Blockchain Papers

John R Graham, Campbell R Harvey

No abstract is available for this record.

Stijn Claessens, Aslι Demirgüç-Kunt, Harry Huizinga

No abstract is available for this record.

Michael A. Cowley, James L. Smart, Marcelo Rubinstein, Marcelo G. Cerdán · 8 authors

No abstract is available for this record.

J.S Busby

No abstract is available for this record.

Laurence E. Lynn

The so-called charitable choice policy of the Clinton and Bush administrations is another milestone in the transformation of a social services sector that was once decentralized, independent, often informal, and voluntary into a deliberate instrument of public policy. Issues associated with government purchase of care from private, voluntary agencies date back at least a century, although there were wide variations in such practices among states and localities. It was during the Kennedy and Johnson presidencies that intentional federal appropriation of private social service capacity and skill began in earnest. The result is that private social services are now predominantly financed by government and by fees and charges, and contracts with large, for-profit firms are growing in importance. These developments have had important benefits. Public policy is more likely than private charity to address wealth-based inequities in service provision and to ensure better financed, more efficiently administered, and more uniformly available social services to a wide spectrum of beneficiaries. But there is a cost, too, in terms of diminished social capital represented by spontaneous private response to need. Voluntary social service agencies may find that sustaining the distinctive normative climates that ensure their uniqueness and selectivity is increasingly difficult as their involvement with government and with commercialized environments continues to increase.

David C. Queller

Bill Hamilton was always at his best in small groups, and I would like to open and close my reflections with some thoughts generated by two small scientific meetings that Bill Hamilton attended. I was not present at the first meeting, in Tvarminne, Finland, but a photograph from the meeting made an impression on me. In the foreground stood Pekka Pamilo, the organizer of the meeting, with a rather worried expression on his face. In the background was Bill Hamilton, skating across the ice. Bill had brought his ice skates, intent on taking every advantage of this visit to the north. It turned out, however, that the ice was quite thin, so the organizers attempted to dissuade Bill. They made a general request that speakers at the meeting should please not attempt any ice skating, at least until after they had delivered their talks. Bill followed the letter of this request, but did not follow its spirit. After giving his talk, he donned his skates and set off. This picture brought to mind all sorts of associations. How can one not remember J. B. S. Haldane's musings about being willing to rescue two drowning brothers, or eight cousins. I hope Pekka will forgive me if I try to imagine his thoughts about the possibility of Bill falling though the ice. “ Well, I do not think I am related to him... On the other hand, everyone in Finland is more or less related! But then, he is not from Finland, is he? Still, we may not share many genes, but we do share a great many memes.” The other thought that comes to my mind is one that has been noted frequently since Bill's recent death from malaria. Bill Hamilton was a risk taker, not just in his life, but also in his science. In his work, too, he sometimes skated on thin ice, traveling where others would not. E. O. Wilson once used exactly this metaphor to describe a certain kind of scientist who is always drawn to the dangerous or to the forbidden: “They are the taboo breakers who enjoy the whiff of grapeshot and the crackle of thin ice” (Wilson, 1978: 283). When Bill skated on thin ice in Finland, the results were satisfactory: the ice may have crackled but it did not give way. When he skated on thin scientific ice, the results were usually not just satisfactory, but glorious. Bill Hamilton's most glorious ideas were kin selection and inclusive fitness. Talking about Hamilton's contributions to inclusive fitness is a bit like talking about Isaac Newton's contributions to dynamics or Charles Darwin's contributions to natural selection. He invented the idea, and he developed most of its important implications. There were some forerunners, as there always are in science. I think of Hamilton's contribution as a fusing of two traditions. First, there was population genetics. Hamilton didn't completely invent the idea of kin selection. The idea was foreshadowed by Haldane (1955), Fisher (1958), and Williams (Williams and Williams, 1957). However, none of them developed it in any detail, perhaps because they did not appreciate its general importance in nature. For that we can thank animal behaviorists, particularly those like Wynne-Edwards (1962) and Emerson (1960), who believed that cooperation was very common in nature. Bill neatly hybridized the two traditions. If cooperation and altruism were important in nature, then we needed an explanation that was consistent with population genetics, and so inclusive fitness was born. Hamilton was well suited to make this match. Those acquainted with Hamilton only through his best-known papers may think of him as a theoretician and might conclude that he had the theoretician's superficial knowledge of the natural world. But in fact it was his mathematical skills that were hard won, while as a natural historian he was, well, a natural. You can see evidence of this in many of his papers, but it comes out particularly in his lesser known papers on insects under bark (Hamilton, 1978) and on fig wasps (Hamilton, 1979). So was Hamilton's contribution a simple merging of the insights of an ethologist and a population geneticist? No, it wasn't that simple, for several reasons. First, there was a lot of thin ice between these areas, and skating from one to the other was not encouraged in the early 1960s. Geneticists were leery of anything that smacked of eugenics. That included any application of population genetics to behavior. It included most of all applications to understanding social behavior, something we have always been a little touchy about. If nature was nasty, rude, or bawdy, better not to know about it, let alone let the public know. Let me illustrate the idea in an unconventional way, with a bit of verse that I call “Family Values”: Would I jump in a lake To save my drowning cousin? It's not a risk I'd take For him plus half a dozen. But if you raise the stake And make the prize my brother? Now that's a deal I'll make... If you'll just toss in another. If this poem, and the Haldane quip it is based upon, elicit chuckles, it is in large part because they treat a topic that is uncomfortable for us. Most humor is built on discomfort of one form or another. In this case, we recognize that we make unconscious judgments akin to these, with awkward balances of self-interest and family interest, but we don't like to see ourselves as calculating self-servers. Now throw in a good dash of genetics, and the mixture becomes truly taboo. Perhaps that's why Haldane and others did not pursue the topic. Bill's recollections of his graduate career (Hamilton, 1996) describe the price that he paid for his desire to be where the ice is thin. He had difficulty finding advisors. He had no desk. He had no invitations to talk about his work. It was not even clear that his thesis work, which would produce some of the most heavily cited papers in evolutionary biology (Hamilton, 1964a,b), would be acceptable for a Ph.D. For someone who was not socially outgoing in the first place, the effect of this isolation was severe. He feared that he might be a crank; why else would all these manifestly smart people fail to see the interest in what he was doing? He took to working in train stations and public parks simply to have some minimal level of human interaction. Mary Jane West Eberhard made a telling point in her talk about Bill at a recent meeting (West-Eberhard, 2000). She noted that Bill's life serves as a counter-example to those critics who said that sociobiological knowledge was dangerous. He was proof that one can see all that is grim in the depths of our nature and still live a life of decency and kindness. Bill would have been uncomfortable with hagiography. His writings allude to a knowledge of the dark side of human nature, obvious to him through introspection, so clearly his thoughts were not always saintly. But whatever dark thoughts swirled in his mind, on the surface—and this is where it counts—he was basically a gentle man. Despite his highly critical mind, I never heard him criticize anyone in anything but the kindest, most self-effacing manner. He did not judge people by credentials and had time for people that others might consider to be amateurs or even crackpots, George Price being a notable example. And while he no doubt appreciated the recognition he eventually received, particularly given his lonely days as a graduate student, he did not seem to crave recognition excessively. Dawkins reported one example where Bill gave credit to someone else for an idea that was really his own and had to be confronted with the evidence from his own paper (Dawkins, 2000). Then, as Dawkins described it with an adverbial tour de force, Bill “ eeyorishly” admitted that, yes, he'd had the idea, but the other fellow had put it much better. I can give another small illustration from my own experience. In 1985 I published a paper using Price's rule to obtain a new expression for inclusive fitness (Queller, 1985). Alan Grafen then chided me (Grafen, 1985), quite rightly, for having neglected to cite Hamilton's paper using Price's rule (Hamilton, 1970). My only excuse is that Bill had read my paper in manuscript without ever pointing out the omission, which he must have noticed. For that matter, I had learned about Price's rule directly from Bill in seminars at the University of Michigan. If I remembered Price's rule well and forgot Bill's uses of it, it is partly because of the selfless way that Bill taught the subject. There is a another reason that Hamilton's contribution cannot be viewed as a simple merging of naturalist and theoretical traditions. He did not just come up with any old theoretical model. For example, one could model the evolution of altruism for some particular limited set of conditions (George and Doris Williams had already done this; Williams and Williams, 1957), but then one has to wonder how general the conclusions are. And it is also possible, as other modelers later showed, to add so many mathematical bells and whistles that we lose track of the general theme. In contrast, what Hamilton came up with was a theory that was not only basically true, but also beautiful and elegant. I'm not speaking of the mathematical derivation in his 1964 paper, which was actually rather gruesome. I'm speaking of the result, what has come to be known as Hamilton's rule. It is so simple that even a non-mathematical mind can easily understand it and wield it, and so general that it can often be applied to new social evolution problems without any fresh mathematical modeling. How was this simple elegance achieved? I think there are two main reasons. First, Hamilton was willing to make assumptions that allowed the result to be simple without seriously compromising the biology. For example, he assumed that selection would be weak. Stronger selection has the effect of distorting the relatednesses away from their familiar values, and it makes them dependent on genetic details such as dominance. Hamilton's assumption was justified because weak selection is presumably common. For that matter, it's probably not so bad an approximation for stronger selection. A little distortion of correlation coefficients doesn't matter too much to someone interested in the real world, where estimates of parameters are typically only good to about one significant digit anyway. The second reason inclusive fitness is so useful is its inversion of fitness calculation methods. Instead of grouping together all effects of others on x's fitness, it calculated all the inclusive effects of x on others' fitnesses. This actor-centered approach is what makes the method so easy to apply. In Hamilton's own words: “The social behaviour of a species evolves in such a way that in each distinct behaviour-evoking situation the individual will seem to value his neighbors' fitness against his own according to the coefficients of relationship appropriate to the situation” (Hamilton, 1964b: 19). It has become clear in recent years that the same behaviors can also often be understood as a form of group selection—not the old group selection of Wynne-Edwards, but nevertheless a method that involves partitioning of selection into within-group and between-group components (see Sober and Wilson, 1998). But the fact remains that almost no one uses these methods much to think about and solve interesting problems. Each of the two methods can dissect social evolution into component parts, but where inclusive fitness divides nature neatly at the joints, other methods seem to hack clumsily through the long bones. Inclusive fitness and kin selection were important on several levels. First, of course, they provided an explanation for the evolution of altruism. We still don't know whether Hamilton's famous haplodiploid hypothesis, based on three-quarters relatedness (Hamilton, 1964b, 1972), explains the origin of eusociality. But it seems certain that the answer does lie within his more general framework of relatedness, costs, and benefits. For the study of social insects, another result of inclusive thinking was perhaps even more interesting. The theory did not simply explain the altruism that we already knew about. It also predicted something we did not know much about: conflicts within colonies. Because inclusive fitness interests often differ even among close relatives (Hamilton, 1972), there can be conflicts over who should be queen, conflicts over who should lay the male-destined eggs, and conflicts over sex ratios (reviewed in Queller and Strassmann, 1998). Studies in these areas have amply satisfied the requirement that a good theory should not just explain what is known, but also make novel and successful predictions. I think a parallel phenomenon occurs in the world beyond social insects. Perhaps even more important than the explanation of altruism itself was the general validation given to selfish gene models. If selfish genes are to be of any value in explaining the evolution of social behavior, they simply must be able to explain the cases where the behavior is not phenotypically selfish. Otherwise the method must be counted as a failure. So kin-selected explanations of altruistic behavior gave life to selfish gene explanation in areas where kinship was not paramount. Hamilton's own work clearly shows this. He didn't stop with altruism. He made pioneering contributions in many other areas. The accompanying pieces in this issue describe his contributions to the study of sexual selection and parasites, but his work also included important contributions to senescence theory (Hamilton, 1966), sex ratios (Hamilton, 1967), selfish herds (Hamilton, 1971), dispersal (Hamilton and May, 1977), tit-for-tat cooperation (Axelrod and Hamilton, 1981), and within-individual conflict (Hamilton, 1967). This truly formidable list of accomplishments, and the whole selfish gene tradition of which it is a part, emerged from a confidence based on Hamilton's success in solving the potentially fatal problem of altruism. Finally, in recent years it has become increasingly clear that a theory of altruism and cooperation is important for a much grander reason than solving the annoying puzzle of the social insects. It is also needed to explain a much more pervasive kind of cooperation; the evolution of the organism itself (Maynard Smith and Szathmáry, 1995) why do cells cooperate in a body? Why do formerly independent bacteria evolve into organelles? How did replicators get together in the first place? Organisms, though they compete selfishly with each other, are themselves cooperative entities. Cooperation is therefore fundamental to all of life. I began with a small scientific meeting in Finland. Let me close with another one, in Castiglioncello, Italy. The highest scientific compliment I have ever received was one that Bill delivered there, actually to my wife and collaborator Joan Strassmann. Bill had, many years previously, done field work in Brazil on the troubling question of how sociality could be maintained in wasps with many queens. We had recently helped show, with molecular tools that had not been available to Bill, how relatedness was kept at levels consistent with kin selection (Queller et al., 1988, 1993; West Eberhard, 1978). What he said to Joan was “Now I will have to think up a different question to ask St. Peter when I meet him.” Of course, this was ridiculously inflated praise, a reflection of Bill's generosity rather than his acumen. He was no doubt signaling this exaggeration by his use of the religious reference, since Bill did not seem to be a conventionally religious man. Instead, he is some one who saw his afterlife more in terms of burying beetles (Hamilton, 2000) than in terms of meeting St. Peter. Still, I'd like to run with idea for just a moment. In the sad days after Bill died, the thought of him interrogating St. Peter gave me a certain amount of solace, and perhaps even pleasure. It's not that I can imagine what Bill's question was. Nor was it the thought of him receiving a satisfactory answer. Instead, what appeals to me is the impact on old St. Peter. I imagine him at first flummoxed because he couldn't answer the question, then annoyed because he had never thought of it himself, and finally intrigued by the implications. I imagine him spending his free moments over the next few centuries thinking about it, making new observations on the teeming life below, scribbling some population genetic equations in the margins of his heavenly register, and perhaps running some simulations on God's fastest supercomputer. Perhaps I overestimate St. Peter's curiosity, but Bill's questions have always had that kind of effect. That they will long continue to do so is his legacy to us.

Jeffrey D. Needell

In the nineteenth century Brazil was considered unique not only for its size and Portuguese heritage but also for its distinct social and political characteristics. Brazil was an established slave society that was maintained in peace and unity under a constitutional monarchy. Traditionally, historiography has separated these elements. Most recently, the social history dominant in the Brazilian and Anglo-American academies has given us rich studies of slave society, without sustained reference to Brazil’s political history. In the nineteenth century, and in the earlier political analyses of the twentieth century, the monarchy has either been abstracted away from socioeconomic analysis or reconstructed as an apologia for Brazilian essentialism and authoritarianism.1Since at least the 1970s, however, political analysis has addressed the relationship between state and society, but with debatable success. It has generally reduced the monarchy to an instrument of the ruling class, or reified it as an autonomous model for the military statism of 1964–85, or dismissed it as the convenient provider of stability and patronage for the socioeconomic elites. Few studies provide a detailed analysis of the political trends of the era, much less a discussion of their seemingly false or complicated ideological struggles. Although the works of José Murilo de Carvalho, Thomas Flory, Ilmar Rohloff de Mattos, and Roderick J. Barman are exceptions to this rule, their contributions are necessarily limited by their particular foci. Each, whether studying the state and its cadre formation, the ideology and programs of the Liberals or the Conservatives, or the complex detail of the political narrative explaining national consolidation, tends to neglect the dialectic with socioeconomic conditions. In other words, they shed little light on the specificity of the linkages of that context to the political struggles and ideology of the era.2Party origins and organization provide telling ways to understand such matters. The Conservative party has traditionally been considered to be the dominant of the two parties of the Second Reign (1840–89), the era that has generally been taken as the basis for analysis of the monarchy. It was the Conservative party that defined and defended the mission of the monarchy as an authoritarian, centralized state, and it was the party most identified with the dominant planter-merchant elites who battened off African slavery and its export production. The present study, focusing on the crucial, formative period of 1831– 40, offers an analytical explanation of the early development of the Conservative party as an integral part of the evolution of the Brazilian monarchy by addressing some of the weaknesses in the canon noted above. This essay provides the socioeconomic context of political developments; offers a new synthesis and analysis of the political narrative; clarifies the ideological and organizational nature of party origins; and shows the specific linkages between state and society, party and province. It will also revise our understanding of the coffee planters’ role in the Conservative party and conclude by pointing to the essential dilemma presented by the contradiction between the monarchy’s architects and the monarch’s role.The able political analyses and narratives we have, while useful for many things, are inadequate to understand party formation. The latter requires a return to parliamentary annals and other contemporary sources for a more specific ideological and organizational analysis, as well as the integration of the political narrative with a synthesis of the more recent studies of socioeconomic development and elite formation. These strands, some old, some new, but all newly knit together here, will comprise the first part of this study. It forms the necessary context for the analysis to follow.Although its mission was national, the Conservative party was provincial by birth. Indeed, to the extent that the geographic origins or social ramifications of the party are noted at all, they are noted as fluminense—as having to do with the port and province named Rio de Janeiro.3 The colonial port and captaincy, which had also borne those names, were intimately linked to two distinct processes of the century, of Portuguese had the of the Brazilian had the and of the that the of and the of the to the of the had or the had in from the slave of had and were less in those of and and the was by on by the century, or or of the two and the basis for the of the port those the in and most of the port and which were by that of development from the of Rio de the and of and maintained their and their by to the of for the established and in the more for the port in Rio de and African from the port to and in and to the and in Rio de the the that the of the and the of and that that and the of the Brazilian the and early nineteenth century, history a political to the socioeconomic processes above. the of the de state in the and of Brazilian the of of and the of of This in the of and Portuguese was by the of the Portuguese to Rio de in The of the elite who were either the and of the and port and slavery of Rio de or the and from the of the shows that most of those by the of were of or more Portuguese These or for the most had and in the port or The most were those the of the of and the to state and and to the Portuguese and elites the in Rio de The to the established by were as were the of on and to the Portuguese and who elite or in and the of to and political many as well as the in Rio de to with more political with the of and The state was identified as a constitutional monarchy from its the nature of such the ideological and political of the Reign and those who a and all those who had and the the first of with the and to for more constitutional on the and and however, were with the of the who to the and a as for Brazil’s socioeconomic with the political ideological are The most with the in and the new monarchy been were a of in which recent Portuguese or and and with were either in the recent or in the of these to the monarchy with with of from and they with who their established and were for a more of The most of the latter were with the the however, they also had as those in other in as those in for of in Rio de and of these were of the the and The of a more for a that the of the and for and all of these of political had a to the of their political instrument in the new of which in Rio de to the of new from the of It the by of in a of and as the to the and The the of the The and the and the to the and of the Although the was by a of to by in the be by the and was by a of for by the from a of by the noted for and by the was by the and had to be by the taken by the also had to under the and as that many of a to Although the was under the of the it had and from the which the to their from the of a and parliamentary it for their a in and all of these to in and while in the and in the was to the to to the of a constitutional in which in with a from those who had the in the a to the a the to by the and with a in Rio de in of and a of on the of de to to to the Portuguese that the a to In for it was the that The the it of the the of to The of a a but was an to be and with the as the two of provide the political of the most and for the of the era, either be for the in the had who were most at The were as were the and as for the return of a Portuguese The and of the to to from the the more the political to the their of the and the state and they all as in with while from its and for the with the as well as for the on the state and the has two the colonial political of and the of the in the era This be The of was part of a national, and political It on its the of the to the for and The political of the first the first of the in these and political their all of a for the and of the Portuguese were and the for was as a which had to be the first had to while of state It maintained social in the and and the of the and the of constitutional as ways to national unity and a provincial These constitutional were of identified with the political that had to and to the ideology of that of the the of political while and with the Portuguese were as either or or The of from the and its to the and provincial elites and provincial provincial in and and and the of the and its of and the of the also for the national of a on the These most of which were in the of the of the state and the of the early on as a to political social and national useful to the context for such the Brazilian elites. The of of some by we from the for and of these were of the most were of African and or African with some in in as away from the and of the was in the most Most of the were in the most of Rio de and and in which and to the of Rio de In most of the were the in all the and of were the In a the to the and its and political were with the history of and the of to Indeed, was not the era of and the new for political at the and the national to between elite in Rio de and in the between and and between and or national established were in in and of was a that from in the of the Indeed, a in linked to that of and In Rio de were two in and in was a in in a slave in in a in Rio in most a and social in in and the from to The its with an in in and a social in in the under the of by the the of social and national by on the and the on the the in two and the to they not do they the state and that state and Indeed, and that the most such as and were also the of state the and its defended the state not only as the most but by in and a of political on These to of the in Rio de and the the to the had in to the and the state to a the by the of the and with the and of and the to a political to this to a the as a national in to a new the for which they has been that the origins of the Conservative party with the and to this The in the to their the that was to for the of the with the the of constitutional was the it was the first a to that the and it in the to the Indeed, that the in and of had a which not be were to the state and society, to the Conservative was but only the of and by the this Conservative be In were Conservative and Conservative In the of the was as much a the had been able to as it was a of the as and the was a in the history of the the of and two and the a of of the and ideological Indeed, as the first was a of most with and with the with which was identified are to parliamentary in the of Traditionally, this has been the role of to the Conservative The in the to be de the historiography not state that and José a and were in to the for to those of Indeed, they had the early in the and and from the of with it of the party in the This of the party to the organization of an party of to and the by This under and was the basis for the historiography has the Conservative party of in the and to the that in of its new, a of the de to be of by the of constitutional the of and a from the This was the of the by with in the to and the as the new the narrative a the by many the origins and of the party that in the to a Conservative party in are Barman do not to a Conservative party in the we the its origins and ideology and its with the of of the party of the parliamentary or the party of was this the new party and its it that little of in the be defined as we party was a and was its relationship to the This a complicated of all, we was elite parliamentary and the for having been in for the of the and in the new had to to the for of their the the historiography little the new and of the we little the between the to and the of who had the in all of these complicated by the we only in the are that the to by and the and the Conservative party in and that the latter was and the and those with the of the coffee of the we all of this little and some of it these and processes by the narrative the socioeconomic and political context of the Reign and the at the of a more political narrative of the in the that we to the ideological and of the party and its and the in which the party was to the provincial us the the political the of to the of between the and their in the and the to the with and was other was a and the other two political in the were to and other had defined as and These in and to the that between and the had the two other political the of political In the and the dominant political they and to be not to the but to the constitutional monarchy and the social and national of the This to not only to as a with other in but dilemma as Indeed, with from the and of the party by and other in the of and with the of the state, had a to that in to as in the political that was the and the other the It was who linked the the and the as early as a and a of and the of the and the in particular de in the and of a with political well the was of the that in Indeed, it was as early as that of and a party in the and the nineteenth century, the parties and as for the of the of the for the of that and for the they the of In and the in of only two the or and the or those the those in those who and those The was its it ideological and an of all who or the and and on all in the to their on the and as to the other also to the of a this to and with the of either the or the established not the to a for from the in in and this The of and the between and the a not the necessary the the only political to or the to the of the ideological and the and the and for a new to The had separated who the from the who their state and national Indeed, that the of the was only to a with and the to to a well as to the de the it with the and as with a a of the it was that was to be the for the new of by and by to for Indeed, by the of the de but in Rio de only on to the of their as a for the this in the to the away from the who the of the most of the and a to the the most provincial and to of de de as a was an of had to José of the to Carvalho, a was a and a and who had the of and in early was a noted in the a military and a who had been in the to and the as a of their and of the was by a of of the and most of the of This to only by some in of had been a Indeed, not only by a a the that to a of the established to a in parliamentary and provincial of more of the first of the de by the of a the had to the the more of their the by and In the latter to be to a to the constitutional of Indeed, given the the the not only the to with the of the Portuguese and Reign in but the and their of constitutional of and the for the party of that by the of This on of the of It was in that that the to the the of Rio and in a to the of and the to national analysis, it and a of the political not with to the with the be to to the political and ideological history above. we the of to the social and we return to the context and of the most in the were not the new party of or in de de of their provincial or they were and they not the of their and however, those with the were to in their The Portuguese and of Rio de were These were between the provincial but in and the and of the Portuguese to be and as many of the first and other The of Rio de was by the of such and the of the and their and and had in the and such the and with the and the The early in the to the Portuguese and the as of this such the well also the and of the we the and The who from the two in the and of The for the however, In of and only was to the established of and the port to the of Rio de It that in the province was Indeed, in the Rio de of the early had was an to a new in those early generally the port from the their socioeconomic This was a which and was to the which the in for such early for the only be however, the to the newly established and to a of in that explanation many of the Portuguese and been the by the generally had little to from the and to by and a in which they had In the to the they their established political by a new political with the newly of and that had the of in and the parliamentary of in this light new of The of had from an of the and the provincial of the The the between Rio de and the provincial and this political The new was It a of the political linkages between the Portuguese and Brazilian of the port and in Rio de and their as well as an with the in and The and were of the more provincial of and the as well as the was socioeconomic for the new political Indeed, between dominant in and and had been in the and and to more in the These had to do with coffee in the the first of the to the and the Although most of the and in the province in the of the de and new and were the of coffee in the the of the while its in at the of that coffee was to in the the in the that the to the coffee had been to of new sources of in the from which established to as The in from as the new coffee The and for in and the that coffee was first with by and an of in the of Rio de in the these were first taken and the in the a for the and of the the for that and the that the were also taken the to the at on the it to the and Although some of the first in the were Portuguese and to with the they who were the new most of the first coffee were either with the from established and with and or or from Rio de who in the new its in the and by their The were the coffee as the Brazilian were for the slave In of the of the slave had the Rio de and they with in Rio de The however, had their by at the coffee was The Although only of were to Brazil between and in the that to and much more to in In a society in by contemporary a of new in by a 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of and some of in the coffee was a by was part and of the the of was a Portuguese of the provincial José the from a Rio de a and a a of the de and were from the of the the to the The de de was the of and a of were and political the of or political or of two of was de who de a and was an established in the from the early The de had in José de at to Brazil to at was in of and and that was a in Rio de by of was by and and their of the de de de to and to the latter two their between and was and was first of the of Rio de as a provincial in as provincial from to was also by the to a with to the their of that the of the of and to with and of the architects and of the new in the party more to its Portuguese and José who we in the provincial the slavery was a Portuguese of this had been a in the colonial period and the had and Rio de to to in Brazil in of to as a Rio de and the role in was by the for part as of to the early by the was on of and of the of a Portuguese in Rio de and to the and 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Samir El Daher

In many countries, the responsibilities for the provision and financing of public services are being increasingly decentralized. In transition and developing economies, the expanded local government role in service delivery is often hindered by limited financial resources, as well as weak institutional capacity, particularly in terms of inadequate financial, practices, management and know-how. In this context, this note reviews the broad range of parameters pertaining to a sound local government finance system, including local government capacity and potential to access private capital markets in a way consistent with macroeconomic stability and policy objectives. To this effect, the note identifies the building blocks for a resilient local government finance structure, and the crucial elements on which local government creditworthiness is predicated, and is likely to be assessed by relevant market players. The main issues in this regard relate to: enhancing the local regulatory framework and institutional capacity for effective service delivery; improving inter-governmental fiscal relations, and budgetary and control systems; and, strengthening local financial management and capacity to mobilize private resources for local infrastructure. The note also addresses the links between local government finance, and broader capital market issues, as well as the role of specialized intermediaries in local infrastructure finance.

Anton Štiglić

No abstract is available for this record.

Joan McGrory

No abstract is available for this record.

Inter American Development Bank

The paper provides information and analysis in support of the Bank's subnational development strategy (GN-2026). The strategy will guide future Bank operations in support of decentralization to address the complex issues countries are facing in their efforts to promote the socioeconomic development in subnational territories. The document is divided in three sections: the first section provides an overview of the decentralization process in Latin America and the Caribbean and sets the stage for an analysis of the key isuues that need to be addresses by the Bank when supporting the decentralization process in the region; the next chapter discusses the challenges confronted by subnational governments. The development of subnational governments is key to improving well-being. The next section focuses on the structure of intergovernmental relations and concludes that a well-designed structure provides subnational governments with incentives to efficiently allocate resources to the most socially profitable uses. The next chapter discusses the governance issues involved in decentralization, while the next section concentrates on the institucional aspects of the institucional aspects of decentralization and concludes that the Bank should emphasize the need for subnational governments to have sufficient institutional capacity at socially acceptable levels of performance. Finally, the last chapter discusses the variety of issues related to financing subnational governments and recommends that the Bank stress the paramount importance of sufficient sources of financing for ensuing good subnational government performance.

Roy Bahl

South Africa is at a crossroads in its decentralization policy. On the one hand, it has declared its intention to strengthen the fiscal powers of local governments. On the other hand, the institutional arrangements to guarantee fiscal decentralization -- revenue powers and expenditure responsibility -- have not yet been fully defined. Nor has a target been set for the vertical division of resources between the central and lower levels of government. The revenue dimension of fiscal decentralization in South Africa, particularly the question of an equitable vertical share for local governments, is the subject of this paper.In the first section of the paper, we ask how South Africa fits the profile of countries that are “good” candidates for decentralization. We then turn to a description of vertical revenue sharing as it presently exists in South Africa. We also offer a proposal about how an equitable vertical share for South Africa should be determined. A final section summarizes the results. The policy question raised in this paper is straightforward: What percent of all tax and non-tax revenues should be assigned to the central government and what percent should be assigned to the local government? The implementation question is also straightforward: Once the assignment is decided, how do we structure each revenue instrument to guarantee the “desired” assignment of resources?

Biagio Bossone

No abstract is available for this record.

International Monetary Fund

Based on cross-country data for up to 78 countries, this paper shows that fiscal decentralization-the assignment of expenditure and revenue mobilization functions to subnational levels of government-is associated with various indicators of governance, such as corruption, rule of law, and government effectiveness. Unlike previous studies in the decentralization/governance literature, which focus primarily on expenditure-based measures of decentralization, the results reported in this paper show that the relationship between decentralization and governance depends on how subnational expenditures are financed. The higher the share in total subnational revenues of nontax revenues and grants and transfers from higher levels of government, the stronger the association between decentralization and governance.

T.I Chuvaeva, O.S Dymshits, V.I Petrov, M.Ya Tsenter · 7 authors

No abstract is available for this record.

Jae-Nam Lee

No abstract is available for this record.

E. Ekici, I.F. Akyildiz, M.D. Bender

No abstract is available for this record.

Yasuo Hayashi, Kiyoshi Matsumoto, Masahiro Kudo

No abstract is available for this record.

E. Rocca, G. Bertrand, C. Rapin, J.C. Labrune

No abstract is available for this record.

Jan Boone

No abstract is available for this record.

Martin Schulz, Lloyd A Jobe

No abstract is available for this record.

L.T. Ndlela, A.S.A. du Toit

No abstract is available for this record.

Bertrand Rime

No abstract is available for this record.

In Choi

No abstract is available for this record.