This paper is concerned wth the classic "guns versus butter" dlemma.There are two countries engaged in an arms race.The first country is a decentralized market economy and the second country is a command economy.This asymmetry might capture the difference between West and East.The government of each country maximizea the life-time utility of the representative consumer, which depends upon conaumption, leisure and defence.Defence is a characteriatic, which depends positively upon the own weapon stock and negatively upon the foreign weapon stock.The government of the first country usea distortionary taxes on labour ncome to finance the provision of public goods, whereas the government of the second country simply commands its constituents.This paper contrasts coordinated and decentralized decision making.It is argued that coordinated policiea lead to lower levels of government spending and arms accumulation.As far as decentralized decision making is concerned, it is crucial to distinguish between openloop, general closed-loop and subgame-perfect Nash equilibria.The openloop Nash equilibrium relies upon pre-commitment to an announced path of ~This paper was presented to a Meeting of the European Public Choice Society, April 2-5, 1986, Noordwjkerhout, The Netherlands and to a Conference on International Economic Security organized by the Centre for Economic Policy Research, June 19R6, London.The authors are grateful to the participants of those meetings for their comments and to A. Markink for excellent computational assistance.government spending and is the solution concept moet frequently used in the literature.The problem with this concept is that it relies upon very restrictive i nformation sets and over-eatimates the inefficiencea generated by the arms race.The closed-loop Nash equilibrium allows each country to have knowledge of current and past weapon stocks.Within this framework it is possible to model threata, which can induce cooperative behaviour.The principle of subgame-perfection gves uniquenesa and credibility within the class of closed-loop Nash equilibria.This subgameperfect equilibrium coincides with the open-loop equilibrium when utility is separable in home and foreign weapon stocks.In general, this is not the case and subgame-perfect equilibria typically lead to less arms accwnulation than open-loop equilibria.This i llustrates that i n a gametheoretic context an increase in information can make both countries better off and countries should therefore be encouraged to monitor the weapon stocka of their rival.The results are illustrated wth a numerical example based upon CES utility functions and linear technologiea.This gives an opportunity to test a recently developed algorithm for the calculation of aubgameperfect equilibria i n dynamic gamea.
When the Reagan Administration took office in 1981, it concentrated its domestic efforts upon national government spending, deficits, and inflation. Its major proposed remedies have consisted of "supply-side" economics, cuts in the rates of federal spending on non-military programs and a return to greater state/local responsibility for public policy initiatives and financing. It is with this last aspect of the Reagan proposals that the present work is concerned: the impact and policy implications of federal decentralization on Arkansas. The option of a state tax increase is explored as Arkansas' response.
During the periods of high economic growth, outmigration from agricultural and mountain villages to urban areas increased rapidly. As a result overpopulation in the urban areas and depopulation in rural areas have become social problems.The rural areas play a very important role particularly in supplying food, conserving national land, cultivating the head sources of a stream and conserving the natural environment. However, it has become difficult to manage the community and these areas have not been able to play the abovementioned roles in depopulated areas. Therefore, the Japanese government has taken a number of measures to promote rural areas and alleviate some of the problems. In this paper the depopulation problem is considered from the viewpoint of local finance. Attention is paid particularly to the role of intergovernmental grants.Firstly, using a concept of local public goods, the inefficiency which results from free migration is considered. If in moving from one region to another a migrant does not account for the effect of his moving on the tax price of the public good of residents in the region he leaves or enters, Tiebout type of decentralized free market equilibria may not be Pareto-efficient. And if this externality is not internalized by centralized decision-making, the one region may be overpopulated and the other underpopulated. In the framework of a simple model the source of inefficiency of resource allocation is shown. Using the same model the analysis is extended to consider the role for intergovernmental grants in the face of such inefficiencies. And it is suggested that the central government may be justified in using a system of intergovernmental grants to overcome these inefficiencies.In order to explore the role of intergovernmental grants, the model is applied to Agatsuma district of Gunma Prefecture, a district which includes a number of the depopulated towns and villages. Firstly, settled accounts of revenue and expenditure from 1965 F. Y. to 1982 F. Y. are investigated. The percentage of transfer payments including grants from both the Japanese government and the government of Gunma Prefecture has become very large since the laws of the depopulated areas enforced. Secondly, principal expenditures are determined for each town and village. In each town expenditure on education and promotion for agriculture and construction account for a very large percentage of total expenditure. Finally, the level of components which constitutes residents' utility is examined. There is still a difference between the levels of many components in this district and those in the other region.From the above results it is shown that the situation is going to a desired direction by various measures, particularly intergovernmental grants. However, in some areas there is still a possibility of the situation deteriorating. Therefore, it is necessary to allocate intergovernmental grants carefully as well as encouraging each local government to work autonomously.
CLOSED closed doors many closed meetings few roll calls little lobbying INDEPENDENT, BIPARTISAN bipartisan, unpredictable voting drafts its own legislation relies on own bureaucracies majority controls policy process but not policy substance strong on information weak on consensus weak on collective accountability DEPENDENT, PARTISAN partisan, predictable voting relies on administration relies on administration majority controls policy substance but not policy process weak on information strong on consensus strong on collective accountability DECENTRALIZED, CHAOTIC organization like market and clan allocation of values through exchange and seniority many unwritten rules pluralistic trust CENTRALIZED, DISCIPLINED democratic organization with elected authority allocation of values through elections with minority rights many written rules corporatistic distrust
A study of the process of administrative decentralization in the period of 1950 - 1983 is the subject of the present article. The substantial part of the discussion is devoted to presentation of actions undertaken after 1981, i.e. in the course of changes brought about by presidential and parliamentary elections. As far as the period to 1931 is concerned, the authors view its organizational moves as a manifestation of deconcentration of power tendencies, rather that a genuine decentralization. Legal acts enacted after 1981 prove a real will of the legislator to carry out a decentralization process. The article discusses in detail all acts and decrees regulating a new competence division between local communities and the state, changes in executive powers in regions and departments, new functions of regions,, new role of state representatives in communities, principles of financing and control a posteriori, possibilities of communities intervention in economic and social matters. All that results in eliminating the state's tutelage on local communities in the respect of administration and financing. The period which has passed since 1981 is too short to allow drawing any far reaching conclusions. It is therefore advised to undertake an attempt at resuming that new stage of decentralization after a certain time.
Governmental capacity consists of three major components. First, institutions at all levels, central, local, public, and private, must have sufficient authority to undertake their assigned roles. Second, adequate financing is necessary to implement governmental responsibilities. Third, good leadership is needed to assure that authority and resources are used wisely. Governments seeking to decentralize must consider many fundamental issues regarding allocations of authority and finances, the strength of local leadership, and the structuring of central institutions.
Open access
Agriculture Market Analysis Ukraine
Digitalization and Economic Development in Agriculture
The author explains mechanism of local economy functioning and distinguishes three sets in this mechanism: decentralized, centralized and mixed sets. Taking into account conditions of local economy functioning, in which local authorities are decisive subjects (local administration and people's councils) the author formulates an opinion that postulates on decentralization, which are stated in discussions, practically refer to substitution of centralized set with mixed set — and not decentralized one — of local economy. Centralized set can not be fully abolished even when mixed set is a predominating set of local economy functioning. Anyway it does not eliminate the possibility of competence expansion of leading local authorities. In such situation decentralized set of local economy functioning, in strict meaning of the word, can play a marginal role only. The author considers in a broad way the role played by financial factor in local economy functioning. A special attention is paid to dissimilarity of financing principles in particular sets of this economy, because efficiency of the reform considerably depends on proper knowledge about these principles.
This article constructs a decentralized growth model with two production sectors, one having competitive firms and the other oligopolists. Since capitalized pure profits for the latter sector constitute an asset which household savings must finance, we show that imperfect competition can reduce steady-state national output through both a "static effect" on allocative efficiency and a "dynamic effect" on aggregative capital accumulation. After presenting a theoretical analysis, we generate several numerical examples. The latter suggest that the "dynamic effect" of monopoly may be significantly larger than the "static effect" in practice.
Stephen T. Miller, Roger Vander Zwagg, Melanie Joyner, John W. Runyan
Observations of a publicly-financed system for the medical care of a large number of persons with chronic diseases have been made over seven years. The system combines decentralized, nurse-staffed neighborhood clinics, operated by a public health department, with a central referral clinic for consultations and the management of complicated problems. After seven years in the chronic disease program 55% of 1,004 patients with diagnoses of diabetes mellitus, hypertension, and cardiac diseases were still receiving care, 19% had died, and 26% had been lost to the program. In the seventh year, the mean diastolic blood pressure in hypertensives was 84 mm Hg and the mean serum glucose in diabetics was 203 mg/dl. For the group under care, hospital days/1000/year were 74% of the rate during the year before referral to the program and out-patient visits/1000/year were approximately the same as before referral. However, two-thirds of the visits, formerly made to a public hospital, were now being made to neighborhood clinics. The system appears to be an effective method of providing medical services for persons who formerly used the public hospital as their source of outpatient care.
Open access
Primary Care and Health Outcomes
Chronic Disease Management Strategies
Health Systems, Economic Evaluations, Quality of Life
The reaction of public utilities to the addition (and competitive) sources of energy supplied by solar technologies will have a significant impact on the commercialization of solar energy. Decentralized applications of solar energy need utility-produced power to back up the energy produced by solar means. The cost and availability of this power will largely determine the acceptance of solar energy. There are three legal issues surrounding the role of utilities in the solar commercialization effort: (1) the extent to which utilities may own, sell, lease, finance, or service solar devices for utility customers; (2) the degree to which solar-powered utilities may be able to compete with existing utilities; and (3) the degree to which various utility rate structures will be allowed to penalize decentralized solar users. The impact of state constitutional and statutory provisions upon these issues is examined, along with relevant federal constitutional doctrines. Finally, the statutes of the National Energy Act, many of which specifically address the above issues, are discussed.
I. Economics.- 1. Introduction.- 1.1. Economic theory and economic environment.- 1.2. Private and public goods.- 1.3. The duality approach.- 1.4. Decentralized allocation mechanisms.- 2. Equilibrium in a system of economic relations.- 2.1. General equilibrium theory.- 2.2. Optimal allocations.- 2.3. An exchange economy.- 3. Production.- 3.1. Production sets and production multifunctions.- 3.2. Conditions in the production model.- 3.3. The price structure corresponding to a technology.- 3.4. Conditions in the price space.- 3.5. Preference orderings of inputs.- 3.6. Satiation for and dispensability of inputs.- 3.7. The demand- and the price-multifunction.- 4. Consumption and production of public goods.- 4.1. The consumption model.- 4.2. Private goods, public goods and externalities.- 4.3. Private goods, public goods and transaction costs.- 4.4. Social consumption and production.- 4.5. An economy with local public goods.- 5. Equilibrium in economies with private and public goods.- 5.1. The valuation representation of an economy.- 5.2. Equilibrium in an economy with public goods only.- 5.3. Equilibrium in an economy with private and public goods.- 5.4. The two-level price equilibrium.- 5.5. Financing the public sector.- 6. The organization of economic decisions.- 6.1. Allocation mechanisms.- 6.2. Centralization and decentralization.- 6.3. Procedures with a social preference ordering.- 6.4. Procedures with individual preference orderings.- 6.5. Multi-level organization.- 7. Extensions.- 7.1. Between values and resources.- 7.2. Theory of motion.- II. Mathematics.- 8. Basic mathematical notions and notations.- 8.1. Sets, relations and multifunctions.- 8.2. Continuity of multifunctions.- 8.3. Sets and algebraic operations in Rn.- 9. Sets and duality.- 9.1. Supporting hyperplanes and separating hyperplanes.- 9.2. Polar sets.- 9.3. Reflexive sets.- 9.4. Separation and intersection of sets.- 10. Multifunction and duality.- 10.1. Operations on multifunctions.- 10.2. Properties of multifunctions.- 10.3. Convex processes.- 10.4. Convex cone-interior processes.- 10.5. Convex star and convex aureole processes.- Summary.- References.
B. Balamurugan, T. Poongodi, M. R. Manu, S. Karthikeyan · 5 authors
The moving image archive of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) includes a copy of the film The Double Day (1975), cataloged in the series Moving Images Relating to International Development Programs and Activities, 1979–1991, a collection of more than eight hundred titles “created to provide information on assistance programs supported by the Agency for International Development (AID).”1 Yet, The Double Day does not, in fact, directly depict or engage with any specific development or aid initiative. Instead, the film—directed by US-based Brazilian filmmaker Helena Solberg as part of the International Women’s Film Project collective and described as “the first Latin American feminist documentary”—examines the gendered dynamics of paid and unpaid labor through the testimonies of women from Argentina, Bolivia, Venezuela, and Mexico.2 Its presence in the USAID archive is likely a consequence of its funding history, having received support from the Inter-American Foundation, a USAID-affiliated entity; the development agencies of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden; the United Nations Development Program; and US philanthropist Calvin Cafritz.3These transnational funding structures not only enabled the film’s production but also determined its archival destination, which renders legible its place within the history of international development.4 The Double Day’s institutional trajectory reflects the shifting configurations of aid, gender, and media during a historic moment when women were being repositioned at the center of what Arturo Escobar has described as development’s “regimes of visuality.”5 Especially relevant to The Double Day’s production and exhibition was the international institutional framework of Women in Development (WID). Emerging in the early 1970s and culminating in United Nations’ proclamation of 1975 as International Women’s Year, WID emphasized women’s participation in the global economy as both an index and mechanism of development. Indeed, The Double Day premiered at the World Conference of the International Women’s Year, held in Mexico City.6 Within this context, the film forms part of a broader trajectory of media use by international organizations that intensified during the 1970s—as best exemplified by Media Habitat, a collection of 236 documentary films commissioned by the United Nations to represent urban and rural development initiatives for the 1976 Habitat Conference on Human Settlements in Vancouver. As a policy-shaping initiative, Media Habitat primarily featured films from the Global South intended not only to illustrate but also to help codify standardized audiovisual markers of “underdevelopment” that determined access to the emerging global economic order and to international aid.7Framed in relation to these international institutions and their operations, The Double Day could similarly be considered “development media”—exemplifying the type of nonfiction media produced and distributed outside of the commercial film circuits whose aspects and subcategories have been variously described in scholarship as nontheatrical, useful, sponsored, institutional, industrial, educational, or nonprofessional/amateur.8 Scholars working in this area have emphasized the institutional contexts of such media’s production and exhibition infrastructures as shaping its instrumentalized effects. From a feminist perspective, such an approach is crucial to grappling with the broader question of how “gender impacts [these works’] shape, content, and trajectories.”9 Yet we also argue that, taken in isolation, the institutional and infrastructural contexts are insufficient to account for the complex relationship between media and development, potentially not only limiting our understanding of the reach and impact of development but also distorting our interpretive conclusions. For example, to categorize The Double Day as “development media” is to overlook the film’s place within Solberg’s directorial oeuvre, as well as within the histories of both transnational women’s filmmaking and radical Latin American documentary cinema to which it simultaneously belongs. Such exclusive framing is especially limiting given that women globally were disproportionately engaged in nonfiction production throughout the twentieth century—sometimes by political choice but more often due to structural exclusions from fiction filmmaking. Even in nonfiction historiography, however, institutional media has remained particularly marginal, reinforcing hierarchies that separate such works from the aesthetic and authorial frameworks through which film history has been constructed.10 This marginalization not only tends to erase women’s contributions but also presumes a “weak” or derivative authorship, rendering these films unworthy of the interpretive attention needed to apprehend their aesthetic and political complexity.11 The same dynamic is likely to structure assumptions about “development media” as well.Categorizing The Double Day exclusively within this category would further prompt us to assume top-down institutional analyses that have been characteristic of both institutional media methodologies and the scholarship on development at large. This, in turn, would risk obscuring this film’s radical Marxist approach to women’s labor as well as its concrete contribution to activism and its attendant grassroot structures. In Mexico City, The Double Day became a catalyst for feminist solidarity in practice when one of the film’s protagonists, Bolivian activist and trade unionist Domitila Barrios de Chungara, was invited to participate in the Tribune of Non-Governmental Organizations held alongside the official UN conference.12 There, Barrios de Chungara challenged Western feminist priorities by reframing the debate around labor, class, and imperialism, helping to articulate a shared Third World feminist agenda that significantly departed from the developmentalist vision of the United Nations and USAID.13 Seen through the lens of activist media, The Double Day helped forge transnational solidarity networks by enabling information exchange across the diverse voices that shaped its making—from the women featured in the film to the activists who circulated it—revealing a considerably more dynamic interplay between institutional and grassroots or contingent media practices.Moreover, the film’s Latin American context—reflected in Solberg’s formation in Brazil as the only woman in Cinema Novo, its focus on women from across the region, and its premiere and key reception in Mexico City—requires grappling with the regional specificities of the very notion of development in its multiple iterations.14 Far from being an epistemological and political framework imposed solely by the Global North, both the practices of development and the theoretical foundations of developmentalism (understood as a broad and polysemic set of discourses) were shaped through the active participation of Latin American economists.15 Within this iteration, underdevelopment, as a constitutive notion of developmentalism, became central to a distinctly critical strand, which by the late 1960s became known as the dependency theory.16 This same approach is reflected in some of the best-known Latin American radical film manifestos of the time, arising precisely from the same milieus to which Solberg belonged.17These various considerations of the film’s history illustrate the methodological challenges confronting feminist scholars seeking to assess the impact of development on media projects, theories, and practices. To disregard the developmentalist context of such works by emphasizing their political aesthetics and affects risks reproducing a romanticized narrative of heroic resistance (albeit from a feminist perspective). Yet to engage exclusively with their institutional and material infrastructures risks naturalizing developmentalism’s political and epistemological foundations at the expense of the goals and beliefs of the many women who participated in these projects. The contradictions and ambivalences that animate such histories call for feminist frameworks capable of holding both institutional complicity and radical possibility in view.This challenge resonates with ongoing debates about the politics of the archive and what Allyson Field has termed “the practice of informed speculation.”18 As she reminds us, feminist, queer, and decolonial methodologies have long taught us to “press at the limits” of the archive to “inoculate our scholarship against our evidence’s afflictions.”19 The concern that the evidence we draw on in our analysis reproduces the very structures and blind spots of the dominant ideology and therefore shapes and delimits our interpretation becomes particularly urgent when engaging the developmentalist media corpus. Informed speculation offers an alternative by inviting the experimental, creative, and speculative rewriting of history, mobilizing the archive “in a project that runs counter to the original purpose, or the imperative to preserve, or the conditions that led to erasure.”20 Yet, as Field cautions, such speculative gestures must remain grounded in a deep and “intimate familiarity with the archive” that we are working with and against. Building on this imperative, we suggest that the developmentalist archive, in particular, demands expansion and critical reconsideration in ways that unsettle the very disciplinary frameworks through which it has been studied as well as the larger institutional contexts for such knowledge production.Our focus on The Double Day in the opening of this introduction thus foregrounds the entanglements of institutional and grassroots forces, local and international contexts, structural and interpersonal relations, and creative and economic factors that have shaped not only this film but the broader ecosystem of development media projects—and their preservation—over time. Addressing such a constellation involves transgressing methodologically entrenched divisions between political economy and aesthetics, between material infrastructures and affective regimes; reckoning with divergent periodizations across film history and world economics; and situating these within the local specificities of women’s movements and international institutional programs. It also demands attentiveness to the coexistence of multiple, and sometimes competing, understandings of development—each historically, geographically, and ideologically situated.We imagine this special issue as an opening toward a critical dialogue, not only about how such an approach might be enacted in practice but also about the far-reaching ways development paradigms have shaped both our objects of study and the contours of the field itself. The decision to center institutionally sponsored films across all the essays in this issue is deliberate and enables us to highlight institutional critique as a vital methodological imperative within our analytical framework. Created within the frameworks of international organizations, state agencies, or NGOs, these films’ histories make legible the institutional logics that underwrite their production. Yet our critique does not stop at these specific entities. Rather, we argue for a broader interrogation of the political conditions and institutional infrastructures that shape media and knowledge production more generally. This includes contemporary corporations embedded in the digital platform economy, from streaming services to the rapid expansion of AI. Equally critical is a reflexive examination of academia itself, where departments of economics, political science, and centers for development have played a formative role in producing and legitimizing developmentalist theories and policy frameworks. While the humanities and arts have at times offered critical alternatives, they have also frequently mirrored and reinforced many of the same developmentalist assumptions. A feminist analysis of the nexus between development and media must therefore unsettle not only dominant archives but also the institutional and disciplinary foundations of our own scholarly practices.As scholars, we share the complex position of navigating the same tensions between institutional complicity and emancipatory aspiration as many of the media-makers whose work we study. Mirroring our subjects is also the transnational, collective mode of this special issue’s own production as it emerges from an ongoing informal working group we have sustained over several years. While relying on institutional and disciplinary affordances—such as university funding for conferences or access to academic publishing platforms—we have been working toward creating a community that exceeds, and often resists, the prevailing logics of our academic institutions. Our aim has been to create a space for shared inquiry and mutual support that pushes back against disciplinary siloing and technocratic neoliberal assessment modes of both labor and knowledge production—and this certainly extends to our experience collaborating with the journal editors throughout the publication process. Our goal has been to examine both the persistence and variability of developmentalism, understood as what Gustavo Esteva calls a “powerful but fragile semantic constellation,” as a conceptual formation that has historically inspired, legitimized, and mobilized media projects across Asia, Africa, and Latin America.21 And gendered biopolitics, from population control to gender mainstreaming, have remained integral to development policies and media practices, recurring across formats from institutional newsreels to film festivals.We share the conviction that, far beyond the history of nonfiction institutional media, development (as both a broad ideological project and a network of material and institutional practices) and developmentalism (as a set of discourses and theoretical models associated with development) have exerted a far-reaching influence on film and media cultures at large. As such, they must be treated as a major force in shaping global film and media systems and also the many ongoing assumptions behind their critical discourses. The discipline of communication studies was founded on modernization theory governed by Cold War goals of dissemination of Western liberal democracy around the world, while “an area studies framework allowed compartmentalizing Western and non-Western outcomes of technologies that were always claimed to be universal.”22 Despite critique from postcolonial and critical race studies, many of these frameworks have remained foundational for media theory.23 In historical scholarship, as we increasingly move beyond “modernity” as a dominant conceptual anchor, engaging with practices and discourses of development opens more precise analytical pathways. These film and media’s entanglements with the logics of and economic and the associated with as well as their conceptual underdevelopment, and impact in as diverse as and of media aesthetic and paradigms in film and film and funding are developmentalist assumptions to the they to underwrite the narrative and logics of and global media from the structure of the film to the cultures of argue that a examination of the historical entanglements between film and developmentalist aesthetics, modes of as well as infrastructures and critical the and that our contemporary media is a of the historical contours of development as a field of inquiry embedded within a of some of the methodologies by the featured in this special a of this complex history, to the larger at in media, development, and gender all its development a it as an of be with practices as divergent as and in In as we work on this the of the of the USAID the ideological that have the history of international the and of this on the global its a from development as a global practice and as an institutional and which over the has as a with its own media Yet or does not erase the historical impact of these the contradictions they have reflected and over the as the of development several crucial to the economic theories of development initiatives to and through the of the development an international policy framework at from the Global to the of the Global the by the political role of and the of the International the on was challenged by dependency theory and at development as global structural the neoliberal of the the Programs by the and World imposed and as conditions for and forms of assistance became known as the major markers for international development development has moving beyond economic to such as the Human Development and the Development and from international organizations such as the United Nations to a broader network of These frameworks increasingly of and liberal of and with what in many ways to various while the of the to development’s epistemological more scholarship has toward a of its and material the field has to a of and critical by and scholars, which development as a dynamic of conceptual and political to these the studies in this special issue call for sustained analysis in place of In we draw from a of and that in of of gender and to this special issue engage that and from Mexico to contemporary specific local historical of global distinctly feminist methodologies as well as attention to studies that this issue a in the global history of development on and documentary work in Mexico how early women infrastructures as of while US films an early of state and transnational on a outside the Global as the of developmentalist both the and markers of development media, its to the and Latin central grounded in archival also women’s in transnational and the methodological of archives on study of the series to a a digital media not by but by women not as but as subjects and within circuits of neoliberal and the aesthetics and of how development’s has models of to contemporary neoliberal paradigms of and analysis how digital and gender and practices, discourses on and their of these essays the of some of the historical of developmentalist as the question of the role of the state within such on a notion of economic as a and the dominant of development that the state as the for and through infrastructural projects. This understanding of development was shared across both of the as well as in the Third The United and the increasingly mobilized international in the of the modes of international at the postcolonial of policy and ideological These programs were at the expansion of their and of while with the and decolonial of The conceptual between modernization and development that the Cold in of and hierarchies of that long and As an of postcolonial their role as of international aid concern about the of Western development projects. In alternative across the Global South that to structural between and through policies of and In many they were further the global structures. In Latin for example, this approach was through organizations such as the United Nations for Latin and the both developmentalist projects and their have taken many forms historically, and they have and they have been to a of projects, and postcolonial and development has been and in ways and with frequently political While many of these alternative frameworks the embedded in dominant Western they often technocratic and assumptions. gender and gender as for the of to be shaped by This becomes particularly in the media that of development where women frequently a crucial associated with and women were as both the subjects and of their participation in the and labor often as the index of In this study of from the 1970s how women were as of this as these about women’s urban and recurring and of a within the own of and critique that official examination of archives and enables a feminist interrogation of their mobilizing a of the in the of contribution to this issue similarly the of a dynamic within as well as across ideological the of women’s and the media of the and as active in labor and as integral to the technocratic women became of as their labor remained a of and analysis and archival with attention to the specific of and It also transnational that as a and affective a nexus of and practices through which gender, media, and developmentalism one film not as a but as part of the of alongside and work a broader concern of this special media as a of developmentalist projects. The debates the World and which international such as the United Nations and a critical historical for such primarily by postcolonial and of the for the of media and communication infrastructures in as to counter Western The a between and economic how systems of media and reinforced global hierarchies of and in an agenda that supported and alternative media infrastructures across postcolonial contexts, the framework gender as an analytical This “gender in the 1970s by of the Women in Development in relation to The Double its political critique of with its broader to center women in development policy through and This was also in of media, which was shaped by its international reach and audiovisual production and and and Yet, as WID institutional it also to the and of the women’s development programs often by in These were by a of studies, and on and the to of women’s presence and through the of their economic and In this on the filmmaker this history directly by the and of for women by the WID framework during the with and agencies the of and against Women in at the of the neoliberal turn, when institutional media often the only to access and support to projects. The an by this dynamic as of the from the Global South are to engage with the developmentalist assumptions funding models that their similarly the as a in developmentalist media history by the of and centers on the Film a between of and the attention toward the and labor by and work was foundational the of and the of audiovisual aid, as both a of development projects and a critical for their the in this issue argue for a with media, gender, and developmentalism as an field of that is and shaped by feminist and methodologies and that challenge the entanglements between academic knowledge production and and technocratic development And while methodological these dynamics at the structural the of feminist in media and cinema by this the very a
Given the increasing demand pressure on water resources coupled with supply holdups and institutional failures, fresh-water resources are increasingly susceptible to depletion and could potentially add to water stress in India. A vast demand-supply gap necessitates water conservation, including recycling measures. India has a great potential in wastewater treatment, and one of the ways to address it is decentralisation of wastewater treatment given its environmental benefits. Based on the Contingent Valuation Method (CVM), this study assesses Delhi urban households’ willingness to pay for the Operation & Maintenance (O&M) costs of a local Wastewater Treatment Plants (WWTP) that supplies residential complexes treated water for toilet-flushing. The study found that if freshwater prices rise sufficiently for consumers, they may be willing to subsidise a decentralized WWTP to cover at least their non-potable water uses. In addition, the co-provision of such public goods can become an important supplement to urban municipal finance.
On behalf of the American Association of Neurological Surgeons/Congress of Neurological Surgeons Joint Section on Disorders of the Spine and Peripheral Nerves, it is my great privilege to introduce these Guidelines for the Management of Acute Cervical Spine and Spinal Cord Injuries. These guidelines represent the initial installment of a more comprehensive guidelines initiative from the Joint Section on behalf of all practicing neurosurgeons and their patients. The Section is grateful to the small working group who devoted considerable time and effort to the generation of this outstanding document. We would like to formally recognize the Joint Section on Trauma for their important collaboration on this project. The Section would also like to acknowledge and thank the parent organizations, the American Association of Neurological Surgeons and the Congress of Neurological Surgeons, for their guidance of and support for this project, most notably through the efforts of the American Association of Neurological Surgeons/ Congress of Neurological Surgeons Guidelines Committee. The Section is also deeply indebted to Michael Apuzzo and the staff of Neurosurgery for their advice and editorial assistance in preparing this document for publication. The application of Neurosurgery’ s rigorous peer-reviewed editorial process has clearly enhanced the quality, balance, and stature of this document. Perhaps most importantly, Neurosurgery has provided an extraordinary vehicle for the widespread dissemination and ultimate incorporation of these guidelines to improve the care and enhance the outcomes of patients with traumatic cervical spine and spinal cord injuries. One of the truly important functions of organized neurosurgery is the generation of evidenced-based clinical practice guidelines. Properly developed, such guidelines can answer important questions, resolve uncertainty, identify areas of deficient knowledge and opportunities for future scientific investigation, standardize treatment, and improve the quality of care and the outcomes for patients. The now widely disseminated head trauma guidelines, for example, have clearly made a difference in the outcomes of patients with severe head injury. Guidelines development is a highly structured process with rigorous methodological criteria and exacting standards. It is a time-, labor-, and resource-intensive process that has served as a significant obstacle to more widespread guidelines development throughout neurosurgery. In the past, clinical practice guidelines have been developed by publicly supported epidemiologists and methodologists who understood study design, data analysis, and the guidelines process, but not the disease. This absence of context and clinical perspective significantly limited the value and relevance of their results. Alternatively, clinician-generated guidelines often took the form of methodologically flawed consensus panels and expert opinion, also of limited value. The Joint Spine Section recognized the importance of evidence-based clinical practice guidelines and the challenges of their development. The appropriate clinical expertise, strict adherence to established methodological standards for guidelines development, and considerable resource investment for the development, dissemination, and maintenance of the guidelines documents were deemed crucial to our guidelines initiative. Cervical spine and spinal cord injury was chosen as the initial guidelines topic because of the personal, social, and economic devastation of these injuries, their complex nature, and the high level of uncertainty, as reflected in wide practice variations, as to the value and indications for many of the aspects of evaluation and treatment. The clinical practice guidelines contained in this supplement to Neurosurgery represent a remarkable effort. They address the key issues related to the evaluation and management of these complex conditions that are relevant to the treating physician. In every chapter, the pertinent issues are succinctly stated, the published data are comprehensively presented in the evidentiary tables, and the evidence is thoroughly discussed and critically evaluated throughout the text. The linkage between the quality of the evidence and the strength of the recommendations was not a “black box” process but an open, deliberative exercise by skilled experts guided by a rigorous set of standards. Despite the strength and potential value of this document, it is important to acknowledge the inherent limitations of clinical practice guidelines. This, or any other, evidence-based clinical practice guidelines document does not represent the definitive source of knowledge on the stated topic. Rather, it represents recommendations of varying strength and certainty based on an analysis of the best available published data. These data, however, are often conflicting, flawed, or incomplete, and there are unavoidable elements of potential bias from subjectivity, perspective, and experience of the individuals and group involved in the analysis and interpretation of these data. In essence, proof is a relative term based on the interpretation of evidence. Furthermore, it is subject to different standards. A relevant example comes from the field of jurisprudence, where the standard of proof (i.e., guilt) for criminal trials is “beyond a reasonable doubt,” whereas the standard for civil courts must simply reflect “a preponderance of evidence” or “more likely than not.” These different standards evolved because of the perceived different consequences of a wrongful verdict. Moreover, as Stephen Haines likes to note, the verdict “not guilty” does not mean innocent; it merely says not proved. Such are the vagaries associated with the interpretation of even scientific evidence. Principled people can look at the same evidence and come to different conclusions subject to their own personal perspective, experience, and stake in the result. Nevertheless, the Joint Section and Guidelines Development Group went to great lengths to identify and avoid—or at least minimize—these potential problems. The working group adopted the most widely recognized and rigorous standards for guidelines development. A diverse panel of experts with expertise in spine, trauma, and epidemiology brought relevant clinical, scientific, and methodological competence to enhance both the analytical and the deliberative aspects of this process. Periodic outside reviews were routinely obtained for topics or areas of contention or uncertainty to add additional perspective and balance. Above all, the process was accountable and transparent at every stage. Ultimately, we offer these guidelines as a living document to those professionals who treat patients with traumatic spinal injury. We hope each practitioner will critically evaluate these guidelines and come to his or her own conclusion on how, whether, and when to implement its recommendations. It may be used either as a reference or as a basis for standardized protocols of evaluation and management of the patients with traumatic spinal injury. For clinical and basic science researchers, we hope that it will identify and catalyze scientific investigation in areas of deficient knowledge. As a Section, we stand firmly behind this important document and will continuously update the recommendations as new knowledge and understanding is developed. We sincerely believe that these guidelines can improve the care and enhance the outcomes of patients with traumatic injuries to the cervical spine and spinal cord.
Historians have recently given much attention to the active, formative role of state governments in the American economy before the Civil War.1 The states exercised nearly exclusive control over many aspects of economic life, and in such areas as labor, banking, and corporation policy the federal government interfered relatively little. The consequence was considerable decentralization of power in policymaking, together with variations in policy from state to state.2 Perhaps in no policy area were variations so dramatic as in state legislation on banking. In some states banking was prohibited outright, while in others the state government itself established and operated banks, sometimes on a monopoly basis. Elsewhere, safety funds were established and banks required to meet minimum standards of specie reserve and the like; and in a few states, stringent regulatory policies were pursued, with public commissioners given considerable discretion in administering policy.3
The Korean family planning program from 1964 to 1968 is considered in its entirety. The program is financed primarily by Korean government appropriations (averaging about $2 million in past years from central and local budgets) but also is supported substantially by foreign agencies such as the Population Council SIDA and AID. The Planned Parenthood Federation of Korea working in cooperation with the government is financed by about $200000 yearly from Korean government and foreign sources. The program has offered the IUD condom and vasectomy to every couple without charge. Accomplishments include adoption of the loop or vasectomy by 1/3 of couples with wife below age 45 elicitation of the best response among illiterate and low-income families and in rural areas reduction of crude birth rate by roughly 10% as of 1968 by IUDs inserted through mid-1968 and launching a pill program for IUD drop-outs starting with an unknown method a population of 30 million was informed of it and their approval won. Approaches used in the program have included strong governmental policy; implementation through the existing health structure; decentralization of functions to local and provincial government levels; payment by government of physicians and fieldworkers involved as well as vasectomy acceptors for work lost; high fieldworker density; fixation of target quotas with positive and negative sanctions on workers; and full use of mass media. Problems to be dealt with involve funding doctorless and remote areas and termination rates. The problems have been obtaining the funds; areas that are doctorless and that are remote; the training of workers; funds for maintenance and supply systems; shortcomings of the present contraceptive methods; and the changing of field-worker duties.
Open access
Diverse Approaches in Healthcare and Education Studies
Abstract Capital and Management in Socialist Economies The idea, that an economy can be operated by methods of central planning to realize the economic optimum like the model of a private business corporation, proved to be successful only in the first periods of (“extensive”) industrialization. Growing product differentiation increased the danger of disallocation of resources. The solution of microeconomic allocation problems turned out to be most unsatisfactory. Since 1962, reforms try to decentralize decision making in the individual enterprise striving mostly for production aims planned centrally. The problem of appropriate investment and success criteria for the system’s management remains unsolved. While in sectors of the economy, where large sums of capital are needed, ex ante central planning is necessary, the problem is different in manufacturing industry. Here, an efficient selection from the abundance of continually and acceleratingly renewing technical progress can be made only with decentralized rules of efficiency, which, however, must be based on market prices. But the choice of a soviet director is limited by problems of financing and supply. He may calculate approximately the technical effect of investment, but he cannot evaluate its economic effect, since prices have been set since long and do not reflect the permanently changing relations of scarcity of resources, Besides, the certain profit from selling established products is frequently preferred to the risk of innovation. The industrial reform of 1965 has focused on the relation of the profit from sold production and the invested capital stock. It emphasizes the importance of investment financing from enterprize profits and credit (in contrast to the usual allotment of means for investment by central authorities). A greater flexibility in fulfilling the plan can be observed, but management’s investment choices are still very limited. The centrally planned supply of investment cannot keep pace with increased decentralized investment demands. The reason for the stated inferiority of socialist economies in realizing technical progress is ultimately the absence of a capital market. Its role for most investment decisions can be substituted only most imperfectly by central planning.
The principles of unity and complexity introduced into the Polish State budget in 1951 are no longer fully observed. In particular, certain funds administered by local councils have appeared gradually in the last years, on the basis of the budget law of 1958 which admitted making some budget expenses dependent on definite budget revenues. Moreover, some funds have been created outside the local budgets. These deserve special attention as a new phenomenon which becomes increasingly important for the local councils activities and especially for councils of the lowest level. The development of decentralized funds seems to be desirable firstly in the economic micro-regions, such as villages and towns, in order to accelerate their development. The augmentation of the role of decentralized funds would also be advisable in counties and provinces provided they constitute regions with specific economic structure. Decentralized funds should be first of all used to finance local investments, the more so that this would be in accordance with the main destination of the funds already administered by local councils. In this way, decentralized funds could in the future be transformed into the local investment budgets. The considerable development of decentralized funds in this country, in particular of those of the lowest level of local administration, seems, moreover, to prove that local budgets at this level, which since 1951 have been incorporated into the State budget, are not fully adequate for financing local councils activities. This suggests that a reform of local budgets of the lowest level is advisable, which would make their administration more similar to that of decentralized funds. The author considers in detail the perspectives and conditions of s'uch a reform of the local budgets of the lowest level, as well as the prospects and conditions of further development of the decentralized funds if no budget reform takes place. He discusses especially the links between decentralized funds and local budgets in this last case. The other subject of the author's consideration is the advisability of financing the local councils activities by bank credit or by credit granted by central funds administered by budget authorities
(1) As it is shown in the answering rate itself, concern of top management on the rationalization of business finance is very sincere. (2) As for depreciation system, contraction of depreciation terms and general or partial widening of the rooms for arbitrary depreciation are earnestly desired. (3) Corporate tax has been intensely criticized, and opinion of the majority takes its revision as a premise for financial rationalization. (4) Regarding budget system, opinion of the majority asserts concentrative management, but not a few recognize the necessity of decentralized system. (5) Upon internal audit and concept of cost, a fundamental shift from the traditional idea is fairly evident.