<sec> <title>BACKGROUND</title> Wearable devices have limited ability to store and process such data. Currently, individual users or data aggregators are unable to monetize or contribute such data to wider analytics use cases. When combined with clinical health data, such data can improve the predictive power of data-driven analytics and can proffer many benefits to improve the quality of care. We propose and provide a marketplace mechanism to make these data available while benefiting data providers. </sec> <sec> <title>OBJECTIVE</title> We aimed to propose the concept of a decentralized marketplace for patient-generated health data that can improve provenance, data accuracy, security, and privacy. Using a proof-of-concept prototype with an interplanetary file system (IPFS) and Ethereum smart contracts, we aimed to demonstrate decentralized marketplace functionality with the blockchain. We also aimed to illustrate and demonstrate the benefits of such a marketplace. </sec> <sec> <title>METHODS</title> We used a design science research methodology to define and prototype our decentralized marketplace and used the Ethereum blockchain, solidity smart-contract programming language, the web3.js library, and node.js with the MetaMask application to prototype our system. </sec> <sec> <title>RESULTS</title> We designed and implemented a prototype of a decentralized health care marketplace catering to health data. We used an IPFS to store data, provide an encryption scheme for the data, and provide smart contracts to communicate with users on the Ethereum blockchain. We met the design goals we set out to accomplish in this study. </sec> <sec> <title>CONCLUSIONS</title> A decentralized marketplace for trading patient-generated health data can be created using smart-contract technology and IPFS-based data storage. Such a marketplace can improve quality, availability, and provenance and satisfy data privacy, access, auditability, and security needs for such data when compared with centralized systems. </sec>
JuliĂŁo Braga, Francisco Regateiro, Itana Stiubiener, Juliana Cristina Braga
This paper is a proposal to develop a study on governance of artificial intelligence algorithms and data from a comparative study of proposals available in the literature and experiences from Internet governance. Complementarily these studies will be made available for discussions in a Decentralized Autonomous Organization to be implemented, especially for this purpose, in the environment called web3 or Decentralized Finance (DeFi).
JuliĂŁo Braga, Francisco Regateiro, Itana Stiubiener, Juliana Cristina Braga
This paper is a proposal to develop a study on governance of artificial intelligence algorithms and data from a comparative study of proposals available in the literature and experiences from Internet governance. Complementarily these studies will be made available for discussions in a Decentralized Autonomous Organization to be implemented, especially for this purpose, in the environment called web3 or Decentralized Finance (DeFi).
Sep 11, 2022·15th International Baltic Conference on Digital Business and Intelligent Systems (DB&IS), July 03-06, 2022, University of Latvia, Riga, Latvia
Web 3.0 is considered as future of Internet where decentralization, user personalization and privacy protection would be the main aspects of Internet. Aim of this research work is to elucidate the adoption behavior of Web 3.0through a multi-analytical approach based on Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM) and Twitter sentiment analysis. A theoretical framework centered on Performance Expectancy (PE), Electronic Word-of-Mouth (eWOM) and Digital Dexterity (DD), was hypothesized towards Behavioral Intention (INT) of the Web 3.0 adoption. Surveyed data were collected through online questionnaires and 167 responses were analyzed through PLS-SEM. While 3,989 tweets of Web3 were analyzed by VADER sentiment analysis tool in RapidMiner. PLS-SEM results showed that DD and eWOM had significant impact while PE had no effect on INT. Moreover, these results were also validated by PLS-Predict method. While sentiment analysis explored that 56% tweets on Web 3.0 were positive in sense and 7% depicted negative sentiment while remaining were neutral. Such inferences are novel in nature and an innovative addition to web informatics and could support the stakeholders towards web technology integration
Dan Sheridan, James S. Harris, Frank Wear, Jerry Cowell · 6 authors
The inability of a computer to think has been a limiter in its usefulness and a point of reassurance for humanity since the first computers were created. The semantic web is the first step toward removing that barrier, enabling computers to operate based on conceptual understanding, and AI and ML are the second. Both semantic knowledge and the ability to learn are fundamental to web3, as are blockchain, decentralization, transactional transparency, and ownership. Web3 is the next generational step in the information age, where the web evolves into a more digestible medium for users and machines to browse knowledge. The slow introduction of Web3 across the global software ecosystem will impact the people who enable the current iteration. This evolution of the internet space will expand the way knowledge is shared, consumed, and owned, which will lessen the requirement for a global standard and allow data to interact efficiently, no matter the construction of the knowledge. The heart of this paper understands the: 1) Enablement of Web3 across the digital ecosystem. 2) What a Web3 developer will look like. 3) How this alteration will evolve the market around software and knowledge in general.
Abstract Research Summary This abductive study investigates how management occurs without managerial authority as part of a previously unseen organizational formâthe decentralized platform with an independent market value. Our mixedâmethods study of the cryptocurrency industry draws on fuzzyâset qualitative comparative analyses (QCA) to analyze archival and interview data and offer new theory on how decentralized platforms coordinate activities to grow in an earlyâstage, before network effects kick in. We find that, in the absence of a central authority, platforms coordinate activities with three mechanisms, namely decentralized (a) algorithmic coordination, (b) social coordination, and (c) goal coordination. Our QCA treat these mechanisms as explanatory conditions and, using a representative sample of 20 cryptocurrency platforms, reveal which configurations of decentralized coordination mechanisms nurture, or hinder, earlyâstage platform growth. Managerial Summary Firms operate around a managerial hierarchy that distributes tasks, resources, information, and rewards to organizational members who pursue common goals as contractâbound employees. From 2009, a new organizational form, called the âdecentralized platform,â emerged and diffused without relying on hierarchy nor managerial authorityâand without having to employ anyone. The most prominent decentralized platform, Bitcoin, has millions of users, thousands of contributors, and a market valuation never achieved before by an organization without a CEO nor shareholders. This study explicates how this unprecedented level of organizational decentralization functions in practice. We foreshadow implications for the digital economy, wherein âWeb3â innovations, such as nonâfungible tokens and DAOs, have already shifted the orchestrating role played by platforms in capitalist societies.
Web3 networks are emerging to replace centrally-governed networking infrastructure. The integrity of the shared public infrastructure of Web3 networks is guaranteed through data sharing between nodes. However, due to the unstructured and highly partitioned nature of Web3 networks, data sharing between nodes in different partitions is a challenging task. In this paper we present the TSRP mechanism, which approaches the data sharing problem through nodes auditing each other to enforce carrying of data between partitions. Reputation is used as an analogue for the likelihood of nodes interacting with nodes from other partitions in the future. The number of copies of data shared with other nodes is inversely related to the nodesâ reputation. We use a real-world trace of Twitter to show how our implementation can converge to an equal number of copies as structured approaches.
In this article, we explore the tension between abstraction and composability in web3 today, specifically within identity solutions, and argue that the current standard DID v1.0 is sufficiently under specified, allowing for many methods and instantiations, including blockchain based certificates. We view experiments today in web3 identity as additive and complementary, and argue that often cited differences are of degree and more in form, less in substance. By way of illustration, we compare decentralized naming services and blockchain based identity certificates such as soulbound tokens (SBTs) to decentralized identifiers (DIDs) and verifiable credentials (VCs). Both paradigms, to the extent they can be meaningfully differentiated, share similar potential as well as challenges. Specifically, we refer to fears about non consensual verification (scarlet letters) and show DID method iterations are not immune by issuing an innocuous public scarlet letter to a DIDs associated public address for anyone to see. Moreover, we argue that because SBTs are unspecified, one could characterize SBTs as an iteration, or extension, of VCs that additionally aspire to achieve composability with web3 smart contracts for correct execution of code, privacy, coercion resistance, and censorship resistance. We offer research paths for how VCs can also achieve these properties. We do not comment on cost, scalability, transferability, or common knowledge as they have been previously reviewed.
<p>Non-Fungible Tokens (NFTs) do hold the promise of providing Web3 with the opportunity for self-sovereignty of users' physical assets. However, existing NFT marketplaces lack a generic design that allows the value of assets to flow efficiently. In this paper, we propose a generic NFT architecture for Web3. The architecture supports the rapid development of the upper application environment and automated value mapping of the underlying physical asset environment. To connect these two environments, a generic connecter has been designed to provide flexible storage for mapping data management, and to support universal cross-chain transactions. With these features, the values of heterogeneous physical assets can coexist in a unified Web3 world, and rich value transfer services can be developed on demand. This paper discusses the background of the proposed architecture, the open problems and our initial solution, as well as our design principles and advantages, and finally validates this novel NFT architecture.</p>
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Web3 is the evolution of internet requisites decentralized identity management known as a new paradigm in the identity management system. Web3 conceptualizes decentralization and based upon that needs an identity model that fulfills the requirement of any business/technology model in the new trusted third-party free era. This article presents Web3, Web3 architecture, and technologies expansion for secure and scalable services. Further, the decentralized identity management model is presented with its components (DID), reusable verifiable credentials (VC), issuer, verifier, and user centricity in perspective with the Web3 identity model.
On the heavily polluted soil of De Ceuvel-a former shipyard in Amsterdam turned into an eco-tech playground-the Sovereign Nature Initiative (SNI) recently convened its first Experimental Zone: a 'celebration of ecology, art, theory and emerging technologies' (Sovereign Nature Initiative 2022a).Bringing together crypto-poets, ecophilosophers, blockchain developers and tech start-up investors, the gathering sought to spark 'radical approaches toward sustainability'.How could the non-human speak for and sustain itself when seen, sensed, mediated and multiplied through new technological tools or interventions?Which worlds can be crafted where 'trees, hyenas, snails, rivers, elk and algae preserve their own value' and 'humans ⊠have a stake in their thriving' (Sovereign Nature Initiative 2022b)?How can one govern with and through the sky and subterranean?Situated at the 'intersection of ecology, economy and emerging web3 technologies', SNI nurtures 'radical approaches' that aspire to 'reconfigur[e] nature's value' and to enact a 'non-exploitative, non-consumerist' relation between 'nature, humans and technology'.De Ceuvel in Amsterdam Noord proved a perfect place for this experimental exploration.Built on the site's toxic soil, creative workspaces nested in old houseboats are tied together with natural surroundings through a winding wooden jetty.Phytoremediation plants labor (and die) to clean the polluted earth-a process that is measured, mapped and materialized into a vibrant, hybrid and digitally mediated ecology.De Ceuvel describes itself as 'never finished'-in a 'perpetual state of development' (De Ceuvel 2022).It does not only strive for specific sustainability solutions but also for a 'cultural transition', claiming that 'people have to learn new modes of thought and how to apply new techniques and technologies'.Operating on this 'cleantech playground' of De Ceuvel, Metabolic-a technology development and consultancy organisation-developed a 'sensor network' to provide
Teknologi blockchain telah digunakan secara luas dan menarik perhatian para peneliti termasuk peneliti tanaman hortikutur. Cabai merupakan salah satu tanaman hortikultura yang banyak dibudidayakan di Indonesia dan merupakan salah satu komoditas yang memiliki harga yang sangat fluktuatif. Fluktuasi harga cabai menuntut adanya transparansi harga cabai di setiap rantai distribusi cabai. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengembangkan sistem pencatatan transaksi distribusi cabai dalam upaya mencatat semua transaksi produksi dan harga cabai di setiap rantai distribusi cabai. Sistem ini berbasis web dan dikembangkan dengan menggunakan teknologi blockchain untuk menyimpan setiap transaksi distribusi cabai. Pengembangan sistem menggunakan metode extreme programming yang dilakukan dalam dua iterasi. Pada studi ini, smart contract Ethereum menggunakan kerangka kerja Truffle untuk sistem back end dan web3js untuk antarmuka sistem. Sistem pencatatan transaksi distribusi cabai telah berhasil dikembangkan dan memungkinkan pengguna untuk melihat harga dan pasokan cabai secara transparan di setiap rantai distribusi cabai. Uji keberterimaan dan fungsionalitas sistem telah sukses dilakukan untuk para aktor distribusi cabai, yaitu admin, produsen, pedagang pengepul, grosir, pedagang pengecer, serta konsumen. Smart contract yang dihasilkan dirilis pada jaringan uji Ethereum serta jaringan uji Rinkeby sebagai pengganti jaringan utama Ethereum. Sistem pencatatan cabai masih dapat dikembangkan lebih lanjut untuk melengkapi berbagai fitur yang telah dibuat. Rekomendasi untuk studi lebih lanjut dapat dilakukan untuk pengembangan fitur tambahan seperti foto produksi cabai dan foto profil aktor distribusi cabai serta user experience para aktor rantai distribusi cabai.
Non-fungible tokens (NFTs) have registered tremendous growth in the past year, and their importance is expected to increase with the expected development of Web3. From a brand perspective, NFTs can be seen as representations of the brand components, such as the product, the logo, or the image. I argue that NFTs have immense potential to become standalone brand assets. I illustrate how this can be achieved by relating the brand's NFT strategies to the marketing funnel stages. Brands can turn into an NFT their physical products such as shoes, shirts, or art to attract brand awareness, generate cross-selling opportunities, and spark stronger perceived ownership of certain brand elements. Importantly, NFTs can allow brands to form a highly engaging brand community that can support the brand, blend online and offline product ownership, and potentially create a bond between the brand and consumers. These exciting possibilities generate a rich research agenda I present in this paper.
Open access
Consumer Behavior in Brand Consumption and Identification
Decentralized Applications (DApps) have seen widespread use in the recent past driving the world towards a new decentralized version of the web known as Web3.0. DApp-supported blockchains like Ethereum have largely been responsible for this drive supporting the largest eco-system of DApps. Although the low performance provided by Ethereum has been a major impediment to realizing a decentralized web, several high-performance blockchains have been introduced recently to bridge this gap. Most of these blockchains rely on consensus optimizations. Only a few enhance other parts of the blockchain protocol that involves transaction management: the validation of transactions, broadcast of transactions, encapsulation and dissemination of blocks with transactions, re-validation and execution of transactions in blocks, storage of blocks, and confirmation of transaction commits to senders upon request. In this paper, we enhance transaction management by introducing a novel transaction validation reduction and a per sub-block processing to optimize the block storage. We empirically show the performance improvements gained by our enhanced transaction management in the Smart Red Belly Blockchain (SRBB) VM we develop. Finally, we integrate our SRBB VM to an already optimized consensus from a known blockchain to develop the Smart Red Belly Blockchain. Our results show that SRBB achieves a peak throughput of 4000 TPS and an average throughput of 2000 TPS on 200 nodes spread across 5 continents. SRBB outperforms 6 other blockchains when running the exchange DApp featuring a real workload trace taken from Nasdaq.
In his new monograph, Informed Publics, Media, and International Law, Daniel Joyce sets out to explore the role of the media both as an object of international legal regulation and as an influence on international lawâs development and structure.1 Given the obvious connections between the media and international law, one might have expected the topic to have already garnered extensive interest within the existing literature. Yet, as Joyce observes at the outset, â[f]or all its ubiquity and power, the media has to date been the subject of surprisingly limited attention within international legal scholarshipâ.2 In this context, the publication of Joyceâs text may be viewed as part of a recent wave of literature that signals growing interest in the subject amongst international legal scholars, whether due to rising concerns over the use of international law in public debates,3 or as a result of the exponential growth of new channels of communication, most notably digital media platforms.4 In tackling the multi-dimensional relationship between the media and international law, Joyceâs approach is historical and critical, illustrating both âthe resilience of existing international law frameworks, but also their significant silencesâ.5 The historical perspective is particularly valuable in surfacing interesting continuities between present-day controversies and earlier eras. For example, Joyce reveals how contemporary concerns about the relationship between international law, populism, and social media,6 find echoes in a range of formative debates about the relationship between international law, public opinion, and the press in the early twentieth century.7 The drawing of historical parallels is particularly important given the fast pace of developments in the sphere of communication in the digital age. In particular, as the notion of Web 3.0 (or Web3)âthe much-hyped third generation of the Internet premised on âdecentralisedâ technologies, touted to follow static webpages (Web 1.0) and social media and user-generated content (Web 2.0)âbegins to enter the public consciousness, adopting a historical perspective may help nurture what Elizabeth Renieris recently termed an outlook of âinformed skepticismâ.8 As Renieris explains, similar to its predecessors, âWeb3 is imagined as being apolitical, open, decentralized and inclusiveâ, seemingly oblivious to the fact that â[t]his ethosâcharacterised by free speech absolutism and free market idealsâhas enabled all manner of online harms, including rampant mis- and disinformation, racism, discrimination, hate speech and harassment, concentrations of power, toxic business models and limited accountabilityâ.9 In this context, Joyceâs text is particularly useful in situating the shifting contemporary communication sphere along a broader historical trajectory, tracing the neoliberalisation of public communication across different time-periods and settings, and shining a spotlight on the role performed by international law in the process. Beyond its critical and historical orientation, at the centre of Joyceâs text is the concept of âinformed publicsâ, characterised as âa more inclusive and messier picture of the social and connective tissue of international lawâ than the notion of âinternational communityâ.10 If claims made in the name of the latter are often merely âattempts to translate the particular into a language of self-serving universalismâ,11 Joyce advances the notion of âinformed publicsâ as âa model of international civil society which allows for greater variety of forms of associationâ, both by âcontest[ing] the state-centrism of international law and better reflect[ing] a system which involves not a single participatory democracy but a range of regional, domestic and local politiesâ.12 For Joyce, âinternational law depends on informed global publics to function and to address the complex global problems which we faceâ.13 In this way, the concept of âinformed publicsâ emerges as a ânormative goalâ for international law, one which âremains critical to any future conception and realisation of a multilateral system of global governanceâ.14 It is the concept of âinformed publicsâ that draws into view the dual inquiry at the centre of Joyceâs research:15 first, the role of international law in regulating the media, including new forms of digital media; and second, the reliance of international law on the media in communicating its objectives and norms as well as in its functioning as a system. In reflecting on Joyceâs work, this review follows the bookâs structure, with a particular focus on the textâs discussion of the relationship between digital media and international law. In the first half of the book, Joyce examines a range of international law frameworks applicable to the media which adhere to different regulatory modelsâeach recognising and foregrounding certain values and interests to the marginalisation and exclusion of others. In Chapter 2, Joyce examines the regulatory vision of free publics, encompassing the ways in which human rights law (particularly freedom of expression) has sought to protect media freedom from State intervention, as well as how international trade law has sought to ensure free markets for the global media economy.16 Both areas of law emphasise media freedomâwith human rights law focused on protecting the mediaâs societal watchdog function, and trade law focused on deregulation and market access.17 Yet, as Joyce explains, this emphasis comes at the expense of addressing âthe power of the media itself and its own connections with violence and the abuse of rightsâ.18 In Chapter 3, Joyce turns to the regulatory model of endangered publics, encompassing the ways in which human rights law (concerning incitement, hate speech, and propaganda), international criminal law (concerning atrocity speech), and international humanitarian law (concerning media activities in armed conflict) address the connections between the media and violence.19 While these areas of law counter the reductively positive image of the media that underpins the regulatory vision of free publics, Joyce observes that they nonetheless âconfigure the dangers of media power as being exceptional rather than structuralâ and thereby contribute to âa failure to connect media violence with its economic and political powerâ.20 Finally, in Chapter 4, Joyce discusses the regulatory model of digital publics, encompassing forms of Internet, data, and platform governance, which are characterised by âan absence of international lawâ and an investment of faith in the promise of âself-regulation, market-driven innovation and techno-libertarianismâ.21 Joyce suggests that while international law and the media are often depicted as being âexistentially threatened by technological disruptionâ, at least part of this âcrisisâ concerns âthe ongoing failure of international legal frameworks to address the rise of information capitalism in the form of digital media monopolyâ.22 Across these chapters, Joyce offers a compelling analysis of the international regulatory landscape applicable to the media, traversing a diversity of contexts to critically surface both the blind spots and biases identifiable within a range of fields of international law. In an era of specialisation, where scholarship is becoming increasingly siloed, Joyceâs ability to bring diverse fields of international law into conversation with one another is particularly valuable. At the same time, by adopting such a broad perspective some level of detail and nuance is inevitably sacrificed. In exploring the relationship between international law and new forms of digital media in particular, Joyceâs text unveils many of the challenges that have arisen in attempting to reign in the power of todayâs leading digital media companies. However, to some extent, I would argue, Joyce understates the significance of both the state and the law in both enabling the neoliberalisation of the contemporary digital communication sphere and in continuing to legitimate various repressive practices undertaken within it. Whilst acknowledging that the Internet âevolved in collaborations between governments, the military and academic institutionsâ,23 the role of both the state and legal frameworks in the Internetâs historical trajectory remains somewhat marginalised in Joyceâs account. The influence of the state on the shape of the contemporary online environment is well documented. Monika Zalnieriute, for example, discusses the dominance of the âUS Information-Industrial-Complexâ, which âcatalysed the rapid growth of information and communication technologies within the global economy, while firmly embedding US strategic interests and companies at the heart of the current neoliberal regimeâ.24 Support from the US government took at least two forms. First, the US government provided significant amounts of funding and awarded a range of procurement contracts to US technology companiesâa fact that not only undercuts the neoliberal myth that private wealth accumulates because free markets are kept distinct from public expenditure, but also provides important context for the Edward Snowden disclosures which revealed close ties between the US National Security Agency and a number of US technology giants.25 Second, the US government also supported its largest US technology companies by promoting an âInternet Freedomâ agenda abroad, premised on âglobally ânormalisedâ strong legal protections for intellectual property rights, advertising-based consumerism and the commodification of information and personal dataâ.26 And it is here that both domestic and international law become part of the story of the neoliberalisation of the contemporary online environment. As the works of Julie Cohen and Amy Kapczynski, amongst others, have demonstrated, ârising platform power, monopoly power, and the power that technology can give capital over workers and governments over the governed ⊠are mediated at every moment by lawâ.27 At the domestic level, fields such as contract, trade-secrecy, intermediary immunities, privacy, and the First Amendment helped anchor the rising power of online platforms, while at the international level, trade agreements have prohibited the restriction of cross-border online information flows and forbidden data localization rules.28 As Kapczynski argues, âa wave has rippled through our law ⊠[which], intertwined with the architecture of digital networks, has enabled the creation of the vast new firms that wield new forms of surveillance and algorithmic power, ⊠[and] delivered us a form of neoliberal capitalism that is inclined toward monopoly, concentrated power, and inequalityâ.29 By placing emphasis on the absence of international law in the digital domain,30 Joyceâs account understates some of the ways in which both domestic and international law have helped shape the neoliberal communication sphere that characterises the contemporary online environment. Beyond shaping todayâs online environment, international law also performs a role in legitimating certain repressive practices within it. Joyceâs account is alive to lawâs legitimation function, particularly in the context of discussing the co-option of the vocabulary of human rights law by social media companies ânot as binding legal norms, but as available ingredients to enable corporate self-regulation and marketingâ, as well as âto minimise the damage to their reputationsâ.31 Yet, the legitimation function of international law extends beyond this corporate context. Consider, for example, the recent majority judgment of the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights in the bulk surveillance case of Big Brother Watch and Others v UK.32 The judgment endorsed the legality of bulk surveillance operations as in principle âvaluableâ and of âvital importanceâ for states seeking to identify threats to their national security,33 provided such programmes contain sufficient âguarantees against abuseâ and are subject to a set of âend-to-end safeguardsâ.34 By adopting this approach, the majority judgment adhered to a form of âprocedural fetishismâ,35 which has been characterised as nothing less than âa grand, definitive normalization of mass surveillance[,] by a virtually unanimous Grand Chamber[,] for decades to comeâ.36 In his concluding remarks, Joyce suggests that âit is important to reconsider the value and resilience of existing international media law frameworks including, most significantly, the human rights model, but also to be realistic about the failures and problems associated with that systemâ.37 Yet, while Joyce acknowledges the limits of the vocabulary of human rights law in general termsâincluding how the human rights system âstruggles with controlling private power, individuates and simplifies collective and highly complex issues, and often underplays their structural dimensionâ38âa more detailed exploration of the ways in which human rights law has legitimated and struggled to reign in particular forms of private and state power in the digital domain would have helped prepare the ground for assessing the extent to which it is equipped to address the accountability deficits associated with the contemporary online environment.39 In the second half of the book, Joyce turns to examine how the media is coming to shape various dimensions of international law. In Chapter 5, Joyce explores publicity as a technique utilised by international courts and actors to claim legitimacy and signal their authority. Joyce focuses in particular on the fields of international criminal law and human rights law, observing how âmediatized trials have public relations benefits, but also present the now familiar dangers of media spectacleâ, whilst âhuman rights witnessing promises connection but can also deliver commodification and simplificationâ.40 Reflecting on these tensions, Joyce concludes that while adopting media forms and engaging in public relations may be understood as âthe international legal system ⊠responding to demands for greater transparency, accountability and participationâ, ultimately âpublicity cannot act as a substitute for informed publics who are so often kept at a distance from the levers of institutional power and influenceâ.41 In Chapter 6, Joyce considers the broader critique of the communicative capitalism that underpins international lawâs reliance on the media and its increasingly digitalised form. To this end, Joyce examines ânot only the mediaâs role in bringing issues to public consciousness, but also its implication in the preservation of silences and the maintenance of obsessions and anxietiesâ,42 and reveals the ways in which the growing reliance of international actors on digital media platforms âfurther entangles the field with neoliberal ideologies embedded within the infrastructure of Silicon Valleyâ.43 The result, Joyce concludes, is that âpublicity promises participation, but delivers digital media monopoly, corporate âvaluesâ as structuring norms and increasing private power on the international planeâ.44 Joyceâs analysis in these chapters is again impressive, drawing on a diversity of disciplinary perspectives ranging from political theory to communications studies to reveal how the turn by international actors to mediated techniques of publicity has produced âeffects of both visibility (for one or a group of victims or a theme) and invisibility (for other forgotten victims, contextual analysis and different or competing claims and causes)â,45 whilst masking and facilitating âthe broader privatisation of the public sphereâ.46 Where the text might have delved deeper, however, is in surfacing the ways in which the contemporary online environment enables the reproduction of inequalities, for example along gender and racial lines. In discussing mass atrocities in Myanmar, for example, Joyce points to the failure of Facebook to prevent its platform being used as a tool to incite violence against the Rohingya community.47 However, what is omitted from Joyceâs account is any exploration of the reasons behind Facebookâs passivity in this context.48 Reflecting on the contrast between Facebookâs de-platforming of Donald Trump following the US Capitol riots and its general passivity in Myanmar, Rebecca Hamilton has reflected upon âthe role that economic and political powerâcoupled with cultural affinity, and distributed unevenly across and within Statesâplays in the decisions of major [social media companies] about what content stays on their platformsâ.49 According to Hamilton, global inequities behind how content is moderated on digital platforms are partially a reflection of capitalism, calculated in the advertiser revenue that a platform derives from an American user compared to a user in Myanmar, and partially a reflection of unevenly distributed political power, with âyears of local activism, coupled with international reporting and a United Nations Commission of Inquiry [being required] to finally get Facebook to take the kind of de-platforming action [in Myanmar that] it did in the United Statesâ.50 But another part of the story concerns systemic racial bias. As Hamilton notes, major social media companies âcontinue to default to the cultural assumptions and political and economic incentives held by their predominantly white American male foundersâ.51 This ongoing âdiversity crisisâ in the digital technology sector is significant since, as UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, E Tendayi Achiume, recently observed, âtechnology ⊠that disproportionately excludes women, racial, ethnic and other minorities is likely to reproduce these inequalities when it is deployedâ.52 Joyce also critically discusses âplatform humanitarianismâ, encompassing the turn within the human rights movement towards âcommodified forms of advocacy, fundraising and competition for attention and power between NGOsâ, initially drawing on the emergence of global media, but today increasingly reliant on digital media platforms âto communicate its messages, seek publicity and engage in digital witnessing in the attempt to capture audiences motivated by humanitarian concernsâ.53 One example that Joyce explores in this context is the notorious Kony 2012 campaign, in which an organisation called Invisible Children distributed a video across various digital media platforms calling for the capture and arrest of the leader of the Lordâs Resistance Army, Joseph Kony, by the end of 2012.54 As Joyce notes, the aim of the video was âto engage the American people to place on their government to the of military in to the in its to capture In this way, the video sought to a by the International Court into a in to his Joyce the Kony 2012 for the of the political in and to its whilst also to the broader that the focus of such may attention from social in the Yet, as the of has recently a to this story is how the a example of by as âthe of social and economic value from the racial of another only is the Kony 2012 video with racial but by the US of the may also be within a broader historical in which international law has performed a role in the of value from the in international such as the or and military as For the of this form of global is the of and the of form of between the wealth and the of While Joyce acknowledges the that media may audiences and publics from for the of the racial dimensions of digital are at but not In Informed Publics, Daniel Joyce has made a valuable towards the complex and diverse connections between international law and the the end of the book, Joyce observes its âthe media is not given the significance or in international legal which it has in other such as international political and social It is that with the publication of Joyceâs book, this to at a when international actors are to on the future regulation and use of digital media platforms, they would well to on the critical and historical in this The is to the and in the of International discussion on Daniel Joyceâs Informed Publics, and International Law, as well as the for their are the
The Metaverse refers to a shared vision among technology entrepreneurs of a three-dimensional virtual world, an embodied internet with humans and the physical world in it. As such, the Metaverse is thought to expand the domain of human activity by overcoming spatial, temporal, and resource-related constraints imposed by nature. The technological infrastructure of the Metaverse, i.e., Web3, consists of blockchain technology, smart contracts, and Non-Fungible Tokens (NFTs), which reduce transaction and agency costs, and enable trustless social and economic interactions thanks to decentralized consensus mechanisms. The emerging Metaverse may give rise to new products and services, new job profiles, and new business models. In this brief note, I assess the promises and challenges of the Metaverse, offer a first empirical glimpse at the emerging Metaverse economy, and discuss some simple Metaverse economics that revolve around building and operating the Metaverse.
Web3, DLT ve NFT gibi merkezi olmayan teknolojilerin yanı sıra AR/VR gibi deneyimsel teknolojiler hizmetler sektörĂŒne bambaĆka bir boyut getirmektedir. Teknolojinin getirdiÄi yeni yaklaĆımlarla bankacılık önce geleneksel bankacılıktan dijital bankacılıÄa, sonrasında açık ve açık ötesi bankacılıÄa evrilmiĆtir. Blokzincir teknolojisiyle merkeziyetsiz finansla tanıĆan bankacılık sektörĂŒnĂŒn Ćimdilerde ise metaverse bankacılıÄına evrildiÄine tanık olmaktayız. Hızlı teknolojik deÄiĆim yeni bir temel oluĆturduÄundan, diÄer tĂŒm sektörler gibi finansal hizmetler sektörĂŒ de bu duruma uyum saÄlamalı ve fırsatları deÄerlendirmelidir. MĂŒĆteri beklentileri sĂŒrekli farklılaĆtıÄından bankaların mĂŒĆterilerinin deÄiĆen ihtiyaçlarını keĆfetmenin yollarını bularak nasıl karĆılayacaklarına dair yöntemleri de geliĆtirmeleri gerekmektedir. ĂnĂŒmĂŒzdeki 10 yıllık dönemde 8 trilyon USDâlık kĂŒresel bir pazar oluĆturacaÄı öngörĂŒlen metaverse konusu bankacılık sektörĂŒnĂŒ yakından ilgilendirmektedir. Bankalar, teknolojinin yardımıyla geliĆen pazarlama anlayıĆlarıyla, farklılaĆan mĂŒĆteri beklentilerine hitap etmeye çalıĆmaktadır. Bu çalıĆmanın amacı Metaverse yolunda bankacılıktaki pazarlamanın baÄlamsal pazarlama ve artırılmÄ±Ć pazarlama açısından incelenerek ve metaverse bankacılıÄı alanına iliĆkin kavramsal bilgi sunulmasıdır. Aynı zamanda bu çalıĆmada, dĂŒnyada son dönemde bankacılık alanında deneyimsel pazarlama ve artırılmÄ±Ć gerçeklik veya metaverse ile ilgili adımlar atan bankalardan örnekler derlenerek bankaların farklılaĆan mĂŒĆteri beklentileri ve bu beklentilere yönelik ĂŒrettikleri çözĂŒmler yorumlanmıĆtır.
This intersection of Web3 technology and the metaverse constitutes a major leap into decentralized digital environments. Web3, which is based on blockchain technology, offers a user-centric architecture that allows users to own and control their digital assets, identities, and interactions. Blockchain ensures transparent, immutable records in the metaverse; smart contracts enable secure, trustless transactions to happen automatically. Non-fungible therapy tokens (NFTs) advance ownership online by showing original virtual items. Metaverse is a notion that envisions a communal, virtual shared environment that exists beyond the physical world. This space is shared by all individuals. It is a digital world in which users can interact with computer-generated surroundings, connect with other users, and participate in a variety of activities by utilizing AR, VR, and other immersive technologies. This article investigates how the integration of Web3 technology supports distributed governance, virtual commerce, and interoperable experiences, thereby ushering a new era of immersive, fair digital places. We also look at potential adoption chances as well as challenges.
In the upcoming era of distributed technological integration known as Web3, the built environment will need to adapt. Solving the most significant social, environmental and economic challenges will likely require new approaches to data sharing and efficient data management. This will need to occur within organizations, across software tools, and between partners. However, todayâs approach of data fragmentation and a scattered system of data islands prevent efficient data usage in the construction industry.The question that now arises is whether the decentralized marketplace approach has the potential to make construction data sets more uniform, efficient,and usable for all stakeholders through distributed technological integration.Therefore, this paperâs contribution isto provide a conceptual starting point and possible research stream approach towards thisquestion. Doing so by outlining current data management challenges and discussing themin comparison with already existing web3 approaches in research and industry.
Web3 is the most hyped concept from 2020 to date, greatly motivating the prosperity of the Internet of Value and Metaverse. However, no solid evidence stipulates the exact definition, criterion, or standard in the sense of such a buzzword. To fill the gap, we aim to clarify the term in this work. We narrow down the connotation of Web3 by separating it from high-level controversy argues and, instead, focusing on its protocol, architecture, and evaluation from the perspective of blockchain fields. Specifically, we have identified all potential architectural design types and evaluated each of them by employing the scenario-based architecture evaluation method. The evaluation shows that existing applications are neither secure nor adoptable as claimed. Meanwhile, we also discuss opportunities and challenges surrounding the Web3 space and answer several prevailing questions from communities. A primary result is that Web3 still relies on traditional internet infrastructure, not as independent as advocated. This report, as of June 2022, provides the first strict research on Web3 in the view of blockchain. We hope that this work would provide a guide for the development of future Web3 services.