Blockchain Papers

Fernando Antoñanzas

No abstract is available for this record.

Roman Inderst, Holger M. Müller

Abstract We study optimal financial contracting for centralized and decentralized firms. Under centralized contracting, headquarters raises funds on behalf of multiple projects. Under decentralized contracting, each project raises funds separately on the external capital market. The benefit of centralization is that headquarters can use excess liquidity from high cash‐flow projects to buy continuation rights for low cash‐flow projects. The cost is that headquarters may pool cash flows from several projects and self‐finance follow‐up investments without having to return to the capital market. Absent any capital market discipline, it is more difficult to force headquarters to make repayments, which tightens financing constraints ex ante. Cross‐sectionally, our model implies that conglomerates should have a lower average productivity than stand‐alone firms.

Richard Schragger, William A. Fischel

In his ambitious new book, William Fischel, a Professor of Economics at Dartmouth College, gives us a new political animal: "The Homevoter." The homevoter is simply a homeowner who votes (p. ix). According to Fischel, she is the key to understanding the political economy of American local government. By implication, she is the key to understanding state and national government as well. Homeowners warrant special attention because "residents who own their own homes have a stake in the outcome of local politics that make them especially attentive to the public policies of local government" (p. ix). That is because local decisions - about how much to spend on schools or trash pick-up, for instance - directly affect home values in ways that most state or national decisions do not. The "homevoter hypothesis" is deceptively straightforward: decentralized, local governments provide a desirable balance of taxes and government services because the homevoter seeks to maintain or increase the value of her single largest asset - the family home (pp. 4-6). The homevoter explains why local governments "work better at providing local services than do larger-area governments" (p. x). This plausible sounding thesis has its roots deep in the decentralizing tradition of public finance theory. The idea that multiple local governments provide government services more efficiently than does a centralized government originated with Charles Tiebout's seminal article, A Pure Theory of Local Expenditures. Tiebout's solution to the problem of how to ensure the proper level of expenditures on public goods was to posit a market in public services. In his model, multiple local governments offer distinctive tax and spending packages, and "consumer-voters" choose to reside in jurisdictions that best fit their preferences, exiting those jurisdictions that do not. The notion that consumers of public goods "vote with their feet" by choosing where to live has become something of an economic maxim.

Mehmet Şişman, Doç. Dr. Selahattin Turan

In the last two decades, educational policy makers and educational leaders have reemphasized the importance of decentralization in education and its critical role in democratization of education and society. Leading scholars in the field state that educational decentralization is a complex process that deals with different dimensions of educational reform efforts and changes about policy making, finance, curriculum and administration of local schools in education. The purpose of this study was to examine the literature concerning decentralization and democratization efforts in education to provide a brief guidelines for government officials, educational policy makers and those who are intended to lead Turkish education and public schools for the twenty first century.

Prof. Dr. Mehmet ŞİŞMAN, Doç. Dr. Selahattin TURAN

In the last two decades, educational policy makers and educational leaders have reemphasized the importance of decentralization in education and its critical role in democratization of education and society. Leading scholars in the field state that educational decentralization is a complex process that deals with different dimensions of educational reform efforts and changes about policy making, finance, curriculum and administration of local schools in education. The purpose of this study was to examine the literature concerning decentralization and democratization efforts in education to provide a brief guidelines for government officials, educational policy makers and those who are intended to lead Turkish education and public schools for the twenty first century.

Edward W. Hill, Billie K. Geyer, Claudette Robey, John F. Brennan · 5 authors

This paper investigates the transportation expenditure geographic pattern in Ohio from 1980 to 1988. It focuses on the location and spatial patterns of state transportation spending and finance. It then compares these variables with transportation need and demand indicators. The aim of the report is to ascertain whether or not the state's transportation money is being spent appropriately to meet the many challengers occurring today in metropolitan areas. Some of these challenges include traffic congestion, aging infrastructure, and decentralizing economic development.

Nazmul Chaudhury, Jeffrey S. Hammer, Edmundo Murrugarra

This study examines the impact of a fee-waiver program for basic medical services on health care utilization in Armenia. Due to the reduction in public financing of health services and decentralization and increased privatization of health care provision, private out-of-pocket contributions are increasingly becoming a significant component of health costs in Armenia. To help poor families cope with this constraint, the Government of Armenia provided a free-of-charge basic package service to eligible individuals in vulnerable groups, such as the disabled and children from single parent households. Drawing upon the 1996 and 1998/99 Armenia Integrated Survey of Living Standards (AISLS), which allows the identification of eligible individuals under this program, we estimate the impact of the fee-waiver program on utilization of health services, particularly among the poor. Across the two survey rounds utilization rates have indeed declined despite comparable levels of income, and this decline has occurred among both the poor and the rich, with average utilization falling by 12 percent between the two surveys. However, families with four or more children, the largest beneficiary group under the "Vulnerable Population" program, have decreased their usage of health care services in a disproportionate manner -- 21 percent reduction in usage between the two survey rounds. This precipitous drop in health care usage by this vulnerable group despite being eligible for free medical services, suggests that the program just by itself was inadequate in stemming the decline in the usage of health services. We furthermore present evidence to suggest that the free-of-charge eligibility program is acting more like an income transfer mechanism, particularly to disabled individuals. Contents...

Franz Hubert

No abstract is available for this record.

K M Baharul Islam

Implementing the African Information Society Initiative (AISI), African Ministers of Planning and Economic Development identified the use of ICTs in central Government and local administration as one of the priority sectors for the entry of Africa into the information era and as a means to support Government’s administration and decentralization process, which is consistent with Vision 2020 in developing electronic information for development in the Gambia. Responding to a request from the Hon. Secretary of State for Finance and Economic Affairs, of the Republic of The Gambia, The Executive Secretary of United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) sent a mission to the Gambia in November 2002 to carryout a preliminary assessment and discuss modalities for the design of e-Government Strategy for the Gambia with a view to start an e-Government pilot project between the Department of State for Finance and Economic Affairs and the Office of The President for the sharing of Financial and Economic Management data and information. It is envisaged that after the successful implementation of the pilot project, all the relevant institutions and services across the country will be subsequently interconnected electronically.

Giampaolo Arachi, Carlo Filippini

No abstract is available for this record.

G López-Casasnovas, A Rico

El mayor cambio que ha experimentado la sanidad española en las dos últimas décadas es probablemente el de la generalización de la transferencia a las CCAA que integran el Estado. Este hecho puede generar tensiones en el status quo. ¿Es compatible la descentralización sanitaria con un Servicio Nacional de Salud cohesionado? ¿Es la descentralización sanitaria parte del problema o de la solución? La generalización de las transferencias de una manera tan rápida como la experimentada en nuestro país (negociada en poco menos de 6 meses, con acuerdos financieros de mínimos, en ausencia de marcos legales explícitos en los ámbitos de la coordinación y del desarrollo de normativa básica, con un nuevo acuerdo de financiación autonómica general del que no se conocen aunque se intuyen algunas lagunas, etc.) ofrece un presente con interrogantes. Un posible mal uso de las amplias competencias transferidas por parte de las nuevas comunidades en ejercicio de sus poderes es fácilmente utilizable por parte de quienes añoran el centralismo preconstitucional, para levantar todo tipo de temores entre la población de resquebrajamiento de la sanidad pública en tanto pilar fundamental del Estado de bienestar. El trabajo se dirige de modo sucinto a los extremos anteriores. The greatest change experienced by the Spanish health system in the last two decades has probably been the devolution of power to the autonomous communities composing the Spanish state. This may generate tensions in the status quo and poses questions of whether decentralization of the health system is compatible with a cohesive national health system and whether this devolution of power is part of the problem of the health system or part of its solution. Generalized devolution occurring as rapidly as that produced in Spain (negotiated in slightly less than 6 months, with minimal financial agreements, without explicit legal frameworks in the areas of coordination and development of basic norms, and with a new agreement of general financing of the autonomous communities which possibly contains lacunae, etc.) presents an uncertain panorama. The possible misuse of the wide powers recently transferred to the autonomous communities could easily be used by those who would like to see a restoration of pre-democratic centralism to sow fear of the collapse of the health service as the cornerstone of the welfare state among the general public. The present article briefly addresses these questions.

Ahmet Akyol, Kartik Athreya

Tertiary education in the U.S. requires large investments that are risky, lumpy, and well-timed. Tertiary education is also heavily subsidized. By making the risk of human capital investment more acceptable, especially to low wealth households, subsidies may increase investment in human capital, lower long-run inequality, and reduce aggregate precautionary savings. However, subsidies also encourage more poorly prepared students to attend and are usually financed via distortionary taxes. In this paper, we find that observed collegiate subsidies improve welfare substantially relative to the fully decentralized (zero subsidy) outcome. We show that subsidies help smooth consumption, lower skill premia, increase interest rates as precautionary savings fall, lower the inequality of both consumption and wealth, increase intergenerational income mobility and raise welfare, even when financed by distortionary taxes.

Natalie Simonová

The paper addresses the development of higher education in the Czech Republic after 1989, with special emphasis on the relevant legislation, institutional settings, financing, & enrollment. Czech higher education has changed profoundly since 1989. Universities were granted almost full autonomy as early as in 1990. They have reformed their curricula, expanded programs in the humanities & social sciences, & eliminated political criteria from admissions policies, both for faculty & students. However, the structural changes were not as quick & profound as obtaining & mastering the freedom was. The most significant structural changes in the Czech tertiary educational system addressed in the paper are decentralization & diversification. With regard to financing, the authors argue that universities have remained dependent on the state to a high degree. Several attempts to expand multi-source financing by introducing cost-sharing features (tuition fees, loans, student allowances) failed. The reliance on the public budget led to a severe financial crisis in public universities. As far as enrollment is concerned, the authors demonstrate that, although the number of students rose by almost 60% between 1989 & 2001, the offer of educational opportunities was too low to meet the steeply rising demand for tertiary education. The chance of being admitted hovered around 50%. Owing to the combined effect of a drop in the size of the relevant age cohort & the growing proportion of students admitted to bachelor programs, the chance of enrollment started to increase in 2001. In spite of this recent change, the transition from secondary to tertiary education still remains the most critical moment in an educational career.

Henry Rodriguez Sosa

This article discusses the importance of the Colombian decentralization process in recent decades as a central axis bearing the tax side: revenues and expenditures of central government and the local authorities. The author makes it clear that despite the advantages of this system in Colombia are multiple problems due to gaps in the regulation of various aspects of reality and especially in the field of finance, taxation and spending. In recent decades, decentralization has brought the phenomenon of overflow discharges from local authorities based on an unlimited autonomy, so the National Government, together with the Congress, has issued various rules to clean up finances at the central, regional and local levels.

Konstantin Sonin, Centre for Economic Policy Research (United Kingdom)

In a federal state, political leaders of constituent units might protect their enterprises from the federal center (e.g., allowing them not to pay federal taxes). The effectiveness of such protection depends crucially on the ability of local authorities to extract rents from enterprises. They can easily do so, if there are a small number of enterprises with large employment, and local monopolies can be effectively sustained. They cannot do it so easily if regional industry is competitive, political opposition is strong, and the federal center has enough means to enforce payment of taxes. We build a simple model to argue that it is the industrial structure of constituent units that determines political relations between them and the federal centre. The theory is supported by the recent experience of Russia, China, and Argentina.

Matthew J. Higgins, Daniel Lévy, Andrew T. Young

No abstract is available for this record.

Sam Chema, E. Gilbert, Johannes Roseboom, Chema, Sam · 6 authors

This study reviews the ongoing reforms of national agricultural research systems (NARS) in sub-Saharan Africa. The study not only takes stock of the principal reform themes (i.e., a redefinition of the role of government, decentralization, stakeholder participation, new financing mechanisms, and system linkages), but also highlights the underlying ideas and concepts that shape the present NARS reform agenda. NARS reform details are illustrated and discussed in seven case-study countries: Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Senegal, Tanzania, and Uganda. While there is considerable consensus about the main trends, there are major differences and disputes on specific aspects of the reform agenda. Moreover, NARS reforms alone will not close the technological divide between Africa and the rest of the world—they are to be seen as part of a far broader modernization agenda.

Martin R. West, Ludger Wöβmann

No abstract is available for this record.

Martin T. W. Rosenfeld

Regional policy has – in general – the intention to supporting the efforts of regions with development problems to overcome their current problems and to stimulate an increase in regional economic growth. If the regional policy measures by a jurisdiction are successful, there will be a tendency towards more economic convergence between the various regions within that jurisdiction, with the result of a higher degree of cohesion between these regions, than in a state without regional policy. There are many studies on evaluating the impact of different instruments of regional policy on cohesion. But there are only few investigations so far into the institutional framework of these instruments. One institutional aspect has become more and more relevant in public discussions during the last few years: In federations (e. g. in the EU), there is in general not only one jurisdiction responsible for regional policy, but two, three or even more levels of government; the responsibilities (or: competences) are fragmentated between these levels. The paper presents a theoretical analysis of the impact of the allocation of competences in the field of regional policy on the outcome (interregional cohesion) and on the costs (economic efficiency) of regional policy. The analysis is based on the Theory of Fiscal Federalism, including the Economic Theory of Intergovernmental Grants. All the possible more central or more decentral arrangements of regional policy are located between two polar cases: At one pole, we have an arrangement where only the central level of government (e. g. the EU level) is responsible for regional policy; neither any subcentral unit of government (e. g. at the member state level in the EU), nor the regions which are to be supported (the less developed regions) have any influence for deciding on the implementation of regional policy instruments, and only the central government has to finance regional policy with its own resources. At the other pole, we find an arrangement where only the subcentral units of government and the less developed regions themselves are deciding on regional policy and are responsible for financing. In connection with financing, different categories of grants in aid may be applied. In addition, the arrangements may differ from each other because of different institutions for controlling the activities of the lower levels. The main hypothesis is, that a more decentralized institutional arrangement is not in general more efficient and effective than a more centralized arrangement; but – as compared to the status quo in Europe – a more decentralized arrangement for some public responsibilities would lead to better results in the field of regional policy. Central questions to be answered are: Have subcentral governments (as compared to central units of government) a tendency for neglecting their subregions with development problems' What is the impact of information costs and asymmetrical information on the choice of the level of government for certain (sub-) responsibilities' To which degree is the central influence stimulating – or: paralyzing – the initiative of the regions which are to be supported?

Isabel Correia, Juan Pablo Nicolini, Pedro Teles

No abstract is available for this record.

Randal C. Picker

No abstract is available for this record.

Malcolm Segall

District health systems, comprising primary health care and first referral hospitals, are key to the delivery of basic health services in developing countries. They should be prioritized in resource allocation and in the building of management and service capacity. The relegation in the World Health Report 2000 of primary health care to a 'second generation' reform--to be superseded by third generation reforms with a market orientation--flows from an analysis that is historically flawed and ideologically biased. Primary health care has struggled against economic crisis and adjustment and a neoliberal ideology often averse to its principles. To ascribe failures of primary health care to a weakness in policy design, when the political economy has starved it of resources, is to blame the victim. Improvement in the working and living conditions of health workers is a precondition for the effective delivery of public health services. A multidimensional programme of health worker rehabilitation should be developed as the foundation for health service recovery. District health systems can and should be financed (at least mainly) from public funds. Although in certain situations user fees have improved the quality and increased the utilization of primary care services, direct charges deter health care use by the poor and can result in further impoverishment. Direct user fees should be replaced progressively by increased public finance and, where possible, by prepayment schemes based on principles of social health insurance with public subsidization. Priority setting should be driven mainly by the objective to achieve equity in health and wellbeing outcomes. Cost effectiveness should enter into the selection of treatments for people (productive efficiency), but not into the selection of people for treatment (allocative efficiency). Decentralization is likely to be advantageous in most health systems, although the exact form(s) should be selected with care and implementation should be phased in after adequate preparation. The public health service should usually play the lead provider role in district health systems, but non-government providers can be contracted if needed. There is little or no evidence to support proactive privatization, marketization or provider competition. Democratization of political and popular involvement in health enhances the benefits of decentralization and community participation. Integrated district health systems are the means by which specific health programmes can best be delivered in the context of overall health care needs. International assistance should address communicable disease control priorities in ways that strengthen local health systems and do not undermine them. The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria should not repeat the mistakes of the mass campaigns of past decades. In particular, it should not set programme targets that are driven by an international agenda and which are achievable only at the cost of an adverse impact on sustainable health systems. Above all the targets must not retard the development of the district health systems so badly needed by the rural poor.

Feng Deng

No abstract is available for this record.

Innocent Semali

The current need and enthusiasm for health reforms open an important arena for deeper analysis of the policy process with a view to understanding the political determinants of reforms and strengthening implementation. The studies described in this thesis analyse positions of different actors in the reform process, their actions in support or opposition of the process, and their impact on the health sector reform process. Globally and especially in developing countries health sector reforms have been implemented over long periods. Although there have been improvements in health, the remaining burden of disease in many countries is still very high. Reasons for the high burden of disease have been classified into lack of resources and poor organizational and managerial capacity. Good stewardship was needed to facilitate improvement in the performance of health systems. Stakeholders’ alignment and support was one of the most important components of good stewardship. However, stakeholder analysis had not been a common undertaking in developing countries despite the reforms that were being implemented in most of them. It was the aim of this study to answer the question: What has been the role and importance of stakeholders in supporting or opposing the health sector reform process? The study was conducted in Tanzania as one of the poorest countries in Africa, using the decentralization of the Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) as a case reference. The study units were the Ministry of Health Headquarters, Medical Stores Department, Expanded Programme on Immunization, national archives, regions and districts. At district level the study units were District Council, Council Health Management Team, EPI managers at regional and district levels, ward and village authorities, health facility, facility providers and households. Qualitative and quantitative methods were used to collect data from January 2000 to June 2002. Relevant data collection instruments were prepared and pre-tested. The qualitative data collection methods included document review,
\nin-depth interviews, key informants interviews and observations. Quantitative
\nmethods involved retrieval of secondary data, health facility survey and
\nhousehold surveys. Regular discussions with key informants and data
\ncollectors were held to verify the findings. Qualitative data was analysed
\nmanually. Quantitative data was captured and analysed using Epi Info version
\n6.1 and STATA version 6.0. The study involved answering five main questions. The first question was: Do
\nreforms learn from history? Analysis of the waves of health reforms prior to
\nthe current reforms from 1926 was done to answer the question. The main
\nstakeholders in the reforms were the political party in power, the government
\nand donors who supported the reforms each time. Each wave of health sector
\nreforms provided information on health provision, financing and resource
\ngeneration. Due to the political contexts, information on failures of health
\nfinancing did not provide lessons for succeeding reforms of the health sector.
\nStakeholders’ political interests opposed lessons that did not match the
\npolitical ideology at the time i.e. free public services versus privatization and
\npaying for social services. Lessons from previous health reforms were
\nselective, and did not consider health-financing needs among others. The
\nongoing health reforms needed to use information from all functional aspects
\nof the health system to provide lessons for improving the health system. The second question was: Who were the stakeholders in the current health
\nreforms and what were their interests and reactions? The main stakeholders
\nwere donors, and the government. The two had a very high support for the
\nreforms evidenced by their participation in problem identification, justification,
\nreform design, planning and implementation. The health sector reforms thus
\nhad high political support at central level. In the implementation process,
\nissues that triggered stakeholders’ reaction included sectoral versus local
\ngovernment decentralization. Another issue was the donor modality in
\nfinancing the health sector and need for adopting new financial management
\nsystems. Among the donors there was hesitancy to join the common financing
\nmodalities that included a Sector Wide Approach (SWAp) and Basket
\n Funding. As a result, there was delay in the process in order to reach better
\nconsensus.
\nThe third question was: What was the impact of stakeholders in the process of
\nreforming a vertical programme like EPI? Health Sector Reforms in EPI
\nincluded integration of generic functions, for example, vaccine procurement to
\nmedical stores department. Qualitative and quantitative data was collected
\nand analysed from the Ministry of Health, EPI management unit. This again
\nrevealed that EPI reforms were well supported by the government and donors
\ncentrally. EPI managers at both district and regional levels opposed some of
\nthe EPI reforms. They argued that coverage was falling due to the reforms.
\nHowever, there was no concrete evidence relating reforms in the EPI
\nprogramme and falling coverage. The primary aim of certain actors was to
\nmake sure that they continued receiving extra income from EPI functions. One
\nof the effects of stakeholders’ reaction was reversal of reforms (recentralization)
\nand return to the status quo. The fourth question was: What was the immediate reaction of stakeholders to
\ndecentralization at district level and how might it have affected performance of
\nEPI functions and the challenges? The immediate reaction of stakeholders
\nwas reduced cooperation between the Council Health Management Team
\n(CHMT) and the District Council who were politically supreme in the district.
\nWithin the Council Health Management Team there was inadequate
\ncommunication, which led to poor teamwork. The result of this was reduced
\nsupervisory visits to peripheral health facilities. The EPI coverage in the study
\ndistrict was 52.8 per cent, which was well below the previous national average
\n(80 per cent). A logistic regression model for EPI service quality variables on
\nchildren between 12 months and 23 months who had completed vaccination
\nwas applied. Certain EPI quality of service variables predicted significant
\nchanges in the odds ratio for completing vaccination. It was then suggested
\nthat strategies were needed to improve management skills among the CHMT
\nand District Council members. Also there was a need of hastening the
\nprocess of increasing remuneration and motivation of peripheral health
\nworkers. The fifth and final question was: What was the interest of the stakeholders
\nand prospects of increasing EPI coverage at district level? Decentralization
\nand integration of EPI functions were among the reforms at district level. The
\nanalysis revealed that active stakeholders at district level were the Ministry of
\nHealth, CHMT, EPI managers at district and regional levels and facility
\nproviders. The Ministry of Health opposed integration of EPI at district level by
\nissuing the directive that DCCOs and MCHCOs (EPI manager at district level)
\nshould resume their tasks. However, the CHMT had no option but to comply.
\nThis action reversed some of the health reforms at district level. Analysis of
\nthe importance the community attached to EPI, using willingness to pay for
\nEPI cold chain kerosene, was done. The support was low (48.7 per cent). EPI
\nservice quality variables were significantly negatively associated with odds
\nratio for willingness to pay for EPI input. Simulation with Policy Maker
\ncomputer software predicted that an increased number of stakeholders
\nthrough community participation would significantly improve the current low
\nlevel of EPI coverage. It was then proposed to do a similar analysis in other
\nvertical programmes and implement on a trial basis the results of the
\nsimulation.
\nIn conclusion, stakeholders were found to be active and influential in the
\nhealth sectors of developing countries like Tanzania but poorly considered in
\nimplementation of reforms. Stakeholders are important since some strongly
\nsupport while others oppose the reforms. The reaction of stakeholders is
\nevident through deployment or non-deployment of information depending on
\ninterest and context. This would result in poor management leading to
\ninefficiency in resource use, which would then be followed by poor quality of
\nservices, poor support by communities and consequently poor utilization of
\nhealth services. It is suggested that stakeholder analysis be conducted in
\nother vertical programmes in the process of integration. Promotion of
\nstakeholder analysis and also Policy Maker as a tool to manage stakeholders
\nwill facilitate the management of reforms in the health sector.