Shoba Raja, Sarah Wood, Victoria de Menil, Saju C Mannarath
BACKGROUND: Limited evidence about mental health finances in low and middle-income countries is a key challenge to mental health care policy initiatives. This study aimed to map mental health finances in Ghana, Uganda, India (Kerala state), Sri Lanka and Lao PDR focusing on how much money is available for mental health, how it is spent, and how this impacts mental health services. METHODS: A researcher in each region reviewed public mental health-related budgets and interviewed key informants on government mental health financing. A total of 43 key informant interviews were conducted. Quantitative data was analyzed in an excel matrix using descriptive statistics. Key informant interviews were coded a priori against research questions. RESULTS: National ring-fenced budgets for mental health as a percentage of national health spending for 2007-08 is 1.7% in Sri Lanka, 3.7% in Ghana, 2.0% in Kerala (India) and 6.6% in Uganda. Budgets were not available in Lao PDR. The majority of ring-fenced budgets (76% to 100%) is spent on psychiatric hospitals. Mental health spending could not be tracked beyond the psychiatric hospital level due to limited information at the health centre and community levels. CONCLUSIONS: Mental health budget information should be tracked and made publically accessible. Governments can adapt WHO AIMS indicators for reviewing national mental health finances. Funding allocations work more effectively through decentralization. Mental health financing should reflect new ideas emerging from community based practice in LMICs.
El primer objetivo de esta tesis es la identificación y análisis de aspectos clave para la gobernanza de los servicios de agua rural en países que adolecen de bajos niveles de cobertura, altos índices de pobreza, se encuentran en procesos de descentralización, reciben un importante apoyo de donantes internacionales. Esta situación es común para muchos países de África Sub-sahariana. Por ello, se eligió Tanzania como objeto de estudio. El segundo objetivo de esta tesis ha sido el ensayo de nuevas herramientas y mecanismos institucionales para la mejora de la eficiencia, equidad y sostenibilidad en la provisión de agua en las zonas rurales, con especial énfasis en el nivel de gobierno descentralizado. Para ello, se desarrollaron experiencias piloto así como procesos de investigación-acción. En el capítulo 1 se estudia el papel desempeñado por los diferentes actores internacionales en la financiación del sector del agua en los países en desarrollo durante la década 1995-2004. En el capítulo 2 se analizan los indicadores existentes para el seguimiento del sector del agua a nivel internacional, específicamente los utilizados para valorar el cumplimiento de los Objetivos del Milenio, así como el Índice de Pobreza Hídrica (Water Poverty Index). Se detallan algunos limitantes en cuanto al alcance y metodología de cálculo de estos indicadores, y se proponen las características básicas que los indicadores deben tener para apoyar la toma de decisiones a nivel gubernamental. En el capítulo 3 se presenta una metodología para el desarrollo de indicadores más completos de acceso al agua, basándose en el Mapeo de Puntos de Agua (Water Point Mapping-WPM). La metodología propuesta, denominada Mapeo Mejorado de Puntos de Agua, incluye la medición de parámetros básicos de calidad del agua y estacionalidad de los servicios. La factibilidad y pertinencia de la adopción de esta metodología a nivel nacional se desarrolló satisfactoriamente a modo de experiencia piloto en dos distritos de Tanzania, con una población rural aproximada de 840.000 personas (capítulo 4). En el capítulo 5 se analiza la sostenibilidad de los servicios de agua rural en relación al tipo de tecnología utilizada para el abastecimiento. El análisis se basa en los datos de 6814 puntos de agua, sobre una población equivalente al 15% de la población rural de Tanzania. El capítulo 6 se analiza el proceso de toma de decisiones, desde el nivel central al nivel comunitario, para la asignación de recursos en el sector del agua rural. Los resultados en los 4 distritos estudiados muestran que menos de la mitad de los proyectos asignados se destinan a zonas con baja cobertura de servicios. Las incoherencias entre el diseño y la implementación de los planes nacionales, y la influencia de los poderes políticos locales son los mayores obstáculos para una equitativa distribución de los recursos. El capítulo 7 detalla el caso de investigación-acción ejecutado a nivel de gobierno local entre 2006 y 2009 con el gobierno del distrito de Same, Tanzania. La mejora de la equidad y la sostenibilidad se fomentaron mediante el desarrollo de herramientas de planificación basadas en el WPM y de mecanismos institucionales para el apoyo a largo plazo a los sistemas de agua rurales. En el capítulo 8 se detallan las conclusiones generales y líneas de investigación futuras. La resolución de los desafíos principales encontrados implican la adopción de paradigmas diferentes: i) la aceptación del agua rural como un servicio responsabilidad del gobierno y no de las comunidades; ii) las actuaciones deben decidirse en función de las necesidades de las comunidades, y no de su capacidad de demanda, iii) el establecimiento de sistemas de información internos que partan desde el nivel local y estén adaptados a las capacidades de actualización disponibles, iv) el desarrollo de mecanismos para la orientación y el seguimiento cercano de los procesos de toma de decisión a nivel local The first objective of this thesis is the identification and analysis of key issues in the governance of rural water services in countries that suffer from a lack of rural water access, high levels of poverty, are under decentralization processes and receive significant donor support. This is a common situation for many Sub-Saharan countries. To address the relevant aspects, Tanzania was taken as a case study and was analyzed in depth. The second objective was to test tools and propose institutional arrangements at that can improve efficiency, equity and sustainability in the provision of water for the rural areas, with special focus at the local government level. This was made through pilot experiences and an action research case study. In Chapter 1 we analyse the role played by the international actors in the financing of the water sector of developing countries, in the period 1995-2004. In Chapter 2 we study existing indicators for international monitoring, specifically the ones used by the Joint Monitoring Programme for the monitoring of the MDGs, as well as the Water Poverty Index (WPI). Some drawbacks are found the indicators’ scope and methodology, which prevents them from being used as policy drivers at national level. The chapter concludes by proposing the main characteristics that those indicators must entail to be useful for governmental decision making. In Chapter 3, a methodology to define water access indicators, based on GIS-based Water Point Mapping (WPM) is proposed. The methodology, named Enhanced Water Point Mapping (EWPM), includes the measurement of basic parameters of quality of water and seasonality of the service. The feasibility and relevance of adopting this methodology at national level was tested with success in two districts in Tanzania, covering a rural population of approximately 840,000 people, as described in Chapter 4. In chapter 5, we analyze the sustainability of systems over time, and the relation between sustainability and technology; this chapter is based on the study of 6814 water points, covering 15% of the rural population in the country. Chapter 6 analyses the aspects affecting financial resource allocation for rural water in Tanzania at all levels, from central government to village level. Results in four districts studied showed that less than half of allocated projects go to underserved areas. Incoherencies between the design and the implementation of the plans and political influences at local level are highlighted as major obstacles to the effective, equitable allocation of resources. In chapter 7, we describe an action research process that was carried out at local government level, together with Same District Council, between 2006 and 2009. The improvement of equity and sustainability was supported through the development of EWPM based planning tools and new institutional arrangements for the long-term support of community managed water supplies. In Chapter 8 the overall conclusions and future research lines are presented. We propose some new paradigms in the sector: i) rural water supply must be considered as a service, with government and not communities as main duty bearers; ii) the adoption of a needs-based approach to projects planning at community level, instead of the current demand driven, iii) the establishment of bottom-up internal information systems adapted to available updating capacities and iv) the development of mechanisms for the guidance and close monitoring of local government decision-making.
Abstract In recent decades, many changes have occurred in the approach to financing and operating water services in developing countries. The demand‐responsive approach is now adopted in many countries in a context of donor‐supported decentralization processes, which gives more responsibility to end users. However, the government's responsibility at different levels is enforced by the international recognition of the human right to water. This paper examines specific actions that build the role of local government authorities in this scenario. A collaboration between an international NGO and a rural district in Tanzania from 2006 to 2009 is used as an action research case study that is representative of local capacity‐building needs in decentralized contexts and rural areas. Three main challenges were detected: i) lack of reliable information; ii) poor allocation of resources in terms of equity; and iii) lack of long‐term community management support from the district. Two mechanisms were established: i) water point mapping as a tool for information and planning; and ii) a District Water and Sanitation Unit Support (DWUS) for community management. The results show how the framework provided by the goal of human right to water helps to define useful strategies for equity‐oriented planning and post‐project support at the local level.
Decentralization involves the dispersion of power, functions and finances from a central authority to regional and local authorities. Decentralization reforms have become widespread in low- and middle-income countries, mainly due to movements towards democratiza-tion, the spread of multi-party electoral systems and transitions towards market economies. In particular, decentraliza-tion of financing systems, particularly for health, is now a common aspect of reform in these countries. The main advantage is the dynamism it can bring into the resource allocation mechanism; it also can facilitate re-allocation of funds through a visible, vibrant and bottom-up approach.
year as Switzerland's Federal Office of Public Health (FOPH) announces the annual round of health insurance premium increases, this nation of 7.5 million people lets out a collective groan. Last year, the pain was greater than usual. Concerned about the depletion of cash reserves insurers' coffers, the FOPH allowed rises of up to 14.6% for basic insurance premiums depending on the canton. That hurt. Since 1999 the Swiss have seen health insurance costs rise by 50%, according to the FOPH. From 2008-2009, the price hike was significant enough to cut 0.1% from rising household disposable income. Nadia Bouchardy does not need an announcement to know that a sizeable portion of her family's income is being spent on health. Married to an ambulance driver with two young daughters, the family has an annual income of 90 000 Swiss francs (US$ 83 000) before taxes and insurances. year around 10 500 Swiss francs (US$ 9700) or 12.5% of their income goes on health insurance and extra expenses such as dental care. Last year, Bouchardy, who is aged 41, had an operation and had to pay 10% of the costs of the operation, medicine and her stay hospital. (In out-of-pocket expenses are capped to ensure families do not suffer what is termed catastrophic expenses). We are not very happy with the health insurance system Switzerland, she says. Every year we pay more and we get less. The lists with items that are not covered anymore by the health insurance gets longer. Some items like glasses or basic medicine are not fully covered, so we have to pay these costs out of our non-health budget. So far we are lucky we have not been forced to borrow money order to pay the health bill. The Bouchardy family represents how middle-income Switzerland is being squeezed financially. They earn too much to benefit from the health subsidy received by households that spend more than about 8% of their income on premiums (the level of subsidy depends on the canton). Some 40% of households receive the subsidy--either through a lower premium or tax rebate--which is the government's mechanism for preventing the cost of insurance from unfairly disadvantaging low-income families. Professor Alberto Holly, of the University of Lausanne, is an expert Switzerland's health financing system. He points to a system that is envied for its universal coverage, its equity, standard of care and lack of waiting lists. of the strengths of the Swiss system is equity with respect to health risk and patient ratio. No one is penalized for age, gender or medical history. However, it is not totally equitable and is regressive respect to income, he says. Under the Swiss constitution, the Federal Government is responsible for managing the health insurance but has limited responsibility terms of health policy. Instead, this energetically democratic country has a decentralized system which the 26 cantons are autonomous and choose how to organize their own health care. results a wide disparity terms of insurance premiums, which are usually paid by householders, not employers. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Since 1996, it has been illegal not to have basic health insurance Switzerland. There are 82 not-for-profit insurers that offer policies costing around 350 Swiss francs (US$ 325) a month per adult. No one can be turned away under this scheme, known as LAMal. Further, some 44 companies offer complementary forms of insurance, which allow benefits such as dental treatment and access to luxurious hospitals, and these companies are free to choose clients according to their risk profile. One characteristic of Switzerland's health-financing system is its expense. This is not an efficient system, says Holly, in that it has not been possible to control costs. The result is that Switzerland has the third most expensive medical system the world. …
Jeff Greene, Dennis Purcell, Brian Edelman, Doug Giordano · 9 authors
In a roundtable published in this journal a year ago, there was a clear consensus that the R&D function in big pharma was inefficient and in need of major restructuring, possibly through increased investments by venture capital and private equity firms. In this discussion, an accomplished group of industry practitioners begins by looking at the prospects for both venture capital and private equity to play meaningful roles in financing early‐ and mid‐stage drug development. In so doing, they explore questions like the following: Are there ways for big pharma and biotech to reduce “science risk” and make R&D funding more profitable and attractive to venture capital and private equity—and perhaps even hedge funds? What roles do you see for specialty PE firms like Symphony Capital and Paul Capital, which are now bundling mid‐stage development assets and securitizing royalties? Then the panelists turn to the broader life sciences industry and consider the outlook for leveraged private equity transactions involving marketed products, late‐stage development, and services. Here they consider issues like the following: Will PE be attracted to less‐R&D‐intensive activities like medtech and generics? Have the recent consolidation through mergers and reorganization of big pharma into decentralized business units created opportunities for carve‐outs of certain businesses? For big pharma and life sciences companies in general, the answers to such questions point to greater specialization and focus achieved partly through strategic alliances with venture capital, private equity, and even hedge funds, and involving marketed products and services as well as early‐stage drug development.
International migration is an integral part of the lives of many people in the South, and many households add remittances to their income in order to finance the daily costs of living that cannot be met by their traditional source of income. In the literature, a debate has emerged on the impacts of these remittances on development, focusing in particular on the micro level, namely the impact on households. Many studies also contend that national governments should try to redirect the impacts of remittances. However, the role of actors in local governance structures seems to be overlooked in this discussion. We argue that in the discussion on managing development through remittances, local governments and other stakeholders at the local level — such as NGOs — might also play a role, especially in those countries that have implemented decentralization. However, thus far, interventions aimed at leveraging remittance flows and facilitating migration processes are only in an initial phase. Our study of 12 municipalities in Bolivia shows that a lack of knowledge and capacities among local governments and NGOs is a decisive factor.
In this paper, we consider the effects of the 2003 local government reform (Law 131) on the budgetary systems of local governments in Russia, paying special attention to the allocation of functions and tax resources between different levels of government. An evaluation based on the standard theory of fiscal federalism and an international comparison indicated that Russia's institutional characteristics exhibit two parallel and contradictory tendencies. On the one hand, they tend to normalize according to the theory of public finance, but, on the other hand, the administrative and budgetary systems become centralized, which contradicts the global trend of decentralization.
The Private Finance Initiative (PFI) is frequently portrayed as a vehicle for change for the UK construction sector. Significant change in the working practices of construction companies is predicted as new business models based on whole-life value creation emerge. This paper shifts the focus of discussion from projected ideals and possible developments to the current situation. More specifically, it focuses on the challenges that large firms participating in both PFI and traditional markets face. The analysis focuses on the relations between business units and on day-to-day challenges to greater long-term commitment, through life-service provision and increased integration between construction and service provision. The paper offers insights into the effects of PFI on construction practice and their implications for theorizing on organizational and strategic change. It suggests abandoning a simplistic model of the centralized, homogenous firm and instead capturing the dynamics of decentralized, large firms working in multiple markets on a variety of projects. This would assist in the provision of more realistic and fruitful models of how to realize the PFI vision. L'Initiative Financière Privée (Private Finance Initiative – PFI; contrats de concession d'ouvrages publics à paiements publics) est fréquemment dépeinte comme un moyen de faire évoluer l'industrie britannique du bâtiment. D'importants changements dans les pratiques de travail des entreprises du bâtiment sont à prévoir au fur et à mesure qu'apparaissent de nouveaux modèles d'entreprise basés sur la création de valeur pour toute la durée du cycle de vie. Cet article déplace le centre de la discussion des idéaux envisagés et des développements possibles à la situation actuelle. De manière plus précise, il se concentre sur les défis auxquels se trouvent confrontées les grandes entreprises qui participent à la fois aux marchés PFI et aux marchés traditionnels. L'article porte principalement sur les relations entre les Business Units et sur les défis qui se posent au quotidien par rapport à un engagement à long terme plus grand, au maintien de la qualité des prestations pendant la durée du cycle de vie, à une plus grande intégration entre la construction et les prestations fournies. L'étude de cas et l'analyse élargie qui sont présentées permettent une évaluation de l'effet des contrats PFI sur les pratiques du bâtiment et une théorisation sur les organisations et les changements stratégiques. L'article suggère d'abandonner le modèle simpliste de l'entreprise homogène, centralisée, et de s'inspirer plutôt de la dynamique des grandes entreprises décentralisées opérant dans de multiples marchés sur des projets variés. Cela contribuerait à fournir des modèles plus réalistes et féconds permettant de savoir comment concrétiser la vision PFI. Mots clés: travail collaboratif entreprises de construction solutions intégrées marchés multiples Initiative Financière Privée (PFI) initiative financière publique création de valeur
Rural local governments in India provide essential services to over 70 percent of the national population. Yet, little is known about the efficacy of the financing system that supports these local governments, nor is there a fiscal information system that will allow a tracking of rural local government expenditures and revenues. In this article, we describe the role of rural local governments in India's; federal system, and use a database, newly gathered for West Bengal State, to present an analysis of rural local government financing patterns. We find that expenditures are significantly higher in less populated and more backward gram panchayats. At the margin, however, higher rates of literacy also are associated with higher levels of spending, suggesting an education effect.
In this paper we describe and evaluate recent changes in the Spanish public programs that foster training among the Spanish active population. The analysis updates and complements the Martínez-Lucio and Stuart study of 2003 in this journal because it covers certain aspects related to training not considered there, especially those relating to public policy. Our analysis may also be useful for other countries that have similar characteristics to those of the Spanish training system, such as a high degree of administrative decentralization, a tripartite organization (involving public authorities and social agents) as well as a supply-driven and demand-driven training differentiation. Spain is located in southwestern Europe. Its mainland is bordered to the north by France and to the West by Portugal. In 2008 the population of Spain reached 46.2 million people. With the exception of Madrid, the capital area, the most populated areas lie around the coast. Life expectancy is 82.2 years for women and 77.8 years for men. The basic political units in the territorial distribution are the municipalities (there are 8,112), provinces (50) and regions (17).1 The last named have some political responsibilities because Spain is quite similar to a Federal State. In 2008 Spain was the eighth largest economy in the world, according to nominal gross domestic product (GDP). This was 1,095 million euros. GDP per capita was 24,020 euros. In fact, Spanish GDP per capita was 5.5 per cent above the average of the 27 states of the European Union (EU). The percentage of employed people by productive sector is as follows: agriculture (4 per cent), construction (12.1 per cent), industry (15.8 per cent) and services (68.1 per cent). The 2008 annual average rate of change in the Consumer Price Index was 1.4 per cent (being 1.6 per cent in the Euro area), but it has reached negative figures in 2009, as in most Western economies. Thus, Spain presents good figures in life expectancy, GDP and inflation. Its main economic problems are unemployment and current external deficit. Related to the former, in the second quarter of 2009, the active population was 23 million and the employed 18.9. Therefore, there were 4.1 million unemployed workers. The rate of unemployment was 17.9 per cent, more than double the EU average unemployment rate (8.3 per cent). Although Spain managed to reduce its unemployment level from 24 per cent in 1994 to 8 per cent in 2007, the rate of unemployment has increased sharply in the present economic crisis. With regard to the current external deficit, the accumulated deficit in 2008 increased to 104,664 million euros (9.6 per cent of GDP, one of the highest in the world in relative terms). The Spanish educational system has the following levels: pre-primary, primary, secondary education, which includes lower secondary (named Educación Secundaria Obligatoria) and upper-secondary education, either academic (bachillerato) or vocational [ciclos formativos de grado medio (CFGM)], and higher education [professional, named ciclos formativos de grado superior (CFGS) and university]. Compulsory education comprises primary and lower secondary (from 6 to 16 years old). Pre-primary education is organized in two cycles of 3 years each for children aged 0–6 years old. Primary education includes six academic courses (for students between the ages of 6 and 12). Lower secondary education has four courses, and it is expected that at the end, 16-year-old students finish compulsory education. However, in Spain, around 30 per cent of students fail to satisfactorily complete their compulsory education. Pupils who succeed in compulsory education may follow the academic track (bachillerato) for 2 years or vocational education (CFGM). To enter CFGS pupils must have satisfactorily finished bachillerato; however, there are specific exams to enter both vocational levels for those without the required academic degrees. Because of the implementation of the European higher education area, nowadays university studies (named grado) have a duration of four courses (with some exceptions) and substitute previous licenciatura (5 years) and diplomatura (3 years). Students have to pass a national exam to enter university, although for some groups there are also other ways to get in, such as for those over 25 or those who graduated from CFGS. Finally, university graduate students may attend masters and doctorate courses. In 2008 there were 7.2 million pupils in non-university studies, 36.4 per cent of whom were in private centers (around 80 per cent in private, publicly funded or ‘concerted’ schools). Thus, Spain is one of the countries with the highest percentage of students in private centers, especially because of the ‘concerted’ schools (Escardíbul & Villarroya, 2009). Moreover, there were 1.4 million university students (10 per cent in private institutions). In 2006, public expenditure on education amounted to 4.3 per cent of GDP (the EU average was 5.1 per cent). Training programs, together with vocational education, have constituted a unified system of vocational education and training since the 1990 Educational Act. The training system is made up of a scheme for training for the unemployed (traditionally called occupational training) and training for employed individuals (continuous training). The two types of training were originally independent, but they were merged in 2007 through the Royal Decree 395/2007. The merged system is governed by the Ministry of Labor and Immigration (MLI), which establishes a common legal framework for the whole country and has management responsibilities. Since the 1990s, however, regional governments known as Autonomous Communities (ACs) have also taken on some responsibilities for training. In addition, social agents also take part, especially in continuous training. The completion of vocational education leads to vocational degrees (títulos profesionales), whereas finishing occupational and continuous training may lead to professional certificates (certificados de profesionalidad). Both are linked through the National Catalog of Professional Qualifications (Catálogo Nacional de Cualificaciones Profesionales), which today contains 390 qualifications. Training for the unemployed comprises a general Plan for Training and Professional Insertion (Plan Nacional de Formación e Inserción Professional or ‘FIP’ Plan), established in 1993, as well as working/training programs (focused on services of social interest) such as school workshops (Escuelas Taller) and trades centers (Casas de Oficios) for younger unemployed individuals and employment workshops (Talleres de Empleo) for those over 25. Working/training programs last from 6 months to 2 years. Training programs for the employed started to be implemented in 1993, when the Foundation for Continuous Training (Fundación para la Formación Continua, FORCEM) was created as a result of the First National Agreement on Continuous Training. The foundation, although publicly funded by the MLI [and the European Social Fund (ESF)], had bipartite management bodies. On the one hand, there were the two main employers' organizations and, on the other, the main national trade unions. Training was regulated through two National Agreements on Continuous Training (covering the periods 1993–1996 and 1997–2000) reached by these social agents. The third agreement covered the 2001–2004 period and was administered by the Tripartite Foundation for In Service Training (Fundación Tripartita para la Formación en el Empleo), which was run by the social agents indicated above and the MLI through the National Employment Institute [Instituto Nacional de Empleo (INEM)], after some irregularities involving public funds had been uncovered. With the third agreement, a distinction was introduced between supply- and demand-driven training plans. The former has been aimed at the personal and professional development of workers (and it is mainly organized through sector and inter-sector plans, managed by social agents), whereas the latter has sought to address firms' needs (companies ask for subsidies for training and employees may demand training leave). The Royal Decree 1046/2003 altered the third agreement by introducing major changes to the system, such as changes to the demand-driven training system and to the role of ACs in supply-driven training. With respect to the first change, the Royal Decree enabled companies to secure training resources with much less bureaucracy because it eliminated the need to present projects annually to the Tripartite Foundation and allowed companies to finance their training by reducing the amount they pay to the Social Security Treasury if resources were devoted to the training of their employees. The calculation of the training ‘credit’ or ‘bonus’ for each company is based on the application of a percentage (set by the National Budget Act) of the amount paid by the company through the previous year's compulsory training levy. Companies with at least 10 employees also have to invest in training with their own funds (see details in next section). Firms have to keep the employees' legal representative (if one exists) informed about training matters, otherwise they lose their bonus, and there is a procedure in case of dispute where social agents are involved. With respect to the second change, AC governments with labor competences (16 out of 17) were allowed to supply and manage national centrally collected public resources (and their own) for supply-driven training activities within their regional boundaries. However, INEM still manage training activities developed in more than one AC. Finally, the fourth agreement (2006–2010) set out several aims that were developed in Royal Decree 395/2007, such as merging training for the employed and the unemployed and fostering professional certification (see next section). The funding structure for training is supported by the Public Treasury's collection of a training levy paid by employers and workers. The levy is 0.7 per cent of gross salary. Companies pay 0.6 per cent, whereas 0.1 per cent is covered by employees. Since 1997 the training levy is equally distributed between training for the unemployed and for the employed (0.35 per cent to each system). Resources are managed by the National Employment Institute (INEM) and those AC governments that assume this responsibility. They are mainly distributed to regions according to the number of unemployed. During the 2000–2003 period, the ‘FIP’ Plan accounted for around 700 million euros (around one third came from the ESF), whereas resources for the working/training programs were almost 480 million (30 per cent from the ESF). For continuous training, Tripartite Foundation's financial resources are provided annually by INEM. For the 1995–2005 period, the training levy accounted for approximately 75 per cent, whereas it was 81 per cent in 2006 (the rest was provided by the ESF). AC governments also spend their own funds. Funds to regions are allocated mainly on the basis of the average number of workers excluding public sector employees (who have their own training plans). The number of participants across all kinds of occupational training is shown in Table 1. More than 80 per cent of learners take part in training related to the FIP Plan. In addition, 15–20 per cent of all unemployed workers (based on the Active Population Survey) have received training since the beginning of this century. The small increase observed in the 2003–2006 period is due to the declining size of the unemployed population. Table 2 shows information related to continuous training since 2004, when the ‘credit’ system began. However, it has to be emphasized that since 1993 the number of employees trained and total funds for training have greatly increased, the first sixfold (it started with 0.3 million trainees), although the figure has been quite stable since the late 1990s, and the second figure 14-fold (in 1993, only 56 million euros were devoted to training). The overall percentage of women trained has reached 42 per cent (it was 30 per cent in 1993). There are more trainees in demand-driven activities than in supply-driven activities. However, the credit system administers less than 30 per cent of the total resources. With respect to demand-driven activities, the bonus used has increased sharply, though, as a percentage of available bonus it is below 60 per cent. In addition, the overall bonus percentage of training costs (including the wages of employees who train during working hours) is almost 60 per cent. Demand-driven training activities that are not in the workplace account for less than 30 per cent of the total, although this figure has increased each year. With respect to supply-driven activities, most trainees participate in sector plans. Regarding the distribution of funds between levels of administration, the contribution of the national authorities has decreased sharply (from 75.1 per cent in 2004 to 49.5 per cent in 2006) in favour of the ACs. Looking at the type of plan involved, roughly 85 per cent of total funds are devoted to sector plans. As previously indicated, the Royal Decree 395/2007 merged continuous and occupational training. It states that training may be provided as follows. Public administrations with responsibility for training may provide training through their own centers or through agreements with public organizations or companies certified to train. A public administration's centers include National Centers of Excellence (Centros de Referencia Nacional), Integrated Centers (Centros Integrados), and other centers for vocational education (schools) and training (INEM's National Centers for Occupational Training, which may be transferred to ACs). Integrated Centers were regulated in 2005 (Royal Decree 155/2005) and, among other tasks, they are to provide all vocational education and and training in that they are to by Labor and Educational centers may be or from the of Integrated Centers has been quite and between ACs. The National Centers of Excellence were regulated in 2008 (Royal Decree They are to be centers for all Spain in a specific of vocational education and training. Thus, they have to the needs of the productive and training to these needs as well as to provide training to all agents in the training system in centers also have to be by and Labor of are to be created from INEM although it is not that they be to out the in the present centers for vocational education that have been by the public provide training professional In addition, other private centers provide training not related to professional certificates if they are in established by labor trade and other organizations from training provide training through their own centers or through other Companies that train their own employees or the unemployed with a to provide training in their own or through Training is for both the employed and the with to groups considered to have in in Royal Decree 395/2007 four types of training Although these all to 2007, the main between the Decree and previous was the of its It covered all training demand-driven activities, supply-driven activities, training involving a of training and and activities. In addition, the of of professional competences through is considered as a of the Although professional certificates were regulated in 2008 only the recent of has established the by which professional certificates or of a vocational degree be by those with competences through working or education. As in previous funds for training from the training levy paid by companies and the and other resources provided to INEM from the national The governments also funds. Funds by the MLI are in the of the National Employment Nacional de Empleo), which includes one representative from each number from the and from the main employers' organizations and trade The of each social the as the levels of in to the tripartite The the Tripartite Foundation and ACs manage the resources allocated to training, as in the previous Finally, is on the of training National and regional labor authorities may evaluate the training system at levels by participants on the training received and by the training centers, and the of training centers may be in the Moreover, centers have to per cent of the they to the of the training As shown in Table recent changes in the bonus system are related to the amount of credit available for training, the percentage of private funding required and the amount of per Thus, the credit available has increased for all is not required to companies with less than 10 employees 2007 it only to companies with up to and the of training per and of training has With regard to training by companies may finance the gross costs of participants through the bonus They have amount of per cent of annual Training is up to per academic or it must be on the and the not Since 2007 supply-driven training activities are aimed at the personal and of both workers and the unemployed of company They are by the labor at national with the and of the Tripartite Moreover, from ACs and social agents are considered through their in the of the National Employment Social agents also participate in the that are created through between employers' organizations and trade among other activities, the main and overall of sector training activities. In 2007, to 56 sector plans, 42 of which came out of ACs may have their own training plans, national training activities are set out as The employed must at least 60 per cent of overall may be sector or and public administrations the of each in each The Tripartite Foundation is mainly in of the and of the implementation of the training Thus, the the for subsidies and or of INEM the a plan is it is developed through agreements between INEM and the the main national employers' trade organizations in the social economy and as well as organizations created by and employers' through in sector plans. The to activities developed at regional level with regional In that organizations may be representative at national or regional training activities must run between six and in The unemployed must at least 60 per cent of overall include training for the of professional certificates in the National Catalog of Professional allowed to funds for this of training include employers' trade training centers and public In 2007, per cent of all participants were trained in centers by labor administrations or per cent by employers' trade and organizations related to the social per cent by and per cent by centers for training. these companies and employers' the unemployed to get professional as well as to at least 60 per cent of all Companies in the first may up to six euros per and training and participants may for and Firms in the second financial subsidies for which are to be This is for those with in the labor or in professional as well as training activities for those in those in the (with labor and (in their country of who This of training is provided by administrations and other public authorities as well as The first two kinds of are through public subsidies through a procedure from The rest are through There are two types of activities that training and within for training and the working/training programs indicated in the previous In for training, which have been in since the to training be less than per cent of total working and must be the education and working be in or must be between 16 and years (the is not and the is between 6 months and 2 years. a based on the agreement, but it must not be less than the to their to Firms the of education through the credit system, but in that case financial resources are linked to the employment of the Social Security Treasury and not from the training levy. activities mainly and aimed at training and information about the training system as well as to individuals to secure training, of and The recent changes provide a by training for the employed and the unemployed one This the of training activities in the structure of the Spanish vocational education and training. It is also that the credit system in activities has been because it the of training for However, the level of used bonus in respect to total bonus available per cent) that more is from public to foster The role of the Tripartite Foundation in small companies be to include on management (Escardíbul The role of social agents in training is through their in set up in the framework of the This is in with the of trade to the role of labor in areas such as training because much of their has been external to the workplace & In addition, are to keep the employees' legal representative informed about training matters, and there is a procedure in case of dispute where they take Resources to training activities, which has a role than a specific role in among employees. However, groups of people have to be such as and and there also needs to be a on the especially in the current of economic with unemployment rate of per cent in The over training centers and the of training This is much because the high of private centers has educational supply in courses and the of students more to enter the labor as because training that the to the labor for the of public funding However, other have to be to the training The of professional competences is to be a of the Professional be established in a that trainees and the unemployed not only information and from training social but also have a who professional that to training and their professional life & that it is of be developed to a of because at present it covers only Moreover, it be the to foster training for those less The role of ACs is not are their activities as regional authorities in There are between regional and national authorities that are taken to the for The role of social agents through be the the role of because these are to firms' training is linked for or the of employees to train Training have to the of training that training and for training). have some of to Thus, some between (and their and vocational education (and their is 2009). In addition, training not only but also are known as such as the to in a and all of which are required by Public funding of training centers on the by As in and be considered as a system, which increase in be among Although all recent have increased the number and of training as well as funds devoted to training, we that and the to training for employees (in per for Moreover, public training the to areas where private centers are not established More is to out these be Nacional de Tripartita para la Formación en el Empleo de Educación de e and Nacional de Empleo (INEM) de de la and de de de de Nacional de and
This paper presents the significance of the issues related to the activity of territorial self-government for the social and economic development of Ukraine. The efficient operation of self-government in any country is unfeasible without financial resources. Polish experience in the development of territorial self-government is particularly valuable in relation to the reform of Ukraine’s self-government. The paper outlines the differences in the structure and operation of territorial self-government in both countries. The paper is concluded with numerous observations on the direction of selected reforms of Ukrainian self-government. It shows the weaknesses of local self-government in Ukraine, which result from the lack of decentralization of finance and the small amount of state-collected taxes. The conclusions end with the observation that a consistent development of the Ukrainian state is required for Poland to develop well.
Regional planning is one of the functions most often affected by the dilemma of how to provide services and resolve conflicts that transcend municipal boundaries. Most existing solutions, while they accept the consensus that power should be decentralized, have limited applicability and the greatest need is for institutional innovations.-This report critically examines such an innovation — the regional districts introduced by British Columbia in 1965. The hew concept employs the identical institutional framework td provide regional services riot only in metropolitan alia non-metropolitan municipalities, but also in the unorganized areas which cover more than 98 percent of the province. A review of the literature led to the conclusion that before a province introduces regional institutions it should consider five key factors. These were: the selection of criteria to delimit administrative boundaries; participation by local governments and by citizens; coordination with other levels of government; the delegation of adequate powers; and the flexibility to adapt to different conditions. Regional districts were evaluated in this context. The inductive approach chosen to generate data documents the history of regional planning and regional districts in the province, then analyzes five of the districts in more detail, and finally solicits the views of the directors of the regional boards. The latter form a second tier or federation of local areas governed by locally elected representatives. The study concludes that the size or configuration of the districts is not always rational, that the provision for local participation is satisfactory but, with the exception of inter-municipal liason, the coordination of programs with provincial departments is not. Most of the power delegated to regional districts appears to be really a transfer of powers from local governments, with the exception of powers acquired by residents of unorganized areas. The flexibility of the new system was judged to be its outstanding feature. A conspicuous phenomenon was the speed with which regional districts were volutarily adopted. It was concluded the tactics employed by the province to "sell" the concept, together with the impetus provided by linking hospital financing to regional districts through complementary legislation were important contributing factors. The failure to provide any overall provincial planning policies with which the programs of the regional districts might have been integrated was perceived as a major weakness. A summary of legislation adopted by three other provinces is included to illustrate the diversity of potential solutions available within Canada's form of federation. The report does not consider regional economic planning, the property tax, the role of the planner, or liason between various levels of government are within its terms of reference, although brief comments on all of these are made on occasion.
This study explored decentralization and rural community participation in primary education in three woredas in Horro Gudurru Wollaga Zone of Oromia Regional State, Ethiopia. The study has illustrated how communities participate in their local schools and examined the successes and challenges in the implementation process. The main fieldwork was conducted in July and August 2009. Qualitative research approach was applied and focus group interview, qualitative interview, documents and field observation were used for data collection. The study majorly involved 24 informants that include woreda education officers, headmasters, Kebelle Education and Training Boards, Parent Teacher Associations and community members. \n\nThe study investigated that the decentralization in education has improved community participation in education. This has improved access and equity in education, sense of community ownership and school level disciplinary problems. Despite these encouraging outcomes, the implementation of decentralization and community participation in education is suffering from many challenges. Poverty in the community and fluctuation in households’ income were found to affect community capacity to finance schools. The block grant fund for schools was inadequate. Schools have no adequate infrastructure and the existing ones were intended to fix problems quickly and hence are of low quality. The PTA and KETB lack basic knowledge and experience for the position and were not succeeded in performing their functions effectively. These bodies have also limited power over control of teachers and performance of headmasters. Further, there is inequality between localities and weak relationship between actors and sectors. \n\nGenerally, the decentralization of education and community participation has brought great change in the way a school is financed, but little change in the way a school is managed and educational quality is improved. Hence, the decentralization of education is serving as a tool for lessening state responsibility for provision of education. Moreover, the lack of necessary resource and trained manpower at the local level are potential challenges for the successful implimetation of the decentralization of education and the promotion of community participation and hence for local educational development.
This paper is part ofa research program supported by the Health Research Institute for Health Security, with the objectives to monitor and evaluate the efficiency of health subdistrict offices in Thailand. Cost efficiency was empirically investigated based on primary surveyed data comprising 246 units operated in 12 provinces. First, descriptive statistics related to outputs (4 variables) and cost (3 variables inclusive of wages and salaries, compensation to officers, and operating expenses) are presented and discussed. All revenue and expense figures refer to fiscal year 2008. Two types of efficiency models (namely SCF and DEA) based an the input-orientation approach were applied to estimate the efficiency scores. We found that 45 units lied on the cost frontier and that represented 18 percent of the total units; in most cases, efficiency scores (DEA, VRS assumption) ranged from 0.60 to 0.75 and averaged to 0.69-implying that there was an ample room for cost-saving, specifically 31 percent, ifoutput slack or excess input were eliminated thus implying the scope for management improvement. Our estimates should be considered preliminary and an in-depth investigation needs to be taken in order further to understand the special circumstances and uncontrollable factors that might have affected the higher cost to those units, but our models failed to take note. The last section discusses policy implications and the health decentralization program in Thailand, which is a topic of policy interest. Improving the efficiency ofpublic agencies and effective public service delivery are among the goals of Thailand's public sector reform. Over the past decade, devolution of responsibilites from central agencies to local govemment units have fairly succeeded in areas of public infrastructure and social welfare-but have been less successful in primary education, public health, and environmental regulation. The transfer of the health subdistrict office is high on the national agenda, and the National Decentralization Committee strongly endorses this connection, it is important to disseminate information related to health subdistrict management, budgeting, and financing to the public, especially local administrators.
This article explores the intersection of (1) policing and police intelligence with (2) national intelligence and military intelligence. The premise is that for more than 150 years, prior to the events of September 11, 2001, police intelligence had little connection to national or military intelligence. Basically, national intelligence focused on serious world-wide political and economic threats to the nation's well-being; military intelligence focused specifically on military threats to the national security; the police focused their intelligence work on criminals who posed threats to individuals and local communities. A fairly clear division of labor was in place, based largely on the type and scale of threats.Since 9/11, however, it has become plausible that a small group of non-state actors, such as terrorists, could launch a serious attack against the nation using weapons of mass destruction, or even small arms, as in Mumbai. These individuals might live in a local U.S. community or halfway across the world, yet plan and execute a massive and violent attack against a local U.S. community. They might also commit ordinary crimes to help finance their larger intentions. In this new context of terrorism and asymmetric threats, a local police department might develop intelligence of significant interest to national and military intelligence, or vice versa.Important historical, conceptual, and policy issues associated with the intersection of national, military, and police intelligence are discussed more fully elsewhere. 1 This article presents the results of a small-scale study in which subject matter experts were asked to respond to several scenarios related to intelligence and sharing, asking both what should happen and what would actually happen.U.S. POLICINGPolicing in the United States is civilian (non-military), predominantly local (funded and directed by local governments), and extremely fragmented. It is not just that police are distributed all around the country 2 - they mostly answer to local elected officials. The U.S. has almost 18,000 separate law enforcement agencies, roughly 16,000 of which are local. Of the remaining 2,000 agencies, the vast majority represent special jurisdictions (university police, transit police, park police, etc.), followed by state agencies, and lastly by federal non-military agencies. Out of 837,000 full-time sworn police personnel (armed with arrest authority), 74 percent work for local agencies, 13 percent work for federal law enforcement, and 13 percent work for state or special jurisdiction law enforcement agencies. 3The two largest components of U.S. policing are both local: municipal police departments (cities, towns, townships, boroughs, villages) and county sheriff's offices. 4 Two characteristics of these types of law enforcement agencies are absolutely essential for understanding their capabilities and contexts: most are small (77 percent have fewer than twenty-five full-time sworn officers), 5 and they are all independent of each other. There is no chain of command in the police industry - within individual agencies, yes, but among and between the 18,000 agencies, no. 6Along with industry structure, it is important to note a thing or two about police work and police culture. Particularly at the local and state levels, police officers in the field frequently act alone and without immediate supervision. Much of their work involves making low visibility - especially when an officer's decision does not result in a report or an arrest (and most police actions and decisions do not), it is rarely subject to review. If an officer's decision does not result in a report or arrest, it probably will not produce any official for later analysis. As Peter Manning notes, information in police departments can best be characterized as systematically decentralized. …
Alina Profiroiu, Tudorel Andrei, Marian Nica, Elena Daniela ŞTEFĂNESCU
The reform process of the state and implicitly of the public administration was a priority for the past governments of Romania. During 2004- 2009, within the reform process, the main actors involved in the coordination, implementation and monitoring of reform measures were: the Prime Minister, the Superior Council for Public Administration Reform, Public Policy Coordination and Structural Adjustment, the Ministry of Public Finance, the General Secretariat of Government, Ministry of Administration and Interior (renamed for a short time Ministry of Interior and Administrative Reform), the Central Unit for Public Administration Reform, National Institute of Administration, the National Agency of Civil Servants, and the National Modernizers Network. For evaluation of aspects related to the reform process it was designed a selective research within the members of the National Modernizers Network, for assessing their perception of the public administration reform undertaken by the institutions presented above. Evaluating their opinion can be an important point in the revitalization of the area of the administration reform process. Also, the research conducted aimed at assessing the degree of modernizers’ involvement in activities related to important aspects of the reform process: strategic planning, formulating and evaluating public policies, financial management, human resources management, decentralization, introduction of new information and communication technologies and administrative simplification.
In Italy, the transformation of government procurement began in 2000 with the model developed by Consip SpA (a public company owned by the Ministry of Economy and Finance) for all public agencies across the nation. The paper is aimed to reconstruct the path taken by the public procurement reform in Italy gradually evolving from a supply-driven to a demand-driven approach. The Italian procurement transformation has co-existed with two different approaches to reform, which are working in parallel and sometimes at cross-purposes. A supply-driven approach focuses on tightening the controls on spending to tap economies of scale. A demand-driven approach focuses on decentralization and development of Electronic Public Administration MarketPlace (MEPA). The paper discusses the role Consip has played and is still playing to centrally guide the decentralization of public e-procurement, and shows the results of a sample investigation aimed at analysing the level of satisfaction of small/medium firms participating in the MEPA.
"For 25 years, Colombia implemented a rural development policy according to models adopted in Latin America since the 1960s. That policy advanced progressively toward decentralized andparticipatory development and it also moved forward to new concept of rural territorial development. Nevertheless, the Integrated Rural Development Program - IRD, turned into a Co-financing Fund, due to several reasons, ended during the second half of the 1990s. The change of protectionist policies towards deregulation, political cooptation of the program and the weak State capacities to replacing the IRD with other alternatives to stabilize rural societies contributed to the disappearance of the policy."
In Niger the decentralization of the education system and the implication of local communities in the management and financing of education services is the dominant logic of national education policy promoted by international donors. In the article I examine the mobilization of local actors in public education provision. I do this using an ethnographic study of the daily management of a newly established public primary school in peri-urban Niamey. The case study illustrates the diversity of actors, from traditional chiefs to district advisors and international development projects that are implicated in the provision of public education as well as the different logics and stakes at play. It is also revelatory of the limited room for manoeuvre of the ‘local community’ organized in school committees in ensuring the day-to-day functioning of the school. Finally it is argued that at the same time as education provision is in part taken over by local actors the idea of the state as the ideal provider of public education remains strong.
Numerous changes that have happened and are still happening in Serbia are the reason why her social and political structure is decentralizing and has to have fiscal and financial relations between the political territorial units decentralize. The new system of financing local government, which began to be applied from 1st January 2007, balanced the position of towns and municipalities.
Open access
Hungarian Social, Economic and Educational Studies