Blockchain Papers

Kutsal Yesilkagit, Jakob de Vries

Two developments flowing from the institutional reforms in The Netherlands of the 1980s currently form ‘the usual suspects’ in a series of scandals or instances of public arousal within the public sector. The first factor is the large-scale decentralization of tasks from central government to provincial and municipal authorities. Initiated under the name of democratization and efficiency this decentralization programme was part of a large package of operations, including deconcentration, deregulation, privatization, and reconsideration, that were to to slim down central government in terms of personnel, tasks and organization. Second, managerialism, i.e. the adoption of business management ideas and concepts by public administrators, entered Dutch public service vocabulary during the second half of the 1980s. Managerialism did not limit itself only to central government agencies but also — and perhaps more succinctly — found openings in provincial and municipal authorities, mainly as a fierce reaction against the ‘bureaucratism’ of daily administrative practice to counter the relative deprivation perceived by civil servants in relation to their private sector counterparts. This article shows that the decentralization of financial management and the emergence of ‘reinvention’ ideas have had autonomous but drastic effects. While the former blinded central government and provincial controllers, the latter legitimized practices that even under a private sector regime would have been deemed improbable.

John P. Burns

ABSTRACT Administrative reform in China has followed a different path from reform in OECD countries. Because of its different point of departure (relatively underdeveloped, centrally planned economy, and one party monopoly) reform in China has included establishing a market economy, strengthening market regulations, and institutionalizing civil service. There are some similarities between China and OECD countries, however. Both China and developed capitalist democracies have tried to downsize their public sectors, corporatize some government departments, and decentralize administration. Contrary to stated policy goals of Chinese government, net result of these changes has been to strengthen state. Moreover, reform has left both developmental and predatory natures of Chinese state intact. There is some evidence, however, that Chinese state is now seeking to become more neutral vis-a-vis INTRODUCTION Spared by economic crises and informed by New Right, public-sector reform in developed capitalist democracies has involved decentralization, deregulation, privatization, and marketization (Lane, 1997:1; Rainey, 1998: 19; Hood, 1991). The implication of these changes was that size and role of state would shrink. According to this scenario, a lean core state would remain to manage most activities indirectly. Most public goods and services would be provided by business-like executive agencies or by private sector and non-profit organizations under contract. Globalization and need to compete in an increasingly integrated market have had an impact on developing countries as well and they, too, have been encouraged to reform their public sectors. Because China has come to public sector reform from a radically different starting point from developed capitalist democracies (relatively underdeveloped, centrally planned, and ruled by a one-party monopoly), reform in world's most populous country has taken its own path. Still, reform in China has also sought a smaller, less intrusive state. This goal is neatly captured in official Chinese slogan: small government, large society. The evidence now indicates, however, that in spite if years of reform both in China and overseas, position of state remains relatively strong. The statist orientation of public-sector reform is evident in western democracies. In OECD countries, for example, although size of civil service has shrunk in many cases (including Australia, Canada, New Zealand, UK, and USA), public expenditure as a percentage of gross national product has remained remarkably stable (Ferlie et al. 1996:2-3) because the public sector continues to finance and deliver core goods and services that are of major significance to as a whole: health, education, research and development, criminal justice, and social security (Ibid., 3). In China, case is even clearer. Not only has size of public sector, especially government, been immune to years of attempted downsizing but also position of state as a result of public sector reform, especially local state, remains as strong as ever. The goal of small government, large society has yet to be realized. CONTEXT China is divided into 30 provinces or provincial-level units ranging in population from 2 million (Tibet) to over 110 million (Sichuan) people. Average provincial population is 30 to 40 million, larger than population of many countries. Provinces are subdivided into prefectures (there were 110 such units by end of 1997) or prefectural cities (22 in 1997). Prefectures in turn are subdivided into counties (1,693 in 1997) or county-level cities (442). Cities are further divided into 727 districts (State Statistical Bureau, 1998:3). Territorially based party committees, each with its own bureaucracy, manage government and economy at each administrative level (Lieberthal, 1995). …

照雄 中島

The important issue, for both central and local governments in the 2000's is financial reconstruction and administrative reform. And, pursuing a policy of government decentralization has been regarded as an important issue in 1990's, and since 1999 it has received much attention at the central government and local government levels. In 1999,the Government Decentralization Law was passed. As expected, that the relationship between the central and local government has changed drastically. This report gives a study of Basic Concepts of Reform of Public Sector Accounting System in Local Government, and so on, is presented as follows : 1. Introduction. 2. Central Public Finance and Local Public Finance : An Overview. 3. Issues of Public Sector Accounting System in Local Government. 4. Conversion of Public Sector Accounting System in Local Government. 5. Development of Public Sector Accounting System in Local Government. 6. New Public Management. 7. Conclusion.

William C. Banks, Jeffrey D. Straussman

One of the major government reform initiatives in the industrialized democracies in the 1990s has been the new public management. In the United States, the initiative gained considerable attention when a report issued by a commission chaired by Vice President Al Gore endorsed the development of performance-based measures in government. As prescribed by the National Performance Review (NPR, 1993), agencies should be freed from the red tape of detailed specifications and by Congress. Instead, agencies should be given goals and performance objectives (Thompson, 1991; Meyer and Khademian, 1996). Among the prescriptions of the National Performance Review are recommendations to implement mechanisms that would provide greater flexibility in budgeting processes, particularly in the area of national security. Ex post contingency budget execution in defense already provides considerable flexibility for defense spenders--as we illustrate by a case study of the financing of United States involvement in Bosnia. Yet, the spending discretion that has sustained U.S peace-keeping in Bosnia is quite different from, and in some respects antithetical to, the flexibility championed by advocates of the new public management. The message that this article conveys, based on our analysis of the Bosnia experience, is that neither the current system for funding defense contingencies nor the proposals of the new public management achieve the goals of providing accountable and effective mechanisms for funding these operations. Thus we offer modest proposals for reform that may make changes akin to those of the new public management compatible with traditional forms of budget execution. If implemented, the new mechanisms could permit the executive and legislative branches to focus on the policy questions inherent in post-cold-war military contingencies. At present the minutiae of the budget process serves as a lightning rod to prompt debate and diverts attention from a priori policy questions. The proposals outlined would reverse this situation. The New Public Management and Budgeting in Defense One of most provocative applications of the new public management to defense is by Thompson and Jones (1994). Instead of micromanagement of the defense budget through line items in appropriations, restrictive appropriations, and endless reporting, advocates of the new public management urge Congress to return to its classic role as the deliberator of important policy issues related to spending, programs, and strategy. Mission budgeting is central to the reforms suggested by Thompson and Jones. As part of the broader decentralization of the Pentagon, where performance measures replace detailed prescriptions and rigid compartmentalization of budgets and spending, mission budgeting would, they concede, require significant changes in the law and practice of national security appropriations. Under mission budgeting, when the Department of Defense appropriations are enacted by Congress, obligation authority would be given to mission centers, or joint operational commands, rather than to the military services. The accounts funded would thus be mission accounts rather than department accounts. To make this change more than merely cosmetic, however, Thompson and Jones advocate implementing the recommendations of the National Performance Review to increase the Pentagon's discretion to transfer funds between accounts and across fiscal years. Thus, congressional budgeting for defense should be, in their words, permissive, continuous, and selective [and] focus on all of the cash that ensue from Congress's programmatic choices ... new obligational authority should be expressed in terms of the discounted present values of those cash flows (Thopmson and Jones, 1994, 233). They would de-emphasize the annual budget resolution, do away with the president's budget, and focus attention on the decision to go ahead with a program or activity. …

Cheng Wing. Choi

This research attempted to gain an insight into the experiences and perspectives of staff in the Vocational Training Council (VTC) on the devolution initiative being implemented in its technical institutes. The research was developed from the conceptual framework of centralization and decentralization. It adopted a qualitative case-study approach to inductively understand human experience in context-specific settings. The data collection techniques consisted of documentary analysis, observations and in-depth semi-structured interviews to achieve the objectives of methodological triangulation. Before the introduction of the devolution initiative, the Technical Institutes Division Headquarters was the supervisor of the technical institutes. It was considered to stifle the initiatives of the technical institutes because of its strong controlling emphasis. The strategic and organizational review of the VTC conducted in 1996 acted as a catalyst to set off the changes. It appears that the main thrust of the devolution initiative is to achieve effectiveness and efficiency. Staff in general welcomed release from the management and control by the headquarters, but considered the pace of change to be too fast. There was a remarkable degree of concurrence among staff in focusing student learning outcomes as the key to change. Although the devolution initiative is a major cultural change in the VTC, the senior management have paid little attention to the organizational culture of the technical institutes. Since staff have not been consulted and empowered, most of them are indifferent, or even resistant, to this far-reaching change. The scope of decentralization with respect to the use of resources, participative decision-making and curriculum development is limited. Changing the organizational culture, flattening out the hierarchy, opening up opportunities for teachers to contribute meaningfully to the decision-making process, and fostering greater professional development, together with good management and adequate autonomous funding, are promising strategies to change the VTC towards a more entrepreneurial one.

Wendy L. Currie

No abstract is available for this record.

Daniel J. Brown

The prospect is advanced that school districts which are introducing school-based management now may recentralize their decision-making authority later A study of five decentralized districts revealed many reasons why recentralization could occur. An important distinction between two kinds of decentralization was made: one organizational (in which decisions are delegated),the other political (in which authority is given fully to autonomous groups).Structural reasons for recentralization included lack of provision for accountability, lack of evidence of effectiveness, and the advent of retrenchment. Political reasons for recentralization included the unwillingness of central office staff to share power and the hostility of unions. Such realities suggest that unless districts proceed with decentralization thoughtfully and with commitment, they may abandon the innovation.

Christopher Ham

Although both are publicly owned and financed, the health care systems of England and Sweden are widely different in levels of funding, patterns of resource allocation, and types of planning and management. In England, control is more closely tied to national government; in Sweden, it is shared between national and local governments. A comparative analysis of decision making in the two systems reveals critical differences in determinations of how resources are allocated among competing interests, and how resources are used. Interestingly, as the English move toward more decentralization, the Swedes are considering greater central controls, but, in any event, convergence is unlikely.

Donald J. Calista

This article argues that (1) the clarity of a policy intention depends upon the appropriateness of the organizational form to implement it, and (2) the assumptions held by policymakers regarding organization form, in practice, often lead to offsetting or contradictory implementations. The study examines a major recent policy reorganization-Florida's transformation of eight autonomous human services agencies into a single department. Its avowed purposes were to integrate and decentralize services. Elmore's (1978) fourfold model is employed to assess those intentions. The findings indicated that implementation became troubled as policymakers adopted inappropriate organizational assumptions to support their intentions. The conclusions suggest that implementation had to accommodate opposing dimensions of organizational strategy and managerial structure.

Johannes M. Pennings

December 1976, volume 21 In this study participativeness, centralization, and organizational autonomy were analyzed conceptually and operationally and subsequently related to five indicators of organizational effectiveness. The criteria of effectiveness included total production, decline in production, financial loss due to errors, morale and anxiety. The individual and joint effects of the influence variables on organizational effectiveness were very strong. Participative, decentralized, and autonomous organizations are more effective. The implications of these results are discussed.

B. Balamurugan, T. Poongodi, M. R. Manu, S. Karthikeyan · 5 authors

The moving image archive of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) includes a copy of the film The Double Day (1975), cataloged in the series Moving Images Relating to International Development Programs and Activities, 1979–1991, a collection of more than eight hundred titles “created to provide information on assistance programs supported by the Agency for International Development (AID).”1 Yet, The Double Day does not, in fact, directly depict or engage with any specific development or aid initiative. Instead, the film—directed by US-based Brazilian filmmaker Helena Solberg as part of the International Women’s Film Project collective and described as “the first Latin American feminist documentary”—examines the gendered dynamics of paid and unpaid labor through the testimonies of women from Argentina, Bolivia, Venezuela, and Mexico.2 Its presence in the USAID archive is likely a consequence of its funding history, having received support from the Inter-American Foundation, a USAID-affiliated entity; the development agencies of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden; the United Nations Development Program; and US philanthropist Calvin Cafritz.3These transnational funding structures not only enabled the film’s production but also determined its archival destination, which renders legible its place within the history of international development.4 The Double Day’s institutional trajectory reflects the shifting configurations of aid, gender, and media during a historic moment when women were being repositioned at the center of what Arturo Escobar has described as development’s “regimes of visuality.”5 Especially relevant to The Double Day’s production and exhibition was the international institutional framework of Women in Development (WID). Emerging in the early 1970s and culminating in United Nations’ proclamation of 1975 as International Women’s Year, WID emphasized women’s participation in the global economy as both an index and mechanism of development. Indeed, The Double Day premiered at the World Conference of the International Women’s Year, held in Mexico City.6 Within this context, the film forms part of a broader trajectory of media use by international organizations that intensified during the 1970s—as best exemplified by Media Habitat, a collection of 236 documentary films commissioned by the United Nations to represent urban and rural development initiatives for the 1976 Habitat Conference on Human Settlements in Vancouver. As a policy-shaping initiative, Media Habitat primarily featured films from the Global South intended not only to illustrate but also to help codify standardized audiovisual markers of “underdevelopment” that determined access to the emerging global economic order and to international aid.7Framed in relation to these international institutions and their operations, The Double Day could similarly be considered “development media”—exemplifying the type of nonfiction media produced and distributed outside of the commercial film circuits whose aspects and subcategories have been variously described in scholarship as nontheatrical, useful, sponsored, institutional, industrial, educational, or nonprofessional/amateur.8 Scholars working in this area have emphasized the institutional contexts of such media’s production and exhibition infrastructures as shaping its instrumentalized effects. From a feminist perspective, such an approach is crucial to grappling with the broader question of how “gender impacts [these works’] shape, content, and trajectories.”9 Yet we also argue that, taken in isolation, the institutional and infrastructural contexts are insufficient to account for the complex relationship between media and development, potentially not only limiting our understanding of the reach and impact of development but also distorting our interpretive conclusions. For example, to categorize The Double Day as “development media” is to overlook the film’s place within Solberg’s directorial oeuvre, as well as within the histories of both transnational women’s filmmaking and radical Latin American documentary cinema to which it simultaneously belongs. Such exclusive framing is especially limiting given that women globally were disproportionately engaged in nonfiction production throughout the twentieth century—sometimes by political choice but more often due to structural exclusions from fiction filmmaking. Even in nonfiction historiography, however, institutional media has remained particularly marginal, reinforcing hierarchies that separate such works from the aesthetic and authorial frameworks through which film history has been constructed.10 This marginalization not only tends to erase women’s contributions but also presumes a “weak” or derivative authorship, rendering these films unworthy of the interpretive attention needed to apprehend their aesthetic and political complexity.11 The same dynamic is likely to structure assumptions about “development media” as well.Categorizing The Double Day exclusively within this category would further prompt us to assume top-down institutional analyses that have been characteristic of both institutional media methodologies and the scholarship on development at large. This, in turn, would risk obscuring this film’s radical Marxist approach to women’s labor as well as its concrete contribution to activism and its attendant grassroot structures. In Mexico City, The Double Day became a catalyst for feminist solidarity in practice when one of the film’s protagonists, Bolivian activist and trade unionist Domitila Barrios de Chungara, was invited to participate in the Tribune of Non-Governmental Organizations held alongside the official UN conference.12 There, Barrios de Chungara challenged Western feminist priorities by reframing the debate around labor, class, and imperialism, helping to articulate a shared Third World feminist agenda that significantly departed from the developmentalist vision of the United Nations and USAID.13 Seen through the lens of activist media, The Double Day helped forge transnational solidarity networks by enabling information exchange across the diverse voices that shaped its making—from the women featured in the film to the activists who circulated it—revealing a considerably more dynamic interplay between institutional and grassroots or contingent media practices.Moreover, the film’s Latin American context—reflected in Solberg’s formation in Brazil as the only woman in Cinema Novo, its focus on women from across the region, and its premiere and key reception in Mexico City—requires grappling with the regional specificities of the very notion of development in its multiple iterations.14 Far from being an epistemological and political framework imposed solely by the Global North, both the practices of development and the theoretical foundations of developmentalism (understood as a broad and polysemic set of discourses) were shaped through the active participation of Latin American economists.15 Within this iteration, underdevelopment, as a constitutive notion of developmentalism, became central to a distinctly critical strand, which by the late 1960s became known as the dependency theory.16 This same approach is reflected in some of the best-known Latin American radical film manifestos of the time, arising precisely from the same milieus to which Solberg belonged.17These various considerations of the film’s history illustrate the methodological challenges confronting feminist scholars seeking to assess the impact of development on media projects, theories, and practices. To disregard the developmentalist context of such works by emphasizing their political aesthetics and affects risks reproducing a romanticized narrative of heroic resistance (albeit from a feminist perspective). Yet to engage exclusively with their institutional and material infrastructures risks naturalizing developmentalism’s political and epistemological foundations at the expense of the goals and beliefs of the many women who participated in these projects. The contradictions and ambivalences that animate such histories call for feminist frameworks capable of holding both institutional complicity and radical possibility in view.This challenge resonates with ongoing debates about the politics of the archive and what Allyson Field has termed “the practice of informed speculation.”18 As she reminds us, feminist, queer, and decolonial methodologies have long taught us to “press at the limits” of the archive to “inoculate our scholarship against our evidence’s afflictions.”19 The concern that the evidence we draw on in our analysis reproduces the very structures and blind spots of the dominant ideology and therefore shapes and delimits our interpretation becomes particularly urgent when engaging the developmentalist media corpus. Informed speculation offers an alternative by inviting the experimental, creative, and speculative rewriting of history, mobilizing the archive “in a project that runs counter to the original purpose, or the imperative to preserve, or the conditions that led to erasure.”20 Yet, as Field cautions, such speculative gestures must remain grounded in a deep and “intimate familiarity with the archive” that we are working with and against. Building on this imperative, we suggest that the developmentalist archive, in particular, demands expansion and critical reconsideration in ways that unsettle the very disciplinary frameworks through which it has been studied as well as the larger institutional contexts for such knowledge production.Our focus on The Double Day in the opening of this introduction thus foregrounds the entanglements of institutional and grassroots forces, local and international contexts, structural and interpersonal relations, and creative and economic factors that have shaped not only this film but the broader ecosystem of development media projects—and their preservation—over time. Addressing such a constellation involves transgressing methodologically entrenched divisions between political economy and aesthetics, between material infrastructures and affective regimes; reckoning with divergent periodizations across film history and world economics; and situating these within the local specificities of women’s movements and international institutional programs. It also demands attentiveness to the coexistence of multiple, and sometimes competing, understandings of development—each historically, geographically, and ideologically situated.We imagine this special issue as an opening toward a critical dialogue, not only about how such an approach might be enacted in practice but also about the far-reaching ways development paradigms have shaped both our objects of study and the contours of the field itself. The decision to center institutionally sponsored films across all the essays in this issue is deliberate and enables us to highlight institutional critique as a vital methodological imperative within our analytical framework. Created within the frameworks of international organizations, state agencies, or NGOs, these films’ histories make legible the institutional logics that underwrite their production. Yet our critique does not stop at these specific entities. Rather, we argue for a broader interrogation of the political conditions and institutional infrastructures that shape media and knowledge production more generally. This includes contemporary corporations embedded in the digital platform economy, from streaming services to the rapid expansion of AI. Equally critical is a reflexive examination of academia itself, where departments of economics, political science, and centers for development have played a formative role in producing and legitimizing developmentalist theories and policy frameworks. While the humanities and arts have at times offered critical alternatives, they have also frequently mirrored and reinforced many of the same developmentalist assumptions. A feminist analysis of the nexus between development and media must therefore unsettle not only dominant archives but also the institutional and disciplinary foundations of our own scholarly practices.As scholars, we share the complex position of navigating the same tensions between institutional complicity and emancipatory aspiration as many of the media-makers whose work we study. Mirroring our subjects is also the transnational, collective mode of this special issue’s own production as it emerges from an ongoing informal working group we have sustained over several years. While relying on institutional and disciplinary affordances—such as university funding for conferences or access to academic publishing platforms—we have been working toward creating a community that exceeds, and often resists, the prevailing logics of our academic institutions. Our aim has been to create a space for shared inquiry and mutual support that pushes back against disciplinary siloing and technocratic neoliberal assessment modes of both labor and knowledge production—and this certainly extends to our experience collaborating with the journal editors throughout the publication process. Our goal has been to examine both the persistence and variability of developmentalism, understood as what Gustavo Esteva calls a “powerful but fragile semantic constellation,” as a conceptual formation that has historically inspired, legitimized, and mobilized media projects across Asia, Africa, and Latin America.21 And gendered biopolitics, from population control to gender mainstreaming, have remained integral to development policies and media practices, recurring across formats from institutional newsreels to film festivals.We share the conviction that, far beyond the history of nonfiction institutional media, development (as both a broad ideological project and a network of material and institutional practices) and developmentalism (as a set of discourses and theoretical models associated with development) have exerted a far-reaching influence on film and media cultures at large. As such, they must be treated as a major force in shaping global film and media systems and also the many ongoing assumptions behind their critical discourses. The discipline of communication studies was founded on modernization theory governed by Cold War goals of dissemination of Western liberal democracy around the world, while “an area studies framework allowed compartmentalizing Western and non-Western outcomes of technologies that were always claimed to be universal.”22 Despite critique from postcolonial and critical race studies, many of these frameworks have remained foundational for media theory.23 In historical scholarship, as we increasingly move beyond “modernity” as a dominant conceptual anchor, engaging with practices and discourses of development opens more precise analytical pathways. These film and media’s entanglements with the logics of and economic and the associated with as well as their conceptual underdevelopment, and impact in as diverse as and of media aesthetic and paradigms in film and film and funding are developmentalist assumptions to the they to underwrite the narrative and logics of and global media from the structure of the film to the cultures of argue that a examination of the historical entanglements between film and developmentalist aesthetics, modes of as well as infrastructures and critical the and that our contemporary media is a of the historical contours of development as a field of inquiry embedded within a of some of the methodologies by the featured in this special a of this complex history, to the larger at in media, development, and gender all its development a it as an of be with practices as divergent as and in In as we work on this the of the of the USAID the ideological that have the history of international the and of this on the global its a from development as a global practice and as an institutional and which over the has as a with its own media Yet or does not erase the historical impact of these the contradictions they have reflected and over the as the of development several crucial to the economic theories of development initiatives to and through the of the development an international policy framework at from the Global to the of the Global the by the political role of and the of the International the on was challenged by dependency theory and at development as global structural the neoliberal of the the Programs by the and World imposed and as conditions for and forms of assistance became known as the major markers for international development development has moving beyond economic to such as the Human Development and the Development and from international organizations such as the United Nations to a broader network of These frameworks increasingly of and liberal of and with what in many ways to various while the of the to development’s epistemological more scholarship has toward a of its and material the field has to a of and critical by and scholars, which development as a dynamic of conceptual and political to these the studies in this special issue call for sustained analysis in place of In we draw from a of and that in of of gender and to this special issue engage that and from Mexico to contemporary specific local historical of global distinctly feminist methodologies as well as attention to studies that this issue a in the global history of development on and documentary work in Mexico how early women infrastructures as of while US films an early of state and transnational on a outside the Global as the of developmentalist both the and markers of development media, its to the and Latin central grounded in archival also women’s in transnational and the methodological of archives on study of the series to a a digital media not by but by women not as but as subjects and within circuits of neoliberal and the aesthetics and of how development’s has models of to contemporary neoliberal paradigms of and analysis how digital and gender and practices, discourses on and their of these essays the of some of the historical of developmentalist as the question of the role of the state within such on a notion of economic as a and the dominant of development that the state as the for and through infrastructural projects. This understanding of development was shared across both of the as well as in the Third The United and the increasingly mobilized international in the of the modes of international at the postcolonial of policy and ideological These programs were at the expansion of their and of while with the and decolonial of The conceptual between modernization and development that the Cold in of and hierarchies of that long and As an of postcolonial their role as of international aid concern about the of Western development projects. In alternative across the Global South that to structural between and through policies of and In many they were further the global structures. In Latin for example, this approach was through organizations such as the United Nations for Latin and the both developmentalist projects and their have taken many forms historically, and they have and they have been to a of projects, and postcolonial and development has been and in ways and with frequently political While many of these alternative frameworks the embedded in dominant Western they often technocratic and assumptions. gender and gender as for the of to be shaped by This becomes particularly in the media that of development where women frequently a crucial associated with and women were as both the subjects and of their participation in the and labor often as the index of In this study of from the 1970s how women were as of this as these about women’s urban and recurring and of a within the own of and critique that official examination of archives and enables a feminist interrogation of their mobilizing a of the in the of contribution to this issue similarly the of a dynamic within as well as across ideological the of women’s and the media of the and as active in labor and as integral to the technocratic women became of as their labor remained a of and analysis and archival with attention to the specific of and It also transnational that as a and affective a nexus of and practices through which gender, media, and developmentalism one film not as a but as part of the of alongside and work a broader concern of this special media as a of developmentalist projects. The debates the World and which international such as the United Nations and a critical historical for such primarily by postcolonial and of the for the of media and communication infrastructures in as to counter Western The a between and economic how systems of media and reinforced global hierarchies of and in an agenda that supported and alternative media infrastructures across postcolonial contexts, the framework gender as an analytical This “gender in the 1970s by of the Women in Development in relation to The Double its political critique of with its broader to center women in development policy through and This was also in of media, which was shaped by its international reach and audiovisual production and and and Yet, as WID institutional it also to the and of the women’s development programs often by in These were by a of studies, and on and the to of women’s presence and through the of their economic and In this on the filmmaker this history directly by the and of for women by the WID framework during the with and agencies the of and against Women in at the of the neoliberal turn, when institutional media often the only to access and support to projects. The an by this dynamic as of the from the Global South are to engage with the developmentalist assumptions funding models that their similarly the as a in developmentalist media history by the of and centers on the Film a between of and the attention toward the and labor by and work was foundational the of and the of audiovisual aid, as both a of development projects and a critical for their the in this issue argue for a with media, gender, and developmentalism as an field of that is and shaped by feminist and methodologies and that challenge the entanglements between academic knowledge production and and technocratic development And while methodological these dynamics at the structural the of feminist in media and cinema by this the very a

Marshall W. Meyer

This study attempts to link the formal structure of bureaucratic organizations to decision-making processes, and in particular to centralization or decentralization of authority. Interview data were obtained from 254 city, county, and state departments of finance. These data show that, controlling for an organization's size, decision-making authority is more highly centralized as the number of subunits in an organization increases; but as the number of levels of supervision grows, there is greater decentralization and at the same time proliferation of rules that specify criteria to guide decisions. Marshall W. Meyer is lecturer on sociology in the department of social relations at Harvard University.