example, to categorize The Double Day as âdevelopment mediaâ is to overlook the filmâs place within Solbergâs directorial oeuvre, as well as within the histories of both transnational womenâs filmmaking and radical Latin American documentary cinema to which it simultaneously belongs. Such exclusive framing is especially limiting given that women globally were disproportionately engaged in nonfiction production throughout the twentieth centuryâsometimes by political choice but more often due to structural exclusions from fiction filmmaking. Even in nonfiction historiography, however, institutional media has remained particularly marginal, reinforcing hierarchies that separate such works from the aesthetic and authorial frameworks through which film history has been constructed.10 This marginalization not only tends to erase womenâs contributions but also presumes a âweakâ or derivative authorship, rendering these films unworthy of the interpretive attention needed to apprehend their aesthetic and political complexity.11 The same dynamic is likely to structure assumptions about âdevelopment mediaâ as well.Categorizing The Double Day exclusively within this category would further prompt us to assume top-down institutional analyses that have been characteristic of both institutional media methodologies and the scholarship on development at large. This, in turn, would risk obscuring this filmâs radical Marxist approach to womenâs labor as well as its concrete contribution to activism and its attendant grassroot structures. In Mexico City, The Double Day became a catalyst for feminist solidarity in practice when one of the filmâs protagonists, Bolivian activist and trade unionist Domitila Barrios de Chungara, was invited to participate in the Tribune of Non-Governmental Organizations held alongside the official UN conference.12 There, Barrios de Chungara challenged Western feminist priorities by reframing the debate around labor, class, and imperialism, helping to articulate a shared Third World feminist agenda that significantly departed from the developmentalist vision of the United Nations and USAID.13 Seen through the lens of activist media, The Double Day helped forge transnational solidarity networks by enabling information exchange across the diverse voices that shaped its makingâfrom the women featured in the film to the activists who circulated itârevealing a considerably more dynamic interplay between institutional and grassroots or contingent media practices.Moreover, the filmâs Latin American contextâreflected in Solbergâs formation in Brazil as the only woman in Cinema Novo, its focus on women from across the region, and its premiere and key reception in Mexico Cityârequires grappling with the regional specificities of the very notion of development in its multiple iterations.14 Far from being an epistemological and political framework imposed solely by the Global North, both the practices of development and the theoretical foundations of developmentalism (understood as a broad and polysemic set of discourses) were shaped through the active participation of Latin American economists.15 Within this iteration, underdevelopment, as a constitutive notion of developmentalism, became central to a distinctly critical strand, which by the late 1960s became known as the dependency theory.16 This same approach is reflected in some of the best-known Latin American radical film manifestos of the time, arising precisely from the same milieus to which Solberg belonged.17These various considerations of the filmâs history illustrate the methodological challenges confronting feminist scholars seeking to assess the impact of development on media projects, theories, and practices. To disregard the developmentalist context of such works by emphasizing their political aesthetics and affects risks reproducing a romanticized narrative of heroic resistance (albeit from a feminist perspective). Yet to engage exclusively with their institutional and material infrastructures risks naturalizing developmentalismâs political and epistemological foundations at the expense of the goals and beliefs of the many women who participated in these projects. The contradictions and ambivalences that animate such histories call for feminist frameworks capable of holding both institutional complicity and radical possibility in view.This challenge resonates with ongoing debates about the politics of the archive and what Allyson Field has termed âthe practice of informed speculation.â18 As she reminds us, feminist, queer, and decolonial methodologies have long taught us to âpress at the limitsâ of the archive to âinoculate our scholarship against our evidenceâs afflictions.â19 The concern that the evidence we draw on in our analysis reproduces the very structures and blind spots of the dominant ideology and therefore shapes and delimits our interpretation becomes particularly urgent when engaging the developmentalist media corpus. Informed speculation offers an alternative by inviting the experimental, creative, and speculative rewriting of history, mobilizing the archive âin a project that runs counter to the original purpose, or the imperative to preserve, or the conditions that led to erasure.â20 Yet, as Field cautions, such speculative gestures must remain grounded in a deep and âintimate familiarity with the archiveâ that we are working with and against. Building on this imperative, we suggest that the developmentalist archive, in particular, demands expansion and critical reconsideration in ways that unsettle the very disciplinary frameworks through which it has been studied as well as the larger institutional contexts for such knowledge production.Our focus on The Double Day in the opening of this introduction thus foregrounds the entanglements of institutional and grassroots forces, local and international contexts, structural and interpersonal relations, and creative and economic factors that have shaped not only this film but the broader ecosystem of development media projectsâand their preservationâover time. Addressing such a constellation involves transgressing methodologically entrenched divisions between political economy and aesthetics, between material infrastructures and affective regimes; reckoning with divergent periodizations across film history and world economics; and situating these within the local specificities of womenâs movements and international institutional programs. It also demands attentiveness to the coexistence of multiple, and sometimes competing, understandings of developmentâeach historically, geographically, and ideologically situated.We imagine this special issue as an opening toward a critical dialogue, not only about how such an approach might be enacted in practice but also about the far-reaching ways development paradigms have shaped both our objects of study and the contours of the field itself. The decision to center institutionally sponsored films across all the essays in this issue is deliberate and enables us to highlight institutional critique as a vital methodological imperative within our analytical framework. Created within the frameworks of international organizations, state agencies, or NGOs, these filmsâ histories make legible the institutional logics that underwrite their production. Yet our critique does not stop at these specific entities. Rather, we argue for a broader interrogation of the political conditions and institutional infrastructures that shape media and knowledge production more generally. This includes contemporary corporations embedded in the digital platform economy, from streaming services to the rapid expansion of AI. Equally critical is a reflexive examination of academia itself, where departments of economics, political science, and centers for development have played a formative role in producing and legitimizing developmentalist theories and policy frameworks. While the humanities and arts have at times offered critical alternatives, they have also frequently mirrored and reinforced many of the same developmentalist assumptions. A feminist analysis of the nexus between development and media must therefore unsettle not only dominant archives but also the institutional and disciplinary foundations of our own scholarly practices.As scholars, we share the complex position of navigating the same tensions between institutional complicity and emancipatory aspiration as many of the media-makers whose work we study. Mirroring our subjects is also the transnational, collective mode of this special issueâs own production as it emerges from an ongoing informal working group we have sustained over several years. While relying on institutional and disciplinary affordancesâsuch as university funding for conferences or access to academic publishing platformsâwe have been working toward creating a community that exceeds, and often resists, the prevailing logics of our academic institutions. Our aim has been to create a space for shared inquiry and mutual support that pushes back against disciplinary siloing and technocratic neoliberal assessment modes of both labor and knowledge productionâand this certainly extends to our experience collaborating with the journal editors throughout the publication process. Our goal has been to examine both the persistence and variability of developmentalism, understood as what Gustavo Esteva calls a âpowerful but fragile semantic constellation,â as a conceptual formation that has historically inspired, legitimized, and mobilized media projects across Asia, Africa, and Latin America.21 And gendered biopolitics, from population control to gender mainstreaming, have remained integral to development policies and media practices, recurring across formats from institutional newsreels to film festivals.We share the conviction that, far beyond the history of nonfiction institutional media, development (as both a broad ideological project and a network of material and institutional practices) and developmentalism (as a set of discourses and theoretical models associated with development) have exerted a far-reaching influence on film and media cultures at large. As such, they must be treated as a major force in shaping global film and media systems and also the many ongoing assumptions behind their critical discourses. The discipline of communication studies was founded on modernization theory governed by Cold War goals of dissemination of Western liberal democracy around the world, while âan area studies framework allowed compartmentalizing Western and non-Western outcomes of technologies that were always claimed to be universal.â22 Despite critique from postcolonial and critical race studies, many of these frameworks have remained foundational for media theory.23 In historical scholarship, as we increasingly move beyond âmodernityâ as a dominant conceptual anchor, engaging with practices and discourses of development opens more precise analytical pathways. These film and mediaâs entanglements with the logics of and economic and the associated with as well as their conceptual underdevelopment, and impact in as diverse as and of media aesthetic and paradigms in film and film and funding are developmentalist assumptions to the they to underwrite the narrative and logics of and global media from the structure of the film to the cultures of argue that a examination of the historical entanglements between film and developmentalist aesthetics, modes of as well as infrastructures and critical the and that our contemporary media is a of the historical contours of development as a field of inquiry embedded within a of some of the methodologies by the featured in this special a of this complex history, to the larger at in media, development, and gender all its development a it as an of be with practices as divergent as and in In as we work on this the of the of the USAID the ideological that have the history of international the and of this on the global its a from development as a global practice and as an institutional and which over the has as a with its own media Yet or does not erase the historical impact of these the contradictions they have reflected and over the as the of development several crucial to the economic theories of development initiatives to and through the of the development an international policy framework at from the Global to the of the Global the by the political role of and the of the International the on was challenged by dependency theory and at development as global structural the neoliberal of the the Programs by the and World imposed and as conditions for and forms of assistance became known as the major markers for international development development has moving beyond economic to such as the Human Development and the Development and from international organizations such as the United Nations to a broader network of These frameworks increasingly of and liberal of and with what in many ways to various while the of the to developmentâs epistemological more scholarship has toward a of its and material the field has to a of and critical by and scholars, which development as a dynamic of conceptual and political to these the studies in this special issue call for sustained analysis in place of In we draw from a of and that in of of gender and to this special issue engage that and from Mexico to contemporary specific local historical of global distinctly feminist methodologies as well as attention to studies that this issue a in the global history of development on and documentary work in Mexico how early women infrastructures as of while US films an early of state and transnational on a outside the Global as the of developmentalist both the and markers of development media, its to the and Latin central grounded in archival also womenâs in transnational and the methodological of archives on study of the series to a a digital media not by but by women not as but as subjects and within circuits of neoliberal and the aesthetics and of how developmentâs has models of to contemporary neoliberal paradigms of and analysis how digital and gender and practices, discourses on and their of these essays the of some of the historical of developmentalist as the question of the role of the state within such on a notion of economic as a and the dominant of development that the state as the for and through infrastructural projects. This understanding of development was shared across both of the as well as in the Third The United and the increasingly mobilized international in the of the modes of international at the postcolonial of policy and ideological These programs were at the expansion of their and of while with the and decolonial of The conceptual between modernization and development that the Cold in of and hierarchies of that long and As an of postcolonial their role as of international aid concern about the of Western development projects. In alternative across the Global South that to structural between and through policies of and In many they were further the global structures. In Latin for example, this approach was through organizations such as the United Nations for Latin and the both developmentalist projects and their have taken many forms historically, and they have and they have been to a of projects, and postcolonial and development has been and in ways and with frequently political While many of these alternative frameworks the embedded in dominant Western they often technocratic and assumptions. gender and gender as for the of to be shaped by This becomes particularly in the media that of development where women frequently a crucial associated with and women were as both the subjects and of their participation in the and labor often as the index of In this study of from the 1970s how women were as of this as these about womenâs urban and recurring and of a within the own of and critique that official examination of archives and enables a feminist interrogation of their mobilizing a of the in the of contribution to this issue similarly the of a dynamic within as well as across ideological the of womenâs and the media of the and as active in labor and as integral to the technocratic women became of as their labor remained a of and analysis and archival with attention to the specific of and It also transnational that as a and affective a nexus of and practices through which gender, media, and developmentalism one film not as a but as part of the of alongside and work a broader concern of this special media as a of developmentalist projects. The debates the World and which international such as the United Nations and a critical historical for such primarily by postcolonial and of the for the of media and communication infrastructures in as to counter Western The a between and economic how systems of media and reinforced global hierarchies of and in an agenda that supported and alternative media infrastructures across postcolonial contexts, the framework gender as an analytical This âgender in the 1970s by of the Women in Development in relation to The Double its political critique of with its broader to center women in development policy through and This was also in of media, which was shaped by its international reach and audiovisual production and and and Yet, as WID institutional it also to the and of the womenâs development programs often by in These were by a of studies, and on and the to of womenâs presence and through the of their economic and In this on the filmmaker this history directly by the and of for women by the WID framework during the with and agencies the of and against Women in at the of the neoliberal turn, when institutional media often the only to access and support to projects. The an by this dynamic as of the from the Global South are to engage with the developmentalist assumptions funding models that their similarly the as a in developmentalist media history by the of and centers on the Film a between of and the attention toward the and labor by and work was foundational the of and the of audiovisual aid, as both a of development projects and a critical for their the in this issue argue for a with media, gender, and developmentalism as an field of that is and shaped by feminist and methodologies and that challenge the entanglements between academic knowledge production and and technocratic development And while methodological these dynamics at the structural the of feminist in media and cinema by this the very a
This paper addresses the question of whether, in the context of decentralization among levels of government, an output or performance subsidy is demonstrably superior to a cost subsidy as a tool for influencing the behavior of a local unit. Grants-in-aid for example are cost subsidies; are they therefore inherently inferior incentive devices? The answer suggested to this question is that a performance subsidy may be superior to, equal to, or inferior to a cost subsidy depending upon three factors: (1) the technology of local production, (2) the optimizing behavior of local officials, (3) the equity objectives of federal government.
Analysis of the pure theory of public expenditures reveals a pathological case of market failure. That is, goods with the âdouble polarâ characteristics of joint supply and the impossibility of exclusion are such that their production will occur only under public organization (collective supply). Yet, in itself, the pure theory of public finance constitutes neither an economic rationale for the state nor an adequate economic theory of government expenditure. An economic theory of the state, consistent with the traditions of individualistic economics, may be developed around the assumption that the state aims to maximize societal economic welfare defined in terms of conformance with individual preferences. 1 If market-determined prices are presumed to be the primary way in which preferences are manifest, such a theory requires a thoroughgoing description of all sources of failure of decentralized markets coupled with an analysis of the potentialities of various government policies to deal with these failures. The analogous economic theory of public expenditure must elucidate the specific role of government budgetary outlays as one among various state actions intended to deal with market failure. Further, it must distinguish public expenditures whose purpose is to subsidize households and private market organizations from those government expenditures for goods and services which then are either provided through collective organization and supply or are sold by the state. These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.
completely from the question of why households decide to live within a particular jurisdiction. Although we have no satisfactory thleory of urban local government, economists have not been reluctant to propose reforms in existing institutions. Advocates of metropolitan government suggest that decisions must be made at the metropolitan level if externalities are to be internalized and economies of scale realized. Tn contrast, the proponents of decentralization argue that further political fragmentation is required in order to provide greater variety in local public services. The only consensus, if any exists at all, is that present institutions of local government are inefficient. However, nowhere in the literature do we find an explanation of why, in view of this inefficiency, change is so rare. Annexations to the cen-tral city, relatively common at the turn of the century, ceased rather abruptly in most metropolitan areas after 1918. Subdivision of the larger political jurisdictions in our metropolitan areas does not appear at all likely. Thus, it seeins reasonab)le to ask of an adequate theory of metropolitan political economy an answer to the question: why are existing jurisdictional bourndaries so impervious to change? To answer this question we must investigate the impact of local governmental structure not only on allocative efficiency but on the extent of redistribution from rich to poor as well. In a recent study of suburbs in the Philadelphia metropolitan area, Williams, et al. [5] report that, when heavy expenditures were involved, wealthy communities were unwilling to enter into cooperative agreements with less wealthy communities. Only when their wealth was about the same would cities agree to engage in a jointly financed program. Across the United States, proposals for nietro-
A recent theorem of Orey [12] (see also [1], [6], [7], [13]) asserts that if $T$ is an $L_1$ operator induced on a discrete measure space by an irreducible recurrent aperiodic Markov matrix, then the condition (C) holds: $f \epsilon L_1, \int f = 0$ implies that $T^n f$ converges to zero in $L_1$. In an attempt to determine when (C) holds for more general operators, we at first prove the following (Theorem 1.1): Let $T$ be a positive linear contraction operator on $L_1$; if $T^nf$ and $T^{n+1}f$ intersect slightly, but uniformly in $f$ in the unit sphere of $L_1$, then $T^nf - T^{n+1}f$ converges to zero in norm. (C) follows if $T$ is conservative and ergodic (Corollary 1.3). In Section 2 we derive from this a simple proof of Orey's theorem. The main result of the paper is in Section 3 and could be called a "zero-two" theorem: Let $P(x, A)$ be a Markov kernel, and assume that there is a $\sigma$-finite measure $m$ such that for each $A, m(A) = 0$ implies $P(x, A) = 0$ a.e. and $m(A) > 0$ implies $\sum^\infty_{n=0} P^{(n)}(x, A) = \infty$ a.e. Then the total variation of the measure $P^{(n)}(x, \cdot) - P^{(n+1)}(x, \cdot)$ is either a.e. 2 for all $n$ or it converges a.e. to 0 as $n \rightarrow \infty$. In Section 4 it is shown that a version of the zero-two theorem essentially contains the Jamison-Orey generalization of Orey's theorem to Harris processes. Section 1 and Section 2 of this paper do not assume any knowledge of either operator ergodic theory or probability. Some known results in ergodic theory are applied in Section 3, but the proof of the main theorem does not depend on them.
The theory of near-rings has arisen in a variety of ways. There is a natural desire to generalise the theory of rings and skew fields by relaxing some of their defining axioms. It has also been the hope of some mathematicians that certain problems in group theory, particularly \ninvolving permutation groups and group representations, may perhaps be clarified by developing a coherent algebraic theory of near-rings. Moreover, there is an increasing recognition by mathematicians in many branches of the subject, both pure and applied, of the ubiquity of \nnear-ring like objects. \n \nThe first steps in the subject were taken by Dickson and Zassenhans with their studies of 'near-fields', and by Wielandt with his classification of an important class of abstract near-rings. Papers by Frohlich, Blackett, Betsch and Laxton developed the theory considerably. Lately authors such as Beidleman, Ramakotaiah, Tharmanatram, Maxson, Malone and Clay have all added to our knowledge. \n \nThe history of the subject has been strongly influenced by our knowledge of ring theory, and although this has often been beneficial it must not be overlooked that a number of important problems in near-ring theory have no real parallel in the theory of rings. It is probably best to try to preserve a balance, and not to endeavour exclusively, either to generalise theorems from ring theory irrespective \nof their usefulness, or to ignore the theory of rings and attempt to formulate a completely independent theory. In many cases our results are generalisations of theorems from ring-theory but at certain important junctures we will explicitly use the fact that we are dealing with a near-ring which is not a ring. This is a very interesting \ndevelopment in the subject. \n \nWe proceed, in the first chapter, with a review of the terms and notation that will be used in this thesis. \n \nWhere definitions and concepts are of a specialized or technical nature and only used in one section, it seems more sensible to postpone introducing them until a more natural point in the proceedings. \n \nChapter 2 gives a summary of the results on the various radicals corresponding to the Jacobson radical for associative rings. Most of these results are well known and readily available in the literature. We also consider near-rings with one, or more, of these radicals zero. \n \nWe defined, in Chapter 1, three different types of primitive \nnear-ring, which are all genuine generalisations of the ring theoretic concept. Of these three, the two most important are 2-primitive and 0-primitive near-rings. In Chapter 3, we examine 2-primitive near-rings with certain natural conditions imposed on them. A theorem is obtained \nwhich could be considered to be the equivalent result for near-rings of the theorem classifying simple, artinian rings, due originally to Wedderburn and redeveloped by Jacobson. \n \nChapters 4 and 5 deal with 0-primitive near-rings satisfying \ncertain conditions. Chapter 5 is a generalisation of Chapter 4, but we felt that the mathematical techniques involved would be clearer if the special case in Chapter 4 was expounded first. In these two chapters we classify a sizeable class of 0-primitive near-rings with identity. \nand descending chain condition on right ideals. \n \nSeveral types of prime near-rings have been developed in the \nliterature. In Chapter 6 we examine these and related concepts. \n \nIn the theory of rings, Goldies' classification of prime and \nsemi-prime ring with ascending chain conditions, has been of immense importance. Whether such a result could be obtained in the theory of near-rings is a matter for conjecture, at the moment. We have made a start on the problem with the construction of a class of near-rings which \nbehave in a very similar way to Prime rings with the Goldie chain conditions. This is the content of Chapter 7. The inspiration for its came mainly from the proof of Goldies' first theorem, due to C. Procesi, which is featured in Jacobson's book. (Jacobson [1]). \n \nChapter 8, is an attempt to initiate the development of a theory of vector groups and near-algebras which would play an important röle-in the future theory of near-rings, in a way, perhaps, similar to the Ale vector spaces and algebras play in ring theory. This may lead, in time, to results on 2-primitive near-rings with identity and a minimal right \nideal, for example, or a Galois theory for certain 2-primitive nearrings. For the former problem, the experience of the semi-group theorists (Hoehake [1] etc. ) may prove useful. \n \nFinally a note on the numbering of results and definitions etc. If a reference is made, containing only two numbers, e. g. 1.12 then this means, "item 12 of section 1 of the present chapter". If a reference reads: 3.1.12, then this means "item 12 of section 1 of Chapter 3.
The formulation of the argument for distributional equality by William Breit and William Culbertson is an improvement on that of The Economics of Control and is more effective in class. Their generalization of the to the case of increasing marginal utility (of income) offset by a greater degree of diminishing marginal utility elsewhere, is also an improvement. Their point that Paul Samuelson did not escape the ''equal ignorance assumption is well taken. Ambiguity, being a case of lack of clarity is a charge that can never successfully be refuted. However, I would like to deny a switching of conclusions. Perhaps the ambiguity would have been avoided if I had added the following words in Roman type to the italicized sentence quoted: . . if it is desired to maximize the total satisfaction in a society, the rational procedure, in the absence of the knowledge that would enable us to equalize the marginal utilities, is to maximize the probable total satisfaction-i.e., to divide income on an equlitarian basis. The theorem on page 32 is not than the and mild one of page 29. It is the same proposition. The ingenous device of the 100 million coconut islands in one way does more than is claimed for it and in another way, does less. If it were possible to divide the total population into pairs which had the same utility functions, the equalization of income within each pair would never involve a wrong movement to be offset by a right oine. That is why there is certainty of improvement from equalization on every island. Furthermore, there would be an absolute maximization, with certainty, of the total satisfaction of the pair on each island from their joint income. On the other hand, the parable assumes that the combined incomes of the pairs have somehow already been equalized; that for every individual in the half of the total population with incomes less than the mean, his partner in the other half of the population (with an identical utility function) has an income greater than the mean by the exact amount that his is less than the mean. (This implies incidentally that no individual has an income as as twice the mean unless his partner has a zero income.) If this is not the case, some islands will be richer than others. We will then have to equalize the incomes of the islands before we could conduct Breit and Culbertson's experiment. The parable, therefore, while not necessary for the meek that income equalization maximizes the probable total satisfaction, is not sufficient for the bold proposition (to which I have never subscribed) that income equalization increases total satisfaction with absolute certainty. Breit and Culbertson's development of their parable reflects the same discomfort they have seen in others. The pair on the island are not satisfied with the proof that the equalization of the incomes has maximized their probable satisfaction. Sharing a widespread human craving for certainty, they want to be quite sure that they have at least increased their actual total satisfactions. This assurance is unfortunately not available as long as the utility functions are unknown. Breit and Culbertson also are seeking for a certainty of gain in a much bolder and more interesting regarding realized satisfactions instead of the maximization of a mere probability, and are accurately represented by the island pair they have invented. They have imagined a certainty of gain only by imagining the discovery of identicalutility twins. But the whole point of the * University of California, Berkeley.
Given the increasing demand pressure on water resources coupled with supply holdups and institutional failures, fresh-water resources are increasingly susceptible to depletion and could potentially add to water stress in India. A vast demand-supply gap necessitates water conservation, including recycling measures. India has a great potential in wastewater treatment, and one of the ways to address it is decentralisation of wastewater treatment given its environmental benefits. Based on the Contingent Valuation Method (CVM), this study assesses Delhi urban householdsâ willingness to pay for the Operation & Maintenance (O&M) costs of a local Wastewater Treatment Plants (WWTP) that supplies residential complexes treated water for toilet-flushing. The study found that if freshwater prices rise sufficiently for consumers, they may be willing to subsidise a decentralized WWTP to cover at least their non-potable water uses. In addition, the co-provision of such public goods can become an important supplement to urban municipal finance.
Security breaches of the cryptocurrency exchanges usually cause the price fluctuation in the market. Approximately one hundred cryptocurrency thefts, including hacks and scams, has occurred since 2012 to 2018, half of which are hacks of Bitcoins. Based on the thirty Bitcoin hacks, this study portrays the general price pattern during the hack. And it illustrates the link between the size of the hack and the subsequent price change of Bitcoin. The tests reveal that the larger the volume of the hack, the stronger the price drop. However, a similar obvious relationship does not exist for the recovery of the price. The study might be the first piece of research focus on the hacks and the price pattern in a short time period.
Public school finance in the United States is highly decentralized and can be described as the sum of separately determined school finance programs established by each state. Since funds to support educational expenditures in a school district come from various sources, primarily state and local, it is necessary for states to derive schemes by which these resources can be combined to finance education at the local level. The administration and derivation of these resource allocation schemes is usually carried out at the state level.