Blockchain Papers

YeonJae Yoo, JungHwa Choi

The purpose of this study is to analyze the types of utilization and internal value of non-fungible token(NFT) fashion. The research method was a literature review that involved referring to professional books, papers, articles, and websites on NFT and virtual fashion, and 112 NFT fashion works were collected and analyzed based on the findings of a related keyword search. NFT was found to be applied to various fields, such as art, collections, social networks, games, and real estate by applying uniqueness and scarcity to digital assets using blockchain technology. The types of use of NFT fashion were found to be as follows. First, collectable NFT fashion, with its unique design and scarcity is receiving investment. In addition, limited-edition sneakers, bags, and high fashion costumes have artistic value and provide brand value and special experiences. Second, game-type NFT fashion mainly appears as avatars, accessories, and weapon items created in collaboration with luxury fashion brands and Metaverse game platforms. NFT fashion, which applies the patterns and symbols of luxury fashion brands, is becoming a means of showing off one’s wealth and status in the digital world. Third, advertising and event-type NFT fashion which appears as an agreement between companies, a red-carpet AR dress, the first NFT fashion magazine and film, and limited-edition figures, has great influence and popularity. Three types of internal value of NFT fashion were found: (1) play value through games and fantasies, (2) sustainability value through virtual experiences, and (3) economic value through scarcity.

Catharine Weiss

As fashion and retail technologies have become more sophisticated, consumers are vastly connected to the multiverse, both through the cloud and the integration of physical and digital spaces called phygital. This type of omnichannel commerce has become a requirement for brands to stay relevant. Developing parallel to the world of omnichannel has been digital gaming. Imagine these two worlds converged into one concept. Enter the metaverse. The idea of the metaverse or a virtual alternative reality is not new. With various iterations in pop culture, the concept of escaping into another dimension, whether dystopian or utopian, is part of the human psyche. Fast forward to a virtual post-pandemic society, the concept of the metaverse and the community it develops is timely. The metaverse allows the consumer to dive into a far more stimulating and immersive experience that have fashion brands collectively strategizing their deliveries. This article will conduct a discourse analysis on the metaverse and its gaming roots, how fashion and retail hope to build community and compelling applications of brand deliveries through these digital worlds. The article will review the adoption challenges that may arise with the consumer, applications that are kink free, privacy protection, regulation, payment systems, adoption of entrance devices and brand deliveries using NFTs or non-fungible tokens.

Gina Maheswari Syailendra, Dwi Larso, Noorhan Firdaus Pambudi

In the past few years, Non-Fungible Token (NFT), a derivative product of blockchain technology, has stolen headlines all over the globe with its groundbreaking sales auction and prominent celebrity buyer. NFT enables digital ownership over assets including images, videos, sound, and text, allowing creators to get ongoing royalties and ensure assets’ authenticity. This paper proposed the hypotheses of consumers’ interest for fashion NFT in Indonesia. The research is validated through quantitative studies of questionnaires as well as qualitative studies from interviews and case studies. In addition, secondary sources are added to gain insights regarding the topic. Contingent on the results analysed, it is fair to conclude that Indonesian consumers are interested to explore fashion NFT products. Pairing digital and physical assets also contribute to increased willingness to purchase digital fashion pieces. There are abundant challenges that exist in this early stage of technology, but the prospect of the use of blockchain technology and NFT in the future is positive. This paper aims to improve the understanding of consumers’ interest in digital fashion assets ownership in Indonesia along with creating practical contributions to the industry.

Jeremy Nguyen

No abstract is available for this record.

Claudia E. Henninger, Kirsi Niinimäki, Marta Blázquez, Celina Jones

This chapter defines what digital fashion is and everything that it embeds and determines the role of virtual garments for sustainable consumption. It introduces the metaverse and its potential for the fashion industry and reviews the most relevant industry practices. The chapter focuses on the new world of the metaverse, non-fungible tokens, and virtual clothing from the perspective of sustainable fashion management. Digital fashion is a relatively new term used to describe garments and accessories which are computer-generated and therefore are virtual only. Digital fashion also relates to the promotion of more sustainable consumption. Digital fashion brands can use SMIs to target foreign markets, but they need to be careful about cultural differences. They need to interpret local consumers&s; preferred brand meanings, deliver local consumers&s; desired values of brands, portray an international brand identity, and position and maintain consistency in brand images.

Annamma Joy, Ying Zhu, Camilo Peña, Myriam Brouard

Abstract Leading luxury brands have incorporated technologies to recreate brand images and reinvent consumer experience. The fashion industry is experiencing a historic transformation thanks to emerging technologies such as blockchain and non‐fungible tokens (NFTs) along with impactful technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI), machine learning (ML), and virtual reality (VR). With metaverse as a new social platform around the corner, academics and industry alike are querying how these new technologies might reshape luxury brands, reinvent consumer experience, and alter consumer behavior. This research charts new academic territory by investigating how newly evolved technologies affect the fashion industry. With practical examples of luxury brands, this article has theorized the irreversible trend of digital fashion: the attraction of NFT collectibles. It then proposes intriguing questions for scholars and practitioners to ponder, such as will young consumers, essentially living online, buy more fashion products in the digital world than in the real world? How can the fashion industry strategize for the coexistence of digital collections and physical goods?

David Zargaran, Alexander Zargaran, Tim Weyrich, Afshin Mosahebi

Non-fungible tokens (NFTs) are unique digital assets created and traded on the internet. Over the past year, they have gained significant traction and investment, being heralded as a revolution in authentication and ownership. Employing blockchain technology, an immutable ledger of transactions is held, maintained across thousands of computers around the world. The application of NFTs has seen digital art gain early traction, although the “use-cases” are still being established in this nascent technology.1 Within the health care sphere, some have suggested the role of NFTs in supply-chain tracking of medications.2 An extension of the technology has been proposed to validate credentials and degree certificates, leveraging a key strength of the blockchain technology: transparency. Responding to the 2013 Keogh review into the regulation of cosmetic interventions, the Royal College of Surgeons in the United Kingdom has created the Cosmetic Surgery Certification Scheme.3 This recently re-launched scheme runs in parallel to a multitude of independent societies, including the British Association of Aesthetic Plastic Surgeons, the British Association of Plastic and Reconstructive and Aesthetic Surgeons, the British Association of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgeons, the UK Association of Aesthetic Plastic Surgeons, the British Society of Facial Plastic Surgeons, the British Oculoplastic Surgical Society, the Association of Surgeons of Great Britain and Ireland, the British College of Aesthetic Medicine, the Joint Council for Cosmetic Practitioners, and the General Medical Council specialist register. Furthermore, licensing organizations such as licensing boards or the General Medical Council do not provide a centralized credential for aesthetic practice. In the United States, a few of the organizations available include (without limitation) the American Academy of Aesthetic Medicine, American Academy of Anti-Aging Medicine, American Academy of Cosmetic Surgery, American Academy of Dermatology, American Academy of Facial Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, The Aesthetic Society, American Society of Plastic Surgeons, Foundation for Facial Aesthetic Surgery, National Coalition of Estheticians, National Aesthetic Spa Network, Professional Beauty Association, Society for Clinical and Medical Hair Removal, Society of Dermatology SkinCare Specialists, Society of Permanent Cosmetic Professionals, Society of Plastic Surgical Skin Care Specialists, The Spa Association, and Vegas Cosmetic Surgery and Aesthetic Dermatology. This trend is observed around the world, with a multitude of organizations offering professional support, information, guidance, and oversight within a single country. The proliferation of associations above reporting to regulate and oversee their members could potentially dilute the value of membership. It also presents a challenging landscape for patients looking to verify the credentials of their practitioner. Although there are many benefits to joining professional societies beyond authentication, NFTs could prove valuable in helping prospective patients safely and quickly identify whether their practitioner is qualified to provide their care. Furthermore, beyond their role in identification and authentication of credentials, holding an NFT would enable formation of communities to share information and resources, building a collaborative hub that could potentially enhance training and development opportunities. It is important to note, however, that the technology is in its infancy, and further developments and refinements are inevitable. The described application of NFTs would, however, require a centralized body to ensure appropriate award and oversight of these tokens and would not solve the problem of multiple professional bodies, should each look to provide their own NFT. This suggests that rather than further creation of professional bodies, a consensus should be achieved for a singular body to govern the safe practice of cosmetic interventions. NFTs may therefore find a role in the future landscape of cosmetic practice as part of a greater overarching strategy. A transparent and open form of communication enabled by NFTs may hold the key for future optimism in improving patient safety. The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and publication of this article. Dr Mosahebi is a Research section co-editor for Aesthetic Surgery Journal. The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and publication of this article.

Insaf Khelladi, Catherine Lejealle, Saeedeh Rezaee Vessal, Sylvaine Castellano

Virtual clothes are the latest trend luxury brands are embracing as a way for them to take part in the global Non-Fungible Token (NFT) phenomenon. Such contactless clothes offer many benefits to their consumers to manage their dual (i.e., real-world and online) identities. Yet, this cutting-edge technology has not yet attracted scholars' interest. The present paper aims to unveil the psychological determinants of purchasing virtual clothes to post on social media. A study was conducted to investigate the motivational factors of purchasing NFT virtual clothes. Preliminary results show that while autonomy, praise and communication act as motivators influencing the purchase intention of digital clothes, attention-seeking and reputation act as inhibitors.

Magdi El Messiry, Adel Elmessiry

The fashion industry represents a significant portion of<br> the global gross domestic product, however, it is plagued by cheap<br> imitators that infringe on the trademarks which destroys the fashion<br> industry's hard work and investment. While eventually the copycats<br> would be found and stopped, the damage has already been done, sales<br> are missed and direct and indirect jobs are lost. The infringer thrives<br> on two main facts: the time it takes to discover them and the lack of<br> tracking technologies that can help the consumer distinguish them.<br> Blockchain technology is a new emerging technology that provides a<br> distributed encrypted immutable and fault resistant ledger. Blockchain<br> presents a ripe technology to resolve the infringement epidemic<br> facing the fashion industry. The significance of the study is that a<br> new approach leveraging the state of the art blockchain technology<br> coupled with artificial intelligence is used to create a framework<br> addressing the fashion infringement problem. It transforms the current<br> focus on legal enforcement, which is difficult at best, to consumer<br> awareness that is far more effective. The framework, Crypto CopyCat,<br> creates an immutable digital asset representing the actual product<br> to empower the customer with a near real time query system. This<br> combination emphasizes the consumer's awareness and appreciation<br> of the product's authenticity, while provides real time feedback to<br> the producer regarding the fake replicas. The main findings of this<br> study are that implementing this approach can delay the fake product<br> penetration of the original product market, thus allowing the original<br> product the time to take advantage of the market. The shift in the<br> fake adoption results in reduced returns, which impedes the copycat<br> market and moves the emphasis to the original product innovation.

J. Emmanuel Raymundo

On February 25, 2011, the fashion luxury company Christian Dior suspended John Galliano, who had been its creative director since 1996, after his arrest over making anti-Semitic remarks at a Paris bar. Quickly following his suspension, a video from December 2010 was distributed showing Galliano hurling anti-Semitic invectives at several bar patrons. On March 1, 2011, Dior fired Galliano. At stake in the considerable interest and speculations regarding who takes over at Dior is control of a €24.6B business empire and access to a historic couturier’s archive. In this sense, its designer will influence the label’s "books" both financial and what will be stored in its physical repository as part of the brand’s creative and artistic repertoire. Despite fashion’s apparent ubiquity, the anticipation surrounding who takes over at Dior is proof that despite fashion’s professed democratization, there still exists a fashion hierarchy with Dior occupying its upper echelon. Since Galliano’s dismissal, fashion insiders have moved from breathlessly feverish in their speculations to desperately calling out for relief in the face of an unexpectedly drawn-out waiting game that is now over a year old and otherwise an eternity in fashion’s hyper accelerated production cycle. To purposely counter fashion’s accelerated internal clock, the purpose of this commentary is to keep fashion in a reflective state rather than a reflexive stance and uses fashion on film, and specifically Robert Altman’s Prêt-à-Porter (1994), to give cultural and historical context to all the online speculation and chatter. Altman’s film is the fractal, or the repeating pattern, in a dramatized form, as well as the cultural archive against which to examine the entangled relations of the designer Marc J

兪京濬

Artisans had autonomously decided the work processes and the wages in the traditional craft production, and their workshops was the basic unit of artisans' community. Between 1780 and 1820, however, the craft economy was radically transformed. The major impetus for change came from expanding markets. Recent work by a number of labor historians has shown that metropolitan industrialization did not proceed directly from craft to factory production in a single bound, but rather followed a more uneven course. Production was expanded in the antebellum decades through the reorganization of work and the division of labor rather than through the adoption of new machinery and methods of production. The high point of artisan protest, at least in New York and Philadelphia, was reached in the 1820s and 1830s with the formation of three successive workingmen's organizations: the Working Men's political parties of 1827-1831; the city-based General Trades' Unions of 1833-1839; and the Loco-foco Party in New York City of 1835-1837. Although none of these organizations lasted more than a few years, they have been viewed by many historians as the first signs of working-class consciousness in the United States. Artisans responded to metropolitan industrialization by calling into question existing economic and social relations and constructing in their stead a new, more class-conscious view of the world. Especially, the Working Men's parties and GTUs displayed a new level of collective identity or solidarity that enabled artisans to unite across the traditional boundaries of their trades. Thus, in the 1820s and 1830s, artisans' loyalties were no longer restricted to their craft, but increasingly were drawn along class lines, as artisans and employers began to organize across trades. Artisans drew on long-standing republican values to criticize the new economic order. Artisans extended the eighteenth-century assumptions to their own world, the world of work and production, and created their own variation on republican themes. Displaced artisans drew on republican notions of political rights and civic participation in order to protest the economic inequalities that accompanied industrialization. The major contribution of the republican tradition was that it provided displaced journeymen with a set of values and precepts with which to challenge the economic changes under way in the early nineteenth century. However, the principal social cleavage in the 1820s and 1830s was not yet between labor and capital, or workers and employers. Instead, skilled artisans considered themselves to be producers, allied with master craftsmen, small manufacturers, and farmers against the non-producing classes. Bankers, lawyers, merchants, and land speculators were the quintessential nonproducers. Producers were well aware that the world of work had changed dramatically in the first three decades of the nineteenth century. But producers did not understand such a change in the context of a struggle between capital and labor, but saw them in light of their established worldview. The division between producers and nonproducers undergirded antebellum social relations and political alliances as well. By 1870, workers' optimism about the possibility of sustaining a decentralized political economy based on the republical values had been considerably shaken. The process of industrialization in the United States shattered the producers' vision of regional economic growth, and as a consequence transformed workers' relationship to the state.

B. Balamurugan, T. Poongodi, M. R. Manu, S. Karthikeyan · 5 authors

The moving image archive of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) includes a copy of the film The Double Day (1975), cataloged in the series Moving Images Relating to International Development Programs and Activities, 1979–1991, a collection of more than eight hundred titles “created to provide information on assistance programs supported by the Agency for International Development (AID).”1 Yet, The Double Day does not, in fact, directly depict or engage with any specific development or aid initiative. Instead, the film—directed by US-based Brazilian filmmaker Helena Solberg as part of the International Women’s Film Project collective and described as “the first Latin American feminist documentary”—examines the gendered dynamics of paid and unpaid labor through the testimonies of women from Argentina, Bolivia, Venezuela, and Mexico.2 Its presence in the USAID archive is likely a consequence of its funding history, having received support from the Inter-American Foundation, a USAID-affiliated entity; the development agencies of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden; the United Nations Development Program; and US philanthropist Calvin Cafritz.3These transnational funding structures not only enabled the film’s production but also determined its archival destination, which renders legible its place within the history of international development.4 The Double Day’s institutional trajectory reflects the shifting configurations of aid, gender, and media during a historic moment when women were being repositioned at the center of what Arturo Escobar has described as development’s “regimes of visuality.”5 Especially relevant to The Double Day’s production and exhibition was the international institutional framework of Women in Development (WID). Emerging in the early 1970s and culminating in United Nations’ proclamation of 1975 as International Women’s Year, WID emphasized women’s participation in the global economy as both an index and mechanism of development. Indeed, The Double Day premiered at the World Conference of the International Women’s Year, held in Mexico City.6 Within this context, the film forms part of a broader trajectory of media use by international organizations that intensified during the 1970s—as best exemplified by Media Habitat, a collection of 236 documentary films commissioned by the United Nations to represent urban and rural development initiatives for the 1976 Habitat Conference on Human Settlements in Vancouver. As a policy-shaping initiative, Media Habitat primarily featured films from the Global South intended not only to illustrate but also to help codify standardized audiovisual markers of “underdevelopment” that determined access to the emerging global economic order and to international aid.7Framed in relation to these international institutions and their operations, The Double Day could similarly be considered “development media”—exemplifying the type of nonfiction media produced and distributed outside of the commercial film circuits whose aspects and subcategories have been variously described in scholarship as nontheatrical, useful, sponsored, institutional, industrial, educational, or nonprofessional/amateur.8 Scholars working in this area have emphasized the institutional contexts of such media’s production and exhibition infrastructures as shaping its instrumentalized effects. From a feminist perspective, such an approach is crucial to grappling with the broader question of how “gender impacts [these works’] shape, content, and trajectories.”9 Yet we also argue that, taken in isolation, the institutional and infrastructural contexts are insufficient to account for the complex relationship between media and development, potentially not only limiting our understanding of the reach and impact of development but also distorting our interpretive conclusions. For example, to categorize The Double Day as “development media” is to overlook the film’s place within Solberg’s directorial oeuvre, as well as within the histories of both transnational women’s filmmaking and radical Latin American documentary cinema to which it simultaneously belongs. Such exclusive framing is especially limiting given that women globally were disproportionately engaged in nonfiction production throughout the twentieth century—sometimes by political choice but more often due to structural exclusions from fiction filmmaking. Even in nonfiction historiography, however, institutional media has remained particularly marginal, reinforcing hierarchies that separate such works from the aesthetic and authorial frameworks through which film history has been constructed.10 This marginalization not only tends to erase women’s contributions but also presumes a “weak” or derivative authorship, rendering these films unworthy of the interpretive attention needed to apprehend their aesthetic and political complexity.11 The same dynamic is likely to structure assumptions about “development media” as well.Categorizing The Double Day exclusively within this category would further prompt us to assume top-down institutional analyses that have been characteristic of both institutional media methodologies and the scholarship on development at large. This, in turn, would risk obscuring this film’s radical Marxist approach to women’s labor as well as its concrete contribution to activism and its attendant grassroot structures. In Mexico City, The Double Day became a catalyst for feminist solidarity in practice when one of the film’s protagonists, Bolivian activist and trade unionist Domitila Barrios de Chungara, was invited to participate in the Tribune of Non-Governmental Organizations held alongside the official UN conference.12 There, Barrios de Chungara challenged Western feminist priorities by reframing the debate around labor, class, and imperialism, helping to articulate a shared Third World feminist agenda that significantly departed from the developmentalist vision of the United Nations and USAID.13 Seen through the lens of activist media, The Double Day helped forge transnational solidarity networks by enabling information exchange across the diverse voices that shaped its making—from the women featured in the film to the activists who circulated it—revealing a considerably more dynamic interplay between institutional and grassroots or contingent media practices.Moreover, the film’s Latin American context—reflected in Solberg’s formation in Brazil as the only woman in Cinema Novo, its focus on women from across the region, and its premiere and key reception in Mexico City—requires grappling with the regional specificities of the very notion of development in its multiple iterations.14 Far from being an epistemological and political framework imposed solely by the Global North, both the practices of development and the theoretical foundations of developmentalism (understood as a broad and polysemic set of discourses) were shaped through the active participation of Latin American economists.15 Within this iteration, underdevelopment, as a constitutive notion of developmentalism, became central to a distinctly critical strand, which by the late 1960s became known as the dependency theory.16 This same approach is reflected in some of the best-known Latin American radical film manifestos of the time, arising precisely from the same milieus to which Solberg belonged.17These various considerations of the film’s history illustrate the methodological challenges confronting feminist scholars seeking to assess the impact of development on media projects, theories, and practices. To disregard the developmentalist context of such works by emphasizing their political aesthetics and affects risks reproducing a romanticized narrative of heroic resistance (albeit from a feminist perspective). Yet to engage exclusively with their institutional and material infrastructures risks naturalizing developmentalism’s political and epistemological foundations at the expense of the goals and beliefs of the many women who participated in these projects. The contradictions and ambivalences that animate such histories call for feminist frameworks capable of holding both institutional complicity and radical possibility in view.This challenge resonates with ongoing debates about the politics of the archive and what Allyson Field has termed “the practice of informed speculation.”18 As she reminds us, feminist, queer, and decolonial methodologies have long taught us to “press at the limits” of the archive to “inoculate our scholarship against our evidence’s afflictions.”19 The concern that the evidence we draw on in our analysis reproduces the very structures and blind spots of the dominant ideology and therefore shapes and delimits our interpretation becomes particularly urgent when engaging the developmentalist media corpus. Informed speculation offers an alternative by inviting the experimental, creative, and speculative rewriting of history, mobilizing the archive “in a project that runs counter to the original purpose, or the imperative to preserve, or the conditions that led to erasure.”20 Yet, as Field cautions, such speculative gestures must remain grounded in a deep and “intimate familiarity with the archive” that we are working with and against. Building on this imperative, we suggest that the developmentalist archive, in particular, demands expansion and critical reconsideration in ways that unsettle the very disciplinary frameworks through which it has been studied as well as the larger institutional contexts for such knowledge production.Our focus on The Double Day in the opening of this introduction thus foregrounds the entanglements of institutional and grassroots forces, local and international contexts, structural and interpersonal relations, and creative and economic factors that have shaped not only this film but the broader ecosystem of development media projects—and their preservation—over time. Addressing such a constellation involves transgressing methodologically entrenched divisions between political economy and aesthetics, between material infrastructures and affective regimes; reckoning with divergent periodizations across film history and world economics; and situating these within the local specificities of women’s movements and international institutional programs. It also demands attentiveness to the coexistence of multiple, and sometimes competing, understandings of development—each historically, geographically, and ideologically situated.We imagine this special issue as an opening toward a critical dialogue, not only about how such an approach might be enacted in practice but also about the far-reaching ways development paradigms have shaped both our objects of study and the contours of the field itself. The decision to center institutionally sponsored films across all the essays in this issue is deliberate and enables us to highlight institutional critique as a vital methodological imperative within our analytical framework. Created within the frameworks of international organizations, state agencies, or NGOs, these films’ histories make legible the institutional logics that underwrite their production. Yet our critique does not stop at these specific entities. Rather, we argue for a broader interrogation of the political conditions and institutional infrastructures that shape media and knowledge production more generally. This includes contemporary corporations embedded in the digital platform economy, from streaming services to the rapid expansion of AI. Equally critical is a reflexive examination of academia itself, where departments of economics, political science, and centers for development have played a formative role in producing and legitimizing developmentalist theories and policy frameworks. While the humanities and arts have at times offered critical alternatives, they have also frequently mirrored and reinforced many of the same developmentalist assumptions. A feminist analysis of the nexus between development and media must therefore unsettle not only dominant archives but also the institutional and disciplinary foundations of our own scholarly practices.As scholars, we share the complex position of navigating the same tensions between institutional complicity and emancipatory aspiration as many of the media-makers whose work we study. Mirroring our subjects is also the transnational, collective mode of this special issue’s own production as it emerges from an ongoing informal working group we have sustained over several years. While relying on institutional and disciplinary affordances—such as university funding for conferences or access to academic publishing platforms—we have been working toward creating a community that exceeds, and often resists, the prevailing logics of our academic institutions. Our aim has been to create a space for shared inquiry and mutual support that pushes back against disciplinary siloing and technocratic neoliberal assessment modes of both labor and knowledge production—and this certainly extends to our experience collaborating with the journal editors throughout the publication process. Our goal has been to examine both the persistence and variability of developmentalism, understood as what Gustavo Esteva calls a “powerful but fragile semantic constellation,” as a conceptual formation that has historically inspired, legitimized, and mobilized media projects across Asia, Africa, and Latin America.21 And gendered biopolitics, from population control to gender mainstreaming, have remained integral to development policies and media practices, recurring across formats from institutional newsreels to film festivals.We share the conviction that, far beyond the history of nonfiction institutional media, development (as both a broad ideological project and a network of material and institutional practices) and developmentalism (as a set of discourses and theoretical models associated with development) have exerted a far-reaching influence on film and media cultures at large. As such, they must be treated as a major force in shaping global film and media systems and also the many ongoing assumptions behind their critical discourses. The discipline of communication studies was founded on modernization theory governed by Cold War goals of dissemination of Western liberal democracy around the world, while “an area studies framework allowed compartmentalizing Western and non-Western outcomes of technologies that were always claimed to be universal.”22 Despite critique from postcolonial and critical race studies, many of these frameworks have remained foundational for media theory.23 In historical scholarship, as we increasingly move beyond “modernity” as a dominant conceptual anchor, engaging with practices and discourses of development opens more precise analytical pathways. These film and media’s entanglements with the logics of and economic and the associated with as well as their conceptual underdevelopment, and impact in as diverse as and of media aesthetic and paradigms in film and film and funding are developmentalist assumptions to the they to underwrite the narrative and logics of and global media from the structure of the film to the cultures of argue that a examination of the historical entanglements between film and developmentalist aesthetics, modes of as well as infrastructures and critical the and that our contemporary media is a of the historical contours of development as a field of inquiry embedded within a of some of the methodologies by the featured in this special a of this complex history, to the larger at in media, development, and gender all its development a it as an of be with practices as divergent as and in In as we work on this the of the of the USAID the ideological that have the history of international the and of this on the global its a from development as a global practice and as an institutional and which over the has as a with its own media Yet or does not erase the historical impact of these the contradictions they have reflected and over the as the of development several crucial to the economic theories of development initiatives to and through the of the development an international policy framework at from the Global to the of the Global the by the political role of and the of the International the on was challenged by dependency theory and at development as global structural the neoliberal of the the Programs by the and World imposed and as conditions for and forms of assistance became known as the major markers for international development development has moving beyond economic to such as the Human Development and the Development and from international organizations such as the United Nations to a broader network of These frameworks increasingly of and liberal of and with what in many ways to various while the of the to development’s epistemological more scholarship has toward a of its and material the field has to a of and critical by and scholars, which development as a dynamic of conceptual and political to these the studies in this special issue call for sustained analysis in place of In we draw from a of and that in of of gender and to this special issue engage that and from Mexico to contemporary specific local historical of global distinctly feminist methodologies as well as attention to studies that this issue a in the global history of development on and documentary work in Mexico how early women infrastructures as of while US films an early of state and transnational on a outside the Global as the of developmentalist both the and markers of development media, its to the and Latin central grounded in archival also women’s in transnational and the methodological of archives on study of the series to a a digital media not by but by women not as but as subjects and within circuits of neoliberal and the aesthetics and of how development’s has models of to contemporary neoliberal paradigms of and analysis how digital and gender and practices, discourses on and their of these essays the of some of the historical of developmentalist as the question of the role of the state within such on a notion of economic as a and the dominant of development that the state as the for and through infrastructural projects. This understanding of development was shared across both of the as well as in the Third The United and the increasingly mobilized international in the of the modes of international at the postcolonial of policy and ideological These programs were at the expansion of their and of while with the and decolonial of The conceptual between modernization and development that the Cold in of and hierarchies of that long and As an of postcolonial their role as of international aid concern about the of Western development projects. In alternative across the Global South that to structural between and through policies of and In many they were further the global structures. In Latin for example, this approach was through organizations such as the United Nations for Latin and the both developmentalist projects and their have taken many forms historically, and they have and they have been to a of projects, and postcolonial and development has been and in ways and with frequently political While many of these alternative frameworks the embedded in dominant Western they often technocratic and assumptions. gender and gender as for the of to be shaped by This becomes particularly in the media that of development where women frequently a crucial associated with and women were as both the subjects and of their participation in the and labor often as the index of In this study of from the 1970s how women were as of this as these about women’s urban and recurring and of a within the own of and critique that official examination of archives and enables a feminist interrogation of their mobilizing a of the in the of contribution to this issue similarly the of a dynamic within as well as across ideological the of women’s and the media of the and as active in labor and as integral to the technocratic women became of as their labor remained a of and analysis and archival with attention to the specific of and It also transnational that as a and affective a nexus of and practices through which gender, media, and developmentalism one film not as a but as part of the of alongside and work a broader concern of this special media as a of developmentalist projects. The debates the World and which international such as the United Nations and a critical historical for such primarily by postcolonial and of the for the of media and communication infrastructures in as to counter Western The a between and economic how systems of media and reinforced global hierarchies of and in an agenda that supported and alternative media infrastructures across postcolonial contexts, the framework gender as an analytical This “gender in the 1970s by of the Women in Development in relation to The Double its political critique of with its broader to center women in development policy through and This was also in of media, which was shaped by its international reach and audiovisual production and and and Yet, as WID institutional it also to the and of the women’s development programs often by in These were by a of studies, and on and the to of women’s presence and through the of their economic and In this on the filmmaker this history directly by the and of for women by the WID framework during the with and agencies the of and against Women in at the of the neoliberal turn, when institutional media often the only to access and support to projects. The an by this dynamic as of the from the Global South are to engage with the developmentalist assumptions funding models that their similarly the as a in developmentalist media history by the of and centers on the Film a between of and the attention toward the and labor by and work was foundational the of and the of audiovisual aid, as both a of development projects and a critical for their the in this issue argue for a with media, gender, and developmentalism as an field of that is and shaped by feminist and methodologies and that challenge the entanglements between academic knowledge production and and technocratic development And while methodological these dynamics at the structural the of feminist in media and cinema by this the very a