José Ramos López, Isabel Rodríguez, Pilar González Navarro, José María Peiró Silla · 6 authors
Analysis of sports-related demands of potential users of an organization is a very important aspect of its functioning and helps it cover its demands and needs. In the context of sports, analysis of demands related to planning and provision for sports areas is important for various social agents and is a relevant contribution of psychology towards development and improvement of sports management. This article presents the results of a survey from 625 users of 43 facilities in the Spanish Autonomous Community of Valencia. The survey was centred on their demands respecting provision for sports facilites. Three main aspects were considered: values and function of the practice of sport for respondents, users' preferences for the type of facility that should be used, and certain preferences and opinions about facilities' management and ownership. Outstanding results are: great centrality of sport for respondents, predominant orientation towards sport as a means of leisure and recreation, a preference for state-owned facilities, even though respondents believe private ones are better managed, consideration of in-door pavilions and covered sports centres as facilities that should get priority in local building plans, and a preference for decentralization of new facilities. This analysis can be of great help in order to plan the provision for new sports services and infrastructure, and a supporting tool in the management of facilities.
The government of Cameroon like that of many Sub-S aharan African countries is \nfaced with dwindling revenues and cannot provide the required fmances for the education \nsector. Since many other developing countries are facing similar fmancial constraints, \npolicy options have been proposed for the recovery of costs as a way of revitalizing and \nimproving the quality of education in these countries. The introduction of user charges is \none of the more prominent options that applies to all levels of education. In light of the \neducational financing situation in Cameroon, this study sets out to assess the possibility \nof implementing this option. It therefore seeks to analyze how secondary schools are \nfmanced and to measure private direct costs of secondary education so as to determine \nparental willingness to spend on schooling. \nA household and a school survey were conducted in Mezam Division of the North \nWest Province of Cameroon. 335 households in urban and rural areas were involved in \nthe household survey, while 16 principals and 750 students, selected from 16 secondary \nschools, took part in the school survey. Results from these surveys indicate that in \ngovernment secondary schools, although tuition is provided free, parents are obliged to \nmeet the costs of books and uniforms. Moreover, because government funding is \ninadequate, by default, parents are obliged to contribute further towards the provision of \nadditional facilities in these schools through the Parent-Teacher Association (PTA). Thus \nparents incur substantial costs for their children's education, in relation to household \nincome and Gross National per Capita Income. The study also reveals that in the private \neducational sector, fees and other parental contributions, including PTA levies, form an \nimportant source of finance for secondary schools. Parents of government school students \nvalue the education of their children highly, and therefore indicated willingness to pay \nmore, even though they already incur substantial costs. The findings further indicate that \nwillingness to pay will be increased if the quality of education is improved. However, \nability to pay is related to family income and number of children, which have important \nimplications for equity which are discussed in the thesis. Finally the study reveals that the \nhighly centralized financing policy and practice in government secondary schools does not \ntake into account the fmancial capacity of communities and private individuals \nsufficiently. \nThe thesis argues that, in order to improve access, quality and efficiency of \neducational provision, an appropriate cost-sharing strategy needs to be developed to \nfinance government secondary schools, with provision of scholarships or other selective \nassistance to the most needy. The thesis suggests further that, efforts be made to explore \nparental willingness and the inherent self help tradition of the people, by encouraging \nlocal management and fmancing of schools. Hence support from individual users and \ncontributions from local communities through Parent-Teacher-Associations should be \nactively solicited. It also suggests that the decentralization of educational management of \nschools will go a long way towards enhancing educational quality and efficiency. This \nwill require some adjustments to the existing financing structures, and changes in the \nregulation and management of the education system. The successful implementation of \nthese recommendations require immense political will on the part of the policy makers.
Decentralization has been a popular theme in development thinking and practice due to the impact of decentralisation of government expenditures and revenues upon human development. This survey explores the extensive literature on decentralisation, revealing the lack of quantitative and rigorous studies. A detailed analysis of the various dimensions of decentralisation - participation, financing and comparative priorities - and of the relevant effects upon efficiency, resource availability and equity, enable the author to draw some interesting lessons from its theory and practice.
Before World War II, Czechoslovakia was among the most developed European countries with an excellent health care system. After the Communist coup d'etat in 1948, the country was forced to adapt its existing health care system to the Soviet model. It was planned and managed by the government, financed by general tax money, operated in a highly centralized, bureaucratic fashion, and provided service at no direct charge at the time of service. In recent years, the health care system had been deteriorating as the health of the people had also been declining. Life expectancy, infant mortality rates, and diseases of the circulatory system are higher than in Western European countries. In 1989, political changes occurred in Czechoslovakia that made health care reform possible. Now health services are being decentralized, and the ownership of hospitals is expected to be transferred to communities, municipalities, churches, charitable groups, or private entities. Almost all health leaders, including hospital directors and hospital department heads, have been replaced. Physicians will be paid according to the type and amount of work performed. Perhaps the most important reform is the establishment of an independent General Health Care Insurance Office financed directly by compulsory contributions from workers, employers, and government that will be able to negotiate with hospitals and physicians to determine payment for services.
In the 1980's, in the US across the board, domestic manufacturers have have faced foreign competition with an increased disadvantage with imports. Domestic businesses, including those in rural areas, have had to struggle with restructuring their businesses, decentralizing them, outsourcing, relocating overseas, go out of business altogether or to reduce their business size or workforce numbers. Economic initiatives like 'Growing North Dakota' attempted to educate North Dakota citizens to the necessity of their state increasing it's growth in manufacturing and in ways they could help these industries grow such as financing these industries at favorable terms, aiding in the transfer of technology commercialization or assisting such technologies. By aiding the manufacturing sector this was deemed as aiding in the diversification of the North Dakota economy.
The author studies Chile's educational reforms in the eighties, and assesses their successes and failures in terms of quality of teaching. The reforms rested principally on two aspects: decentralized administration (municipal authorities assuming responsibility) and the application of market economic mechanisms for financing schools. Chile's democratic government subsequently added a number of measures that the reforms lacked, such as increasing outlay to the sector and improving educational quality in subsidized schools. However, the success of these reforms is still uncertain.
T. It is shown that any free action of a zero-dimensional compact group G on the О·-dimensional Menger compactum Mn is О·-universal for free actions, and that the orbit space MnjG is В«-classifying. Nonexistence of equivariant mappings between Mn+m and Mn implies that the orbit space R/Ap has infinite dimension, where R is any compact ANR-space with free action of the group Ap of p-adic integers. Knowledge of such nonexistence would then permit proof of the Hilbert-Smith conjecture under the assumption of finite dimensionality for the orbit space.
In the winter of 1989-90 the unintended consequences of Mikhail S. Gorbachev's program of political and economic refonn had become obvious to all but his most optimistic spokesmen. The General Secretary's attempt to create a new ideology of perestroika by grafting "bourgeois" and "social democratic" concepts onto the conventional ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) had divided the party, created immense ideological confusion, and led to the formation of non-Communist and anti-Communist political organizations. The attempt to shift authority from party officials to elected soviets on the union and republican levels had led to the emergence of separatist and nationalist movements in many of the USSR's republics, including the RSFSR. The decentralization of the state's administration of the economy and the encouragement of both private and cooperative economic activity had failed to reverse the deterioration of economic conditions. As anxiety swept through the CPSU, orthodox party leaders called for the establishment of an autonomous Communist Party for the RSFSR to counter Gorbachev's policies and to "save Soviet Russia" from destruction.
William A. Wulf, Alec Yasinsac, Katie S. Oliver, Ramesh Peri
Distributed systems have long relied on shared secrets to ensure the authenticity of principals. Public key systems and zero knowledge proofs of identity have reduced this reliance. We offer a method of remote authentication that can be used with no advance shared knowledge by parties, and that allows parties to increase their confidence in the authenticity of a suspicious party to an arbitrary level. Note: Abstract extracted from PDF text
We argue that the random oracle model—where all parties have access to a public random oracle—provides a bridge between cryptographic theory and cryptographic practice. In the paradigm we suggest, a practical protocol P is produced by first devising and proving correct a protocol PR for the random oracle model, and then replacing oracle accesses by the computation of an “appropriately chosen” function h. This paradigm yields protocols much more efficient than standard ones while retaining many of the advantages of provable security. We illustrate these gains for problems including encryption, signatures, and zero-knowledge proofs.
Summary This article analyses the structure and organization of RDRS, one of the largest rural development NGOs in Bangladesh. RDRS's Comprehensive Project works with 120,000 households, through small groups of about 15, motivating and educating people on joint savings and investment, agricultural and off-farm income generation, primary health and family planning, literacy, social awareness, and women's development. Groups have access to credit provided by RDRS or banks. No free inputs are given. The Comprehensive Project's Community Health Unit runs 55 antenatal centres and a leprosy treatment service. The Rural Works Project plants 250,000 trees per year, and supervises construction of schools, markets and small bridges and culverts in isolated rural communities. RDRS has almost 1,700 staff. Field implementation is decentralized to area-based units, within a common policy, activity, financial and personnel framework. Six sectoral advisory units are responsible for innovation, quality control and coordination across the whole programme. Résumé Les ONG: le cas du Service rural de Rangpur Dinajpur Le présent article contient une analyse de la structure et de l'organisation du RDRS, l'une des plus importantes ONG (Organisation non gouvernementale) rurales du Bangladesh. Le Comprehensive Project du RDRS intervient auprès d'environ 120 000 ménages sous forme de petits groupes d'environ 15 personnes; le RDRS a pour rôle de motiver et d'éduquer les participants quant aux économies et investissements conjoints dans le ménage; la génération de revenus fermiers et outre-fermiers; les soins de santé primaires et le planisme familial; les campagnes d'alphabétisation; les programmes de sensibilisation sociale; et le développement des femmes dans la population. Les groupes ont accès au crédit fourni par le RDRS ou par les banques. Aucune contribution n'est gratuite. Le groupe des Soins de santé communautaires du Comprehensive Project organise 55 centres de consultation prénatale, ainsi qu'un centre pour le traitement des lépreux. Le service des prestations rurales plante environ 250 000 arbres par an et contrôle la construction des écoles, des marchés et des petits ponts et caniveaux dans les communautés rurales isolées. Le personnel du RDRS compte presque 1700 effectifs. Les antennes exécutives rurales sont décentralisées en unités à base géographique, or elles restent liées par une organisation de gestion commune des politiques, des activités, du financement, et du personnel. Six groupes de conseil sectoral se chargent des programmes d'innovation, de contrôle de la qualité et de coordination du programme au niveau de l'ensemble. Resumen Organizaciones no gubernamentales: el caso del Servicio Rural en Rangpur Dinajpar El artículo analiza la estructura y organización del RDRS, uno de los proyectos de desarrollo rural más grandes de las Organizaciones no gubernamentales en Bangladesh. Este proyecto exhaustivo comprende 120.000 familias, en grupos de quince familias, motivando y educando a la población en áreas como: ahorro colectivo e inversiones, producción de ganancias fuera de la granja, salud y planificación familiar, alfabetización, conciencia social y el desarrollo de la mujer. Los grupos tienen acceso a créditos provistos por RDRS o instituciones bancarias. No se otorga dinero gratis. La Unidad del Proyecto de Salud Comunitaria maneja 55 centros pre-natales y un servicio para el tratamiento de la lepra. El Proyecto de Trabajos Rurales planta 250.000 árboles por año, y supervisa la construcción de escuelas, mercados, puentes y alcantarillas en comunidades rurales aisladas. RDRS tiene un personal de casi 1700 empleados. La implementación de base se descentraliza en forma de unidades en cada área, que sin embargo siguen una línea común en cuanto a a criterios, actividades y estructuras financieras y de personal. Hay seis unidades consultivas responsables por las innovaciones, control de calidad y coordinación de la totalidad del programa.
The zero knowledge properties of interactive proof systems (IPSs) are studied in the case that the verifier is a 2-way probabilistic finite state automaton (2pfa). The following results are proved: A new definition of zero knowledge is introduced. This definition captures a concept of “zero knowledge” for IPSs that are used for language recognition.
An investigation of interactive proof systems (IPSs) where the verifier is a 2-way probabilistic finite state automaton (2pfa) is initiated. In this model, it is shown: Additional results concern two other classes of verifiers: 2pfa's that halt in polynomial expected time, and 2-way probabilistic pushdown automata that halt in polynomial time. In particular, IPSs with verifiers in the latter class are as powerful as IPSs where verifiers are polynomial-time probabilistic Turing machines. In a companion paper [7], zero knowledge IPSs with 2pfa verifiers are investigated.
Women's interest in found footage and compilation has been extraordinarily intense from the very beginning.1 Even the origins of this peculiar mode of film production are tied to a woman's name, that of Esfir Shub, the great director of Soviet cinema who was the first to create an essayistic feature by putting together pieces of archival footage.2 Her seminal film of 1927, Padenie Dinastii Romanovykh (The Fall of the Romanov Dynasty), depicts the collapse of the Tsarist empire from the February Revolution to the October Revolution of 1917 purely by means of a montage of preexisting footage. Followed by a handful of other films she made with the same method in subsequent years, this first experimentation in compilation film was an opportunity for Shub to demonstrate the creative power of montage, showing how even the most resistant, unyielding materials can generate an entirely new meaning from the way they are combined—as for example in the case of the numerous shots taken by the camerapeople of the Tsarist film industry, which were transformed through her editing into incontrovertible proof of the necessity of the Revolution. In a way, then, Shub's work can be considered the most advanced result of all the philosophy of the Soviet avant-garde, for her films test Lev Kuleshov's intuition about the signifying power of montage by reworking preconstituted materials that had been originally produced to respond to a completely different, and sometimes even opposite, ideological project.3Many more women after Shub have adopted compilation as their privileged approach to film production and experimentation. Once a marginal form even in the documentary field, found footage cinema is now enjoying an extremely vital phase, fostered by both the exponential growth of the audiovisual archive and the improvement of digital editing technologies that have made film images all the more usable. Up to the 1950s and through the appearance of new avant-garde movements at the end of that decade, the history of found footage cinema consists of very few names and a similarly small number of film titles. And yet, even in the first half of the twentieth century women are a notable presence in the field, not only for their sheer numbers, but also by virtue of the quality and originality of their work. In this context we need to cite at least the name of Germaine Dulac, whose archival film of 1935 anticipates many typical concerns of the contemporary debate about the historicity of the film image. Le cinéma au service de l'histoire (Cinema at the Service of History) was assembled by Dulac during a period of intensive archival research at Gaumont, where she had been employed until the previous year as coeditor of the company's newsreel, France Actualités. Her monumental film is constructed from fragments taken from Gaumont newsreels from 1905 to 1935, and presents itself as a recollection, as well as a critical assessment, of the historical experiences made by a generation, her own, that was equal in age with the cinema: the generation born during the Belle Epoque, educated in the myth of progress, and doomed to witness its ruinous dissolution in the disaster of World War I, only to find itself confronted with the advent of dictatorships and totalitarianism. Made in the political-cultural context of the Popular Front (the film was made to be screened on the occasion of the opening of an independent “all-newsreel” film venue), Cinema at the Service of History reveals a thorough confidence in the testimonial power of cinema.4 It is at once a requiem about the atrocities of war and its moral, social, political, and economic consequences, and a warning to the present about repeating the mistakes of the past.Alongside Shub and Dulac, the third female master of found footage cinema before the 1960s is no doubt Nicole Vedrès. Her innovative work on Paris 1900 (1947) combined a “classical” approach to compilation film, based on exclusive use of documentary sources, and a more definitely modern approach, which regards the products of narrative cinema as no less legitimate sources of historical knowledge than documentary materials. Vedrès's work anticipates by several decades the awareness, typical of the debate on film and history of the early 1980s, that every film, whether narrative or documentary, bears a number of specifically historical traits—or, rather, what Vedrès characterizes as a specific form of historical truth that expresses itself in a visual quality on the order of photogénie.5This early phase of the history of found footage cinema, where three women play a primary role, draws to a close at the end of the 1950s. A more critical, irreverent, and playful attitude toward archival images, and a tendency to employ the past to produce an allegory of the present, and often quite a complex one, appears in the work of diverse experimental filmmakers, including Isidore Isou, Stan VanDerBeek, Bruce Conner, and Guy Debord. Again, several women participate as well in this new moment that marks the evolution of found footage film as a major form of experimental cinema, often referred to as collage film. Though the women's names are more obscure today than the filmmakers we have just cited, their position in this shift is far from secondary in terms of their critical awareness and their innovations.Already in 1959, Jane Conger Belson Shimané's Odds and Ends offered a precocious example of a collage film that mixes outtakes of travelogues with abstract animation, both painted on the filmstrip and created with paper cutouts. Since then, the ranks of women involved in the deconstruction of the codes of contemporary culture—and often particularly of its sexist stereotypes—through the reworking of preexisting footage has not stopped growing. Filmmakers such as Anita Thacher, Chick Strand, Dara Birnbaum, Peggy Ahwesh, Michelle Citron, Abigail Child, Hito Steyerl, Angela Ricci Lucchi, Leslie Thornton, Su Friedrich, Eve Heller, Vivian Ostrovsky, Nina Fonoroff, Sabine Hiebler, and Frédérique Devaux, or, among the younger ones, Lana Lin, Naomi Uman, Deborah Stratman, Caroline Avery, Cheryl Dunye, Cathy Joritz, Barbara Meter, Louise Bourque, Magda Matwiejew, Akosua Adoma Owusu, Rebecca Baron, Meike Fehre, Meryll Hardt, and Lisa Reboulleau—and those whose work is analyzed in this issue of Feminist Media Histories: Myriam Borsoutsky, Cecilia Mangini, Cécile Fontaine, Barbara Hammer, Valentina Monti, and Alina Marazzi—make us tempted to describe found footage cinema as a field where gender parity is close to being finally attained.Yet we want to resist explaining away such a proliferation of female auteurs who choose a most difficult manner of expressing their own imagination and thought—through images created by others in different places and times—with some sort of specific or “essential” female inclination toward montage, maybe even by invoking its similarity to the tailoring operations of cutting and sewing. Such essentialist comparisons can certainly be suggestive, but they hardly help us understand the reality of women's experience in the sphere of filmmaking. Even less could we endorse a thesis that would interpret women's bent for compilation films as an ability to excel exclusively in contexts characterized by a minimum creative coefficient. On the contrary, the innovative content of cases such as those we briefly recall above should demonstrate the opposite—that is, women's extraordinary creative capacity, evidenced by their ability to extract the maximum coefficient of originality from seemingly inert materials.But this would be a simplification, too, a sterile generalization based on a purely reactive attitude. A more interesting approach begins when one considers the apparent affinity between women and the practice of found footage, on the one hand, and on the other the material conditions of film production—more precisely, the difference that exists between the labor involved in editing and researching and that involved in shooting, especially in commercial cinema. All available data show that commercial cinema, which, as everyone knows, is basically a narrative and fictional type of cinema, is a field where only a few women succeed in reaching and holding directorial roles. We are then prompted to ask whether the specific difference that is responsible for found footage cinema being such a favorable field for women's initiative should not be sought at the level of what we mean by “film directing” in the first place.Cameraless cinema does not imply “directing” in the common sense of the word. Women working in found footage do not direct actors and technicians on a film set; they do not preside over complex organizational machines from the apex of the film set's hierarchical system. If they work in a group, they do so by choosing a few close collaborators, often other women. Their work more closely resembles conducting a research project, including immersive sessions in archives and philological interrogations about the materials, than directing a film set. This amounts to saying that women, in the absence of directorial opportunities within the frame of institutional cinema, may have elected the practice of found footage as a way to build an autonomous space of creativity that allows them to transform limitations into a stylistic peculiarity.6The subtitle of this issue, “Women Without a Movie Camera,” alludes in a clearly provocative way to the objective condition of limitation that women experience in their attempts to access professional opportunities for directing in the mainstream film industry, a situation that, in our interpretive hypothesis, can explain better than any tailoring metaphor the remarkable intensity of female creativity in found footage cinema.7 More than a yen for reusing archives, the breadth of female presence in the history of films derived from found footage proves women's tenacious will to make cinema at all costs, even if it means inventing their own modes of independent production under conditions of limitation and lack of means. Clear evidence of this is that even when they leave the particular sphere of found footage and take up the camera, these filmmakers usually keep working beyond the borders of mainstream narrative cinema, that is, in the fields of documentary, experimental, or animated cinema.Put another way, if an affinity between women and found footage cinema exists, most likely it is not because the process resembles “cutting and sewing,” but because cameraless cinema appears as a utopian mode of production that can be practiced in perfect autonomy, or together with a small group of trusted collaborators, in which a lack of means can be countervailed with patience and flair. It is a cinema that, as in the case of Cécile Fontaine, can even be executed at home at the kitchen sink.The remarkable number of women filmmakers who are or were active in found footage cinema could then be taken as confirmation of the famous hypothesis advanced by Virginia Woolf in A Room of One's Own (1929), that we would now have many more female names in the history books if women had had their own rooms where they could work in peace, away from the stereotypes and performative codes of patriarchal culture. The separateness and seclusion of the editing room are more than just metaphors for Woolf's idea of the room of one's own as a space of autonomy and expressive freedom.The field at stake is obviously much larger than is possible to analyze within the limits of the present publication. Unable to cover the entire, rich spectrum of women's contributions to the history of found footage cinema, we chose a series of studies on a few individual figures who represent various different approaches.8The issue opens with a selection of articles by Esfir Shub, as yet unpublished in English, introduced and edited by Liubov Dyshlyuk. The publication of these materials drawn from Shub's autobiographical book Zhizn' moya – kinematograf (Cinema Is My Life, 1972) is a deserved homage to a figure who is regularly presented as the most influential pioneer of compilation film, but whose poetic reflections are almost completely unknown in the Western world. Dating back to the time of the making of The Fall of the Romanov Dynasty (1927), Shub's writings in this issue document her extraordinary awareness in tackling the task of assembling in a coherent montage a host of such heterogeneous materials as old newsreels, home movies, and institutional documentaries. In their rigorous as well as impassioned tone, which continuously emphasizes the political valences of filmmaking, these articles confirm the fundamental position that Shub occupies not only in the practice of, but also in reflections about, the practice of compilation cinema.Monica Dall'Asta's essay on Myriam Borsoutsky and Nicole Vedrès focuses on two French figures who are almost completely forgotten today. In the virtually perfect obscurity of Borsoutsky (better known as Myriam)—who was Sacha Guitry's editor during the 1930s, before collaborating with Vedrès on Paris 1900 and codirecting La Course de taureaux (Bullfight, 1951) alongside Pierre Braunberger—Dall'Asta finds a clue to retracing a possible female genealogy of French found footage cinema. The rediscovery, or rather the discovery, of Myriam, whose skills in editing were so outstanding as to be called “diabolical” by André Bazin, discloses a whole cultural scene that includes as many different figures as Braunberger, Henri Langlois, Alain Resnais, Chris Marker, Jacques Brunius, Denise Tual, Victoria Mercanton, and Yannick Bellon. Paradoxically, Myriam's obscurity becomes the crucial element that illuminates a gray area in film history, beginning with Vedrès's groundbreaking work.Better known for the documentaries she shot—which register, with the precision of an anthropologist's eye, the transformations of Italian society between the 1960s and the 1970s—Cecilia Mangini also belongs to the crowd of forgotten women filmmakers. Her films based on the technique of assemblage are examined in deep detail in Dalila Missero's essay. Mangini's work in the archives began with the making of All'armi siam fascisti! (To Arms! We're Fascists!, 1961–62), the film she made with her husband, Lino Del Fra, and the socialist film critic Lino Micciché, and continued with Stalin (1962–63), codirected with Lino Del Fra and the great Marxist poet Franco Fortini. As with Dulac's and Vedrès's earlier works, To Arms! We're Fascists! offers a critical reading of the historical experience of the authors' generation, born under the Fascist regime and subjected to the destructive fascinations of its ideology. To find the documentary materials for both this film and Stalin (issued in 1963 in a version reedited by the producer and disavowed by the authors), Mangini conducted research in several archives around the world, facing huge difficulties. Her interest in the meaning effects attainable through the recombination of stock footage is further documented by an intense sequence in her film of women's emancipation, Essere donne (Being Women, 1963–65), of which Missero proposes an extremely accurate analysis.Barbara Hammer's first feature, Nitrate Kisses (1992), is examined by Alessandra Chiarini as an example of a film based on the construction of a complex relationship between stock footage and original shots. In conceiving of her cinema as a means for the expression of “feeling-images,” that is, “inseparable unity of emotion and thought/idea/image and internal bodily states of excitement,” Hammer is in search of an alternative style to the linear narration of mainstream cinema.9 In the movement of thoughts and emotions that spring from the flow of images in the film, Chiarini sees a method of assemblage that is reminiscent of Maya Deren's theorizations about “vertical cinema.” In Nitrate Kisses this method is adopted to a history of the twentieth century by and footage and original shots are combined in to a critical about history that into the and of between past and present, individual and very different case is presented in essay on Cécile A French who is very of what Nicole has called a approach to found footage, the of preexisting images by way of on the film a of that in and of or of the film her on the relationship between the stylistic and and that the mode of La to the construction of The are where a with the of the film is with an to the content of the the most original of the the of footage to the that her to her from when she was a In these materials a complex whose and quite result is the of the of of film archives to create new films is the of essay. More particularly the with the complex creative and process the making of a film constructed from fragments from the of the an Italian Made by Valentina with at the editing is just the in a that has produced an a and a film, Dating from the the images as of a the of and and document the of the between and is to describe the work of and as a time with the the images, which to the women of the and at the same time the rigorous approach, no less than with which women images of women to a montage of in the with and Alina that the issue, these two of contemporary found footage cinema their experiences and their creative and professional by by film Barbara and filmmakers demonstrate a awareness in their approach to the practice of cameraless cinema. who is the of films in the political of Italian has been regularly working with the early with first feature, More with their has of interest and is the case of More with which the of who only a few after by materials from her home by her and after a time from an old her and and from the of the on a visual history of women's in that, among a host of different materials, includes fragments from films by the during the to on complex such as the of preexisting images, the of archival footage as a of and the relationship between found footage and women's cinema, and a series of very original which the of montage in the expressive of women's by the creative that exists between and the of this of also alludes to the editing room as room of one's a space where women, over the of almost a have the of Woolf's The editing room as a of separateness and autonomy is a space where women have to make of their a a of movement in the of the film If this is then we that found footage cinema should an in film We more new research will to the work of not just the filmmakers, but also so many obscure the of these
Energy dissipation in systems with linear viscoelastic damping is examined. It is shown that in such viscoelastically damped systems the use of additional dissipation mechanisms (such as boundary velocity feedback or thermal coupling) may not improve the rate of energy decay. The situation where the viscoelastic stress relaxation modulus decreases to its (positive) equilibrium modulus at a subexponential rate, e.g., like (1 + t)<sup>-x</sup> + E, where α > 0, E > 0 is examined. In this case, the nonoscillatory modes (the so-called creep modes) dominate the energy decay rate. The results are in two parts. In the first part, a linear viscoelastic wave equation with infinite memory is examined. It is shown that under appropriate conditions on the kernel and initial history, the total energy is integrable against a particular weight if the kinetic energy component of the total energy is integrable against the same weight. The proof uses energy methods in an induction argument. Precise energy decay rates have recently been obtained using boundary velocity feedback. It is shown that the same decay rates hold for history value problems with conservative boundary conditions provided that an <i>a priori</i> knowledge of the decay rate of the kinetic energy term is assumed. In the second part, a simple linear thermo-viscoelastic system, namely, a viscoelastic wave equation coupled to a heat equation, is examined. Using Laplace transform methods, an integral representation formula for <i>W(x,s</i>), the transform of the displacement <i>w(x, t)</i>, is obtained. After analyzing the location of the zeros of the appropriate characteristic equation, an asymptotic expansion for the displacement <i>w(O,t)</i> is obtained which is valid for large <i>t</i> and the specific kernel <i>g(t) = g</i>(–) + δtη-1 [over]Î (η), 0 < η < 1. With this expansion it is shown that the coupled system tends to its equilibrium at a slower rate than that of the uncoupled system.