The author studies Chile's educational reforms in the eighties, and assesses their successes and failures in terms of quality of teaching. The reforms rested principally on two aspects: decentralized administration (municipal authorities assuming responsibility) and the application of market economic mechanisms for financing schools. Chile's democratic government subsequently added a number of measures that the reforms lacked, such as increasing outlay to the sector and improving educational quality in subsidized schools. However, the success of these reforms is still uncertain.
T. It is shown that any free action of a zero-dimensional compact group G on the О·-dimensional Menger compactum Mn is О·-universal for free actions, and that the orbit space MnjG is В«-classifying. Nonexistence of equivariant mappings between Mn+m and Mn implies that the orbit space R/Ap has infinite dimension, where R is any compact ANR-space with free action of the group Ap of p-adic integers. Knowledge of such nonexistence would then permit proof of the Hilbert-Smith conjecture under the assumption of finite dimensionality for the orbit space.
In the winter of 1989-90 the unintended consequences of Mikhail S. Gorbachev's program of political and economic refonn had become obvious to all but his most optimistic spokesmen. The General Secretary's attempt to create a new ideology of perestroika by grafting "bourgeois" and "social democratic" concepts onto the conventional ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) had divided the party, created immense ideological confusion, and led to the formation of non-Communist and anti-Communist political organizations. The attempt to shift authority from party officials to elected soviets on the union and republican levels had led to the emergence of separatist and nationalist movements in many of the USSR's republics, including the RSFSR. The decentralization of the state's administration of the economy and the encouragement of both private and cooperative economic activity had failed to reverse the deterioration of economic conditions. As anxiety swept through the CPSU, orthodox party leaders called for the establishment of an autonomous Communist Party for the RSFSR to counter Gorbachev's policies and to "save Soviet Russia" from destruction.
William A. Wulf, Alec Yasinsac, Katie S. Oliver, Ramesh Peri
Distributed systems have long relied on shared secrets to ensure the authenticity of principals. Public key systems and zero knowledge proofs of identity have reduced this reliance. We offer a method of remote authentication that can be used with no advance shared knowledge by parties, and that allows parties to increase their confidence in the authenticity of a suspicious party to an arbitrary level. Note: Abstract extracted from PDF text
We argue that the random oracle model—where all parties have access to a public random oracle—provides a bridge between cryptographic theory and cryptographic practice. In the paradigm we suggest, a practical protocol P is produced by first devising and proving correct a protocol PR for the random oracle model, and then replacing oracle accesses by the computation of an “appropriately chosen” function h. This paradigm yields protocols much more efficient than standard ones while retaining many of the advantages of provable security. We illustrate these gains for problems including encryption, signatures, and zero-knowledge proofs.
Summary This article analyses the structure and organization of RDRS, one of the largest rural development NGOs in Bangladesh. RDRS's Comprehensive Project works with 120,000 households, through small groups of about 15, motivating and educating people on joint savings and investment, agricultural and off-farm income generation, primary health and family planning, literacy, social awareness, and women's development. Groups have access to credit provided by RDRS or banks. No free inputs are given. The Comprehensive Project's Community Health Unit runs 55 antenatal centres and a leprosy treatment service. The Rural Works Project plants 250,000 trees per year, and supervises construction of schools, markets and small bridges and culverts in isolated rural communities. RDRS has almost 1,700 staff. Field implementation is decentralized to area-based units, within a common policy, activity, financial and personnel framework. Six sectoral advisory units are responsible for innovation, quality control and coordination across the whole programme. Résumé Les ONG: le cas du Service rural de Rangpur Dinajpur Le présent article contient une analyse de la structure et de l'organisation du RDRS, l'une des plus importantes ONG (Organisation non gouvernementale) rurales du Bangladesh. Le Comprehensive Project du RDRS intervient auprès d'environ 120 000 ménages sous forme de petits groupes d'environ 15 personnes; le RDRS a pour rôle de motiver et d'éduquer les participants quant aux économies et investissements conjoints dans le ménage; la génération de revenus fermiers et outre-fermiers; les soins de santé primaires et le planisme familial; les campagnes d'alphabétisation; les programmes de sensibilisation sociale; et le développement des femmes dans la population. Les groupes ont accès au crédit fourni par le RDRS ou par les banques. Aucune contribution n'est gratuite. Le groupe des Soins de santé communautaires du Comprehensive Project organise 55 centres de consultation prénatale, ainsi qu'un centre pour le traitement des lépreux. Le service des prestations rurales plante environ 250 000 arbres par an et contrôle la construction des écoles, des marchés et des petits ponts et caniveaux dans les communautés rurales isolées. Le personnel du RDRS compte presque 1700 effectifs. Les antennes exécutives rurales sont décentralisées en unités à base géographique, or elles restent liées par une organisation de gestion commune des politiques, des activités, du financement, et du personnel. Six groupes de conseil sectoral se chargent des programmes d'innovation, de contrôle de la qualité et de coordination du programme au niveau de l'ensemble. Resumen Organizaciones no gubernamentales: el caso del Servicio Rural en Rangpur Dinajpar El artículo analiza la estructura y organización del RDRS, uno de los proyectos de desarrollo rural más grandes de las Organizaciones no gubernamentales en Bangladesh. Este proyecto exhaustivo comprende 120.000 familias, en grupos de quince familias, motivando y educando a la población en áreas como: ahorro colectivo e inversiones, producción de ganancias fuera de la granja, salud y planificación familiar, alfabetización, conciencia social y el desarrollo de la mujer. Los grupos tienen acceso a créditos provistos por RDRS o instituciones bancarias. No se otorga dinero gratis. La Unidad del Proyecto de Salud Comunitaria maneja 55 centros pre-natales y un servicio para el tratamiento de la lepra. El Proyecto de Trabajos Rurales planta 250.000 árboles por año, y supervisa la construcción de escuelas, mercados, puentes y alcantarillas en comunidades rurales aisladas. RDRS tiene un personal de casi 1700 empleados. La implementación de base se descentraliza en forma de unidades en cada área, que sin embargo siguen una línea común en cuanto a a criterios, actividades y estructuras financieras y de personal. Hay seis unidades consultivas responsables por las innovaciones, control de calidad y coordinación de la totalidad del programa.
The zero knowledge properties of interactive proof systems (IPSs) are studied in the case that the verifier is a 2-way probabilistic finite state automaton (2pfa). The following results are proved: A new definition of zero knowledge is introduced. This definition captures a concept of “zero knowledge” for IPSs that are used for language recognition.
An investigation of interactive proof systems (IPSs) where the verifier is a 2-way probabilistic finite state automaton (2pfa) is initiated. In this model, it is shown: Additional results concern two other classes of verifiers: 2pfa's that halt in polynomial expected time, and 2-way probabilistic pushdown automata that halt in polynomial time. In particular, IPSs with verifiers in the latter class are as powerful as IPSs where verifiers are polynomial-time probabilistic Turing machines. In a companion paper [7], zero knowledge IPSs with 2pfa verifiers are investigated.
Women's interest in found footage and compilation has been extraordinarily intense from the very beginning.1 Even the origins of this peculiar mode of film production are tied to a woman's name, that of Esfir Shub, the great director of Soviet cinema who was the first to create an essayistic feature by putting together pieces of archival footage.2 Her seminal film of 1927, Padenie Dinastii Romanovykh (The Fall of the Romanov Dynasty), depicts the collapse of the Tsarist empire from the February Revolution to the October Revolution of 1917 purely by means of a montage of preexisting footage. Followed by a handful of other films she made with the same method in subsequent years, this first experimentation in compilation film was an opportunity for Shub to demonstrate the creative power of montage, showing how even the most resistant, unyielding materials can generate an entirely new meaning from the way they are combined—as for example in the case of the numerous shots taken by the camerapeople of the Tsarist film industry, which were transformed through her editing into incontrovertible proof of the necessity of the Revolution. In a way, then, Shub's work can be considered the most advanced result of all the philosophy of the Soviet avant-garde, for her films test Lev Kuleshov's intuition about the signifying power of montage by reworking preconstituted materials that had been originally produced to respond to a completely different, and sometimes even opposite, ideological project.3Many more women after Shub have adopted compilation as their privileged approach to film production and experimentation. Once a marginal form even in the documentary field, found footage cinema is now enjoying an extremely vital phase, fostered by both the exponential growth of the audiovisual archive and the improvement of digital editing technologies that have made film images all the more usable. Up to the 1950s and through the appearance of new avant-garde movements at the end of that decade, the history of found footage cinema consists of very few names and a similarly small number of film titles. And yet, even in the first half of the twentieth century women are a notable presence in the field, not only for their sheer numbers, but also by virtue of the quality and originality of their work. In this context we need to cite at least the name of Germaine Dulac, whose archival film of 1935 anticipates many typical concerns of the contemporary debate about the historicity of the film image. Le cinéma au service de l'histoire (Cinema at the Service of History) was assembled by Dulac during a period of intensive archival research at Gaumont, where she had been employed until the previous year as coeditor of the company's newsreel, France Actualités. Her monumental film is constructed from fragments taken from Gaumont newsreels from 1905 to 1935, and presents itself as a recollection, as well as a critical assessment, of the historical experiences made by a generation, her own, that was equal in age with the cinema: the generation born during the Belle Epoque, educated in the myth of progress, and doomed to witness its ruinous dissolution in the disaster of World War I, only to find itself confronted with the advent of dictatorships and totalitarianism. Made in the political-cultural context of the Popular Front (the film was made to be screened on the occasion of the opening of an independent “all-newsreel” film venue), Cinema at the Service of History reveals a thorough confidence in the testimonial power of cinema.4 It is at once a requiem about the atrocities of war and its moral, social, political, and economic consequences, and a warning to the present about repeating the mistakes of the past.Alongside Shub and Dulac, the third female master of found footage cinema before the 1960s is no doubt Nicole Vedrès. Her innovative work on Paris 1900 (1947) combined a “classical” approach to compilation film, based on exclusive use of documentary sources, and a more definitely modern approach, which regards the products of narrative cinema as no less legitimate sources of historical knowledge than documentary materials. Vedrès's work anticipates by several decades the awareness, typical of the debate on film and history of the early 1980s, that every film, whether narrative or documentary, bears a number of specifically historical traits—or, rather, what Vedrès characterizes as a specific form of historical truth that expresses itself in a visual quality on the order of photogénie.5This early phase of the history of found footage cinema, where three women play a primary role, draws to a close at the end of the 1950s. A more critical, irreverent, and playful attitude toward archival images, and a tendency to employ the past to produce an allegory of the present, and often quite a complex one, appears in the work of diverse experimental filmmakers, including Isidore Isou, Stan VanDerBeek, Bruce Conner, and Guy Debord. Again, several women participate as well in this new moment that marks the evolution of found footage film as a major form of experimental cinema, often referred to as collage film. Though the women's names are more obscure today than the filmmakers we have just cited, their position in this shift is far from secondary in terms of their critical awareness and their innovations.Already in 1959, Jane Conger Belson Shimané's Odds and Ends offered a precocious example of a collage film that mixes outtakes of travelogues with abstract animation, both painted on the filmstrip and created with paper cutouts. Since then, the ranks of women involved in the deconstruction of the codes of contemporary culture—and often particularly of its sexist stereotypes—through the reworking of preexisting footage has not stopped growing. Filmmakers such as Anita Thacher, Chick Strand, Dara Birnbaum, Peggy Ahwesh, Michelle Citron, Abigail Child, Hito Steyerl, Angela Ricci Lucchi, Leslie Thornton, Su Friedrich, Eve Heller, Vivian Ostrovsky, Nina Fonoroff, Sabine Hiebler, and Frédérique Devaux, or, among the younger ones, Lana Lin, Naomi Uman, Deborah Stratman, Caroline Avery, Cheryl Dunye, Cathy Joritz, Barbara Meter, Louise Bourque, Magda Matwiejew, Akosua Adoma Owusu, Rebecca Baron, Meike Fehre, Meryll Hardt, and Lisa Reboulleau—and those whose work is analyzed in this issue of Feminist Media Histories: Myriam Borsoutsky, Cecilia Mangini, Cécile Fontaine, Barbara Hammer, Valentina Monti, and Alina Marazzi—make us tempted to describe found footage cinema as a field where gender parity is close to being finally attained.Yet we want to resist explaining away such a proliferation of female auteurs who choose a most difficult manner of expressing their own imagination and thought—through images created by others in different places and times—with some sort of specific or “essential” female inclination toward montage, maybe even by invoking its similarity to the tailoring operations of cutting and sewing. Such essentialist comparisons can certainly be suggestive, but they hardly help us understand the reality of women's experience in the sphere of filmmaking. Even less could we endorse a thesis that would interpret women's bent for compilation films as an ability to excel exclusively in contexts characterized by a minimum creative coefficient. On the contrary, the innovative content of cases such as those we briefly recall above should demonstrate the opposite—that is, women's extraordinary creative capacity, evidenced by their ability to extract the maximum coefficient of originality from seemingly inert materials.But this would be a simplification, too, a sterile generalization based on a purely reactive attitude. A more interesting approach begins when one considers the apparent affinity between women and the practice of found footage, on the one hand, and on the other the material conditions of film production—more precisely, the difference that exists between the labor involved in editing and researching and that involved in shooting, especially in commercial cinema. All available data show that commercial cinema, which, as everyone knows, is basically a narrative and fictional type of cinema, is a field where only a few women succeed in reaching and holding directorial roles. We are then prompted to ask whether the specific difference that is responsible for found footage cinema being such a favorable field for women's initiative should not be sought at the level of what we mean by “film directing” in the first place.Cameraless cinema does not imply “directing” in the common sense of the word. Women working in found footage do not direct actors and technicians on a film set; they do not preside over complex organizational machines from the apex of the film set's hierarchical system. If they work in a group, they do so by choosing a few close collaborators, often other women. Their work more closely resembles conducting a research project, including immersive sessions in archives and philological interrogations about the materials, than directing a film set. This amounts to saying that women, in the absence of directorial opportunities within the frame of institutional cinema, may have elected the practice of found footage as a way to build an autonomous space of creativity that allows them to transform limitations into a stylistic peculiarity.6The subtitle of this issue, “Women Without a Movie Camera,” alludes in a clearly provocative way to the objective condition of limitation that women experience in their attempts to access professional opportunities for directing in the mainstream film industry, a situation that, in our interpretive hypothesis, can explain better than any tailoring metaphor the remarkable intensity of female creativity in found footage cinema.7 More than a yen for reusing archives, the breadth of female presence in the history of films derived from found footage proves women's tenacious will to make cinema at all costs, even if it means inventing their own modes of independent production under conditions of limitation and lack of means. Clear evidence of this is that even when they leave the particular sphere of found footage and take up the camera, these filmmakers usually keep working beyond the borders of mainstream narrative cinema, that is, in the fields of documentary, experimental, or animated cinema.Put another way, if an affinity between women and found footage cinema exists, most likely it is not because the process resembles “cutting and sewing,” but because cameraless cinema appears as a utopian mode of production that can be practiced in perfect autonomy, or together with a small group of trusted collaborators, in which a lack of means can be countervailed with patience and flair. It is a cinema that, as in the case of Cécile Fontaine, can even be executed at home at the kitchen sink.The remarkable number of women filmmakers who are or were active in found footage cinema could then be taken as confirmation of the famous hypothesis advanced by Virginia Woolf in A Room of One's Own (1929), that we would now have many more female names in the history books if women had had their own rooms where they could work in peace, away from the stereotypes and performative codes of patriarchal culture. The separateness and seclusion of the editing room are more than just metaphors for Woolf's idea of the room of one's own as a space of autonomy and expressive freedom.The field at stake is obviously much larger than is possible to analyze within the limits of the present publication. Unable to cover the entire, rich spectrum of women's contributions to the history of found footage cinema, we chose a series of studies on a few individual figures who represent various different approaches.8The issue opens with a selection of articles by Esfir Shub, as yet unpublished in English, introduced and edited by Liubov Dyshlyuk. The publication of these materials drawn from Shub's autobiographical book Zhizn' moya – kinematograf (Cinema Is My Life, 1972) is a deserved homage to a figure who is regularly presented as the most influential pioneer of compilation film, but whose poetic reflections are almost completely unknown in the Western world. Dating back to the time of the making of The Fall of the Romanov Dynasty (1927), Shub's writings in this issue document her extraordinary awareness in tackling the task of assembling in a coherent montage a host of such heterogeneous materials as old newsreels, home movies, and institutional documentaries. In their rigorous as well as impassioned tone, which continuously emphasizes the political valences of filmmaking, these articles confirm the fundamental position that Shub occupies not only in the practice of, but also in reflections about, the practice of compilation cinema.Monica Dall'Asta's essay on Myriam Borsoutsky and Nicole Vedrès focuses on two French figures who are almost completely forgotten today. In the virtually perfect obscurity of Borsoutsky (better known as Myriam)—who was Sacha Guitry's editor during the 1930s, before collaborating with Vedrès on Paris 1900 and codirecting La Course de taureaux (Bullfight, 1951) alongside Pierre Braunberger—Dall'Asta finds a clue to retracing a possible female genealogy of French found footage cinema. The rediscovery, or rather the discovery, of Myriam, whose skills in editing were so outstanding as to be called “diabolical” by André Bazin, discloses a whole cultural scene that includes as many different figures as Braunberger, Henri Langlois, Alain Resnais, Chris Marker, Jacques Brunius, Denise Tual, Victoria Mercanton, and Yannick Bellon. Paradoxically, Myriam's obscurity becomes the crucial element that illuminates a gray area in film history, beginning with Vedrès's groundbreaking work.Better known for the documentaries she shot—which register, with the precision of an anthropologist's eye, the transformations of Italian society between the 1960s and the 1970s—Cecilia Mangini also belongs to the crowd of forgotten women filmmakers. Her films based on the technique of assemblage are examined in deep detail in Dalila Missero's essay. Mangini's work in the archives began with the making of All'armi siam fascisti! (To Arms! We're Fascists!, 1961–62), the film she made with her husband, Lino Del Fra, and the socialist film critic Lino Micciché, and continued with Stalin (1962–63), codirected with Lino Del Fra and the great Marxist poet Franco Fortini. As with Dulac's and Vedrès's earlier works, To Arms! We're Fascists! offers a critical reading of the historical experience of the authors' generation, born under the Fascist regime and subjected to the destructive fascinations of its ideology. To find the documentary materials for both this film and Stalin (issued in 1963 in a version reedited by the producer and disavowed by the authors), Mangini conducted research in several archives around the world, facing huge difficulties. Her interest in the meaning effects attainable through the recombination of stock footage is further documented by an intense sequence in her film of women's emancipation, Essere donne (Being Women, 1963–65), of which Missero proposes an extremely accurate analysis.Barbara Hammer's first feature, Nitrate Kisses (1992), is examined by Alessandra Chiarini as an example of a film based on the construction of a complex relationship between stock footage and original shots. In conceiving of her cinema as a means for the expression of “feeling-images,” that is, “inseparable unity of emotion and thought/idea/image and internal bodily states of excitement,” Hammer is in search of an alternative style to the linear narration of mainstream cinema.9 In the movement of thoughts and emotions that spring from the flow of images in the film, Chiarini sees a method of assemblage that is reminiscent of Maya Deren's theorizations about “vertical cinema.” In Nitrate Kisses this method is adopted to a history of the twentieth century by and footage and original shots are combined in to a critical about history that into the and of between past and present, individual and very different case is presented in essay on Cécile A French who is very of what Nicole has called a approach to found footage, the of preexisting images by way of on the film a of that in and of or of the film her on the relationship between the stylistic and and that the mode of La to the construction of The are where a with the of the film is with an to the content of the the most original of the the of footage to the that her to her from when she was a In these materials a complex whose and quite result is the of the of of film archives to create new films is the of essay. More particularly the with the complex creative and process the making of a film constructed from fragments from the of the an Italian Made by Valentina with at the editing is just the in a that has produced an a and a film, Dating from the the images as of a the of and and document the of the between and is to describe the work of and as a time with the the images, which to the women of the and at the same time the rigorous approach, no less than with which women images of women to a montage of in the with and Alina that the issue, these two of contemporary found footage cinema their experiences and their creative and professional by by film Barbara and filmmakers demonstrate a awareness in their approach to the practice of cameraless cinema. who is the of films in the political of Italian has been regularly working with the early with first feature, More with their has of interest and is the case of More with which the of who only a few after by materials from her home by her and after a time from an old her and and from the of the on a visual history of women's in that, among a host of different materials, includes fragments from films by the during the to on complex such as the of preexisting images, the of archival footage as a of and the relationship between found footage and women's cinema, and a series of very original which the of montage in the expressive of women's by the creative that exists between and the of this of also alludes to the editing room as room of one's a space where women, over the of almost a have the of Woolf's The editing room as a of separateness and autonomy is a space where women have to make of their a a of movement in the of the film If this is then we that found footage cinema should an in film We more new research will to the work of not just the filmmakers, but also so many obscure the of these
Energy dissipation in systems with linear viscoelastic damping is examined. It is shown that in such viscoelastically damped systems the use of additional dissipation mechanisms (such as boundary velocity feedback or thermal coupling) may not improve the rate of energy decay. The situation where the viscoelastic stress relaxation modulus decreases to its (positive) equilibrium modulus at a subexponential rate, e.g., like (1 + t)<sup>-x</sup> + E, where α > 0, E > 0 is examined. In this case, the nonoscillatory modes (the so-called creep modes) dominate the energy decay rate. The results are in two parts. In the first part, a linear viscoelastic wave equation with infinite memory is examined. It is shown that under appropriate conditions on the kernel and initial history, the total energy is integrable against a particular weight if the kinetic energy component of the total energy is integrable against the same weight. The proof uses energy methods in an induction argument. Precise energy decay rates have recently been obtained using boundary velocity feedback. It is shown that the same decay rates hold for history value problems with conservative boundary conditions provided that an <i>a priori</i> knowledge of the decay rate of the kinetic energy term is assumed. In the second part, a simple linear thermo-viscoelastic system, namely, a viscoelastic wave equation coupled to a heat equation, is examined. Using Laplace transform methods, an integral representation formula for <i>W(x,s</i>), the transform of the displacement <i>w(x, t)</i>, is obtained. After analyzing the location of the zeros of the appropriate characteristic equation, an asymptotic expansion for the displacement <i>w(O,t)</i> is obtained which is valid for large <i>t</i> and the specific kernel <i>g(t) = g</i>(–) + δtη-1 [over]Î (η), 0 < η < 1. With this expansion it is shown that the coupled system tends to its equilibrium at a slower rate than that of the uncoupled system.
<p>Let A and B be n x n matrices the entries of which are affine combinations of the variables a_1,... ,a_m,b_1,. .. ,b_m over GF(2). Suppose that, for each i, 1&lt;= i &lt;= m, the term a_i b_i is an element of the product matrix C = A € B. What is the maximum value that <em> m </em> can have as a function of <em> n </em>? This question arises from a recent technique for improving the communication complexity of zero-knowledge proofs.</p><p>The obvious upper bound of n^2 is improved to n^2 sqrt[3] 3 + O(n). Tighter bounds are obtained for smaller values of n. The bounds for n = 2, n = 3, and n = 4 are tight.</p>
The aim of the paper is to conduct a research on an impact of blockchain technology platform on the financial sector through cryptocurrency, and an impact on other industries.. The subject of research is not only this technology but also its commercial exploitation. In order to understand the platform, the starting point of this research is an analysis of how the technology functions, after that the advantages for business and economic transaction are identified, and finally the paper deals with an impact of new technology on business, above all on financial operations. The basic hypothesis is that blockchain has achieved a great impact on financial sector, also it has the potential to radically change only the financial sector but also the way we buy and sell, our interaction with the authorities as a way of verifying the ownership from the authorship and the organic food production. Using the available data and synthesis of knowledge from the fields of technology, economics, finance, and politics, 4 scenarios were set up for the future of underlying technology. The scenario approach combined with trend analysis in order to prove the starting hypothesis with high reliability. The research results show that the technology being investigated already has a profound impact on the financial sector, that it is in the initial phase of changing many industries, with the likelihood that they will change them significantly in the next five to ten years. Businesses increasingly discover the power of this technology to exploit the benefits of the Fourth Technological Revolution.
Participatory development activities at local level in a sub-district located in the Central Plain of Thailand were studied employing the theoretical concept of the "linking loops" to analyze the related interactions among target group members and between the local level and superordinated organizations.The participatory development planning approach was first introduced in Thailand through her Fourth National Economic and Social Development Plan (1977-1981) as a strategy to apply the bottom-up concept.The qualitative, in-depth study covers nine projects at different stages of the planned development process alternatively covering the stages of initiation, implementation and completion. Despite the variety of projects involving different groups of the local population within the three case study villages in close vicinity, all these are set in the same socio-cultural context which allows direct comparison.Drawing on selected theoretical sociological explanations of the dimensions and determinants of people's participation, the conceptual and analytical framework is focussed on an actor-oriented approach using the theoretical concept of the "linking loops" to explicate the complex dynamics evolving in Thai rural society when engaged in local-level planning.By their mechanism of initiation, as explained in terms of the "linking loops" concept, three categories of projects are distinguished including village initiated projects (VIP) and government initiated projects (GIP) as well as projects initiated by villagers with a view to securing government support (V/GP). The comparison of hypothesis test results by project category leads to their classification as explanations of narrow range pertaining to one project category only, of medium range covering two out of the three categories, or of wide range rendering explanations valid for all three project categories.Six general hypotheses and their sub-hypotheses addressing as many stages of the project cycle are tested. The results of hypothesis testing vary by project category as summarized hereunder.VIP were effective owing to people's involvement in setting the project objectives, despite differences and conflicts; utilization of local knowledge in data collection and analysis; broad formal consensus on project design; active involvement in project approval; active involvement in implementation; and involvement in project evaluation through participatory monitoring and evaluation.V/GP differ substantially because the test results show that local-level projects initiated by villagers and obtaining resources from on-going government programmes were of limited effectiveness. The constraints include lack of people's involvement in the formulation of objectives, thus reinforcing dissent and conflict; differences in perception between local people and government agents with regard to data collection and analysis; lack of people's involvement and formal consensus on project design; lack of local interest in project approval due to complicated procedure followed by several government organizations involved; lack of people's participation in on- going project implementation due to changed circumstances and reassessment of the erstwhile situation; and lack of involvement in project evaluation, in the absence of participatory monitoring and evaluation.GIP implemented at local-level were found ineffective as a consequence of lack of local people's involvement in the specification of objectives and formulation of projects, aggravated by conflicting priorities among local people; differences in perception between local people and government agents regarding data collection and analysis; limited extent of people's participation in designing activities and weak consensus; lack of interest among local people not involved in project approval; discontinuation of people's participation in on-going implementation due to new perception after reassessment of the erstwhile situation, poor organizational set-up by the implementing agency, disagreement between local people and government agent, and conflict among local people; and lack of people's involvement in project evaluation, in the absence of participatory monitoring and evaluation.Overall, it is concluded that local-level plans are, indeed, of interest to local people. They tend to become ineffective, however, at any of the various stages of the planned development process, if people's participation is lacking in the formulation of project objectives, complicated by differing and conflicting objectives among local people; if differences in perception prevail between local people and government agents with regard to data collection and analysis; if deficiencies in project design are aggravated by the exclusion of local people from endorsing projects and procedure is complicated engaging several government organizations at the approval stage; if discontinuation of people's participation jeopardizes on-going implementation; and if project performance and outcome are assessed without participatory monitoring and evaluation.Recognizing certain existing deficiencies with a view to people's participation in the planned development process of local-level projects, policy recommendations are made focussing on suitability, design and intervention, taking into account local socio-economic, cultural and political factors. Moreover, the necessity of decentralization is stressed so as to strengthen people's participation in the planned development process. This means that wholesome delegation of responsibility in terms of decision-making power and budget allocation as well as finance control to the local level of development administration is essential to facilitate and foster participatory planning.
The final tensile fracture of any composite structure is primarily due to the failure of its constituents, namely fibers and matrix in the present case. To date, no experimental data exists, to the author’s knowledge, to define the behavior of constitutive fibers of a composite structure throughout its life span. The prime candidate for a fiber-based investigation is unidirectional zero-degree composite coupons. But unidirectional coupons do not demonstrate any significant loss of stiffness during fatigue cycling compared to other lay-ups. Even if stiffness degradation was significant, due to the nature of damage in this material system it would be impossible, practically, to monitor that change using conventional techniques (e.g. an extensometer) because the damage and failure process destroys the integrity of the contact between those devices and the material, under cyclic conditions. This investigation presents the findings of a fiber-based investigation of unidirectional composite material systems. In particular, a unidirectional graphite/epoxy system was studied, and the influence of applied load level on fiber fractures, and their influence on damage growth documented. A damage monitoring technique (patent pending) was developed to accurately record the state of damage in this material system without the usage of extensometers or strain gages. Following this method, two new damage norms were introduced, namely, “percent phase damage” and “percent gain damage”. Fiber fracture, strength degradation, and the life of unidirectional specimens were investigated and recorded as a function of various load levels. Fiber fracture, in general, showed no definitive growth pattern during fatigue cycling. It appears that the majority of the broken fibers that occur over nearly 90% of the life are due to the initial applied load cycle. This is one of the key findings of this investigation. “Proof testing” which is a common practice in industry for “verifying” the integrity of a structure, could very well be causing significant subsequent reductions in life. With these findings as a base, it is now possible to postulate the first well-founded mechanistic model of fiber-dominated fatigue degradation under tensile loading.
IntroductionThe challenge for land use management in the nineties is to initiate a people- centered development process which creates opportunities for local people to make their own choices about which development strategy to follow. This need is felt in particular for upland areas where government initiated blue- print programmes for land use management have a record of failure. The major reason is that these programmes are often not adjusted to cope with the complexity and diversity of the uplands. Land use management encompasses both short-term and longterm benefits and is confronted with rapid changes. The differing role of private, state and communal lands in combination with a complex system of control and utilization makes land use management difficult to fully understand. This study responds with the development of an alternative strategy for planning sustainable land use programmes at local level and has the following objectives:- to develop a strategic model for people-centered planning of sustainable land use programmes;- to develop a flexible planning method that can serve as land use management tool at local level;- to test the feasibility of the strategy for the uplands of East Java, Indonesia.Strategic modelThe two major principles of the strategic model are:- Programmes are planned and implemented through a learning process in a local and organizational dimension. The local dimension includes a learning process of planning, implementing and monitoring of small scale programmes. The planning process is short, but planned interventions are regularly adjusted based on new insights and changing conditions. In the organizational dimension the learning process proceeds through three different phases of trial, development and expansion. In this dimension, the government can learn how to manage the strategy of implementing local level planning and how to change attitudes, norms and organizational competence of organizations in order to do so. This dimension embraces local, regional and national governments.- Three major variables have to be considered in programme planning: land use system; interventions and organizations. Sustainable land use programmes are only possible if a good fit between these variables is achieved.In the strategic model these two principles are combined; a fit between the variables is achieved through a learning process. Because achieving a fit between the three variables is a complicated matter, it requires a phased approach which consists of the following three steps: a trial phase, a development phase and an expansion phase. In the trial phase, the focus is on achieving a fit between interventions and land use system in the local dimension. This is achieved through the implementation of trial cases in local level planning in which villagers, field workers of organizations and local leaders become acquainted with this new approach of planning sustainable land use programmes at a local level. In the development phase, attention is focused on achieving a fit between organizations and land use system. Through the development of human resources and extension processes the skills and attitudes of those involved may gradually change to become more people-oriented. In the expansion phase the focus is on achieving a fit between interventions and organization. In this phase the planning approach is accepted and applied at a national level. Changes in government structures and procedures, such as decentralization and strengthening of local leadership need to be achieved. By dividing the process into phases, the complex problems associated with planning sustainable land use become manageable, and step by step the ultimate goal of achieving a fit between all three variables can be reached.Planning methodIn order to reach an optimal fit between the three variables of the strategic model in the trial phase, a planning method should be applied to collect and analyse data that can be transformed into the design of effective programmes. No 'off-the-peg' planning method is available, instead a combination of existing approaches, methods and techniques is needed.Three development approaches can be distinguished to this end: planning of land use development; extension approaches and project management approaches. Generally speaking, each approach covers a different side of the strategic model. Land use development focuses on achieving a fit between interventions and land use system; extension processes can be used in achieving a fit between land use system and organizations; and the fit between interventions and organizations can be accomplished with the help of project management techniques.For planning land use development in the trial phase a number of current methods and techniques are discussed. These are Farming System Analysis, Land Evaluation, Agroecosystem Analysis, Landscape Planning, Rapid Rural Appraisal and Gender Analysis. The criteria set by the strategic model determine which aspects of these present planning methods and techniques are useful for the development of a new planning method. None of these methods and techniques as such are ideal as an operational planning method for realizing the first phase of the strategic model. A synthesis of all useful features into a new land use planning method is proposed.For the trial phase the focus is on planning land use development while opportunities to develop extension processes and to influence project management are limited. Therefore plans should basically be tailored to the existing competence of organizations. Within these limitations some attention can be paid to extension processes and management techniques by introducing an additional step to land use planning, called programming which includes the preparation of a detailed design and a programme planning matrix.Planning environment on JavaThe environment for the planning of land use development programmes is diverse and complex in the uplands of East Java. Farmers react to the wide diversity in the land use system by developing a large number of different land use strategies. By contrast, government organizations use standardized programmes with uniform and mostly inflexible procedures for planning and implementation. Village development planning procedures exist, but do not yet function properly. Local organizations responsible for village development planning do not yet possess the skills and capability to develop such plans, and centrally organized sectoral agencies still dominate this 'bottom-up' planning process. The dominance of the central government can be explained by the incorporation of a number of socio-cultural features in their policy, such as the principles of 'sole authority', consensus, and harmony. The government uses these principles to encapsulate autonomous local organizations in the government administration, orienting the local leaders more to government rules and procedures than to the needs of the local population.This orientation towards government administration has two major implications for the current planning of interventions. Firstly, the interventions are adjusted to the competence of implementing organizations rather than letting the organizations develop their competence to implement the tasks of locally planned interventions. Secondly little more than lip-service is paid to the participation of villagers in planning.Notwithstanding these shortcomings in the present village development planning process, official government policy has some room for improvement. This may allow for a more balanced planning process new approach.Secondly, constraints which can be expected while applying the model on Java are described. The feasibility of the trial phase of the strategy is evaluated based on experiences with implementing the trial cases on Java. In this evaluation the question is raised as to what extent the results of local level planning on Java can respond to the research objectives as formulated at the start of this study. No experience has been gained as yet with implementing the development and expansion phase. One programme that provides some valuable lessons for the feasibility of the phased learning process of the strategic model is the Java Social Forestry Programme (JSFP). This programme has followed a comparable phasing strategy and has already reached the expansion phase.Conclusions and policy recommendationsThis evaluation results in a number of conclusions on conditions to be fulfilled for successful implementation of the strategy. To sum up:- although the strategy is aimed at the local level, it cannot be realized at local level only as it requires involvement of regional and national government organizations to deal with changing communication processes and organizational structure;- objectives in village development planning should be set realistically in the knowledge that short term results will always dominate long term benefits, tangible results will get higher priority than social changes, while top-down influences from sectoral agencies will prevail;- in addressing the organizational dimension a choice should be made between following an approach of 'decentralized trial cases' versus 'centrally guided bottom-up process'. Whichever strategy is chosen it needs careful management to avoid difficulties in institutionalization or a too rapid expansion respectively;- it is necessary for the government to be shown better results in terms of sustainable land use development programmes at local level implemented by highly committed villagers. Only then may they be motivated to accept such a participatory approach at the cost of losing some power or consensus;- implementing a participatory planning process is an initially slow process, to which government agencies need to be committed.These conditions are translated into a number of policy recommendations for donor agencies and governments pertaining to: long-term and continuous com
We look at the question of how powerful a prover must be to give a zero-knowledge proof.We present the first unconditional bounds on the complexity of a statistical ZK prover.The result is that if a language possesses a statistical zero-knowledge then it also possesses a statistical zero-knowledge proof in which the prover runs in probabilistic, polynomial time with an NP oracle.Previously this was only known given the existence of one-way permutations. Extendingthese techniques to protocols of knowledge complexity k(n) >0, we derive bounds on the time complexity of languages of "small" knowledge complexity.Underlying these results is a technique for efficiently generating an "almost" random element of a set S E P.Namely, we construct a probabilistic machine with an NP oracle which, on input 1" and 6 > 0 runs in time polynomial in n and lg 6-1, and outputs a random string from a distribution within distance 6 of the uniform distribution on S n {O, l}~.
In this note, we present new zero-knowledge interactive proofs and arguments for languages in NP. To show that x ε L, with an error probability of at most 2-k, our zero-knowledge proof system requires O(|x|c1)+O(lgc2|x|)k ideal bit commitments, where c1 and c2 depend only on L. This construction is the first in the ideal bit commitment model that achieves large values of k more efficiently than by running k independent iterations of the base interactive proof system. Under suitable complexity assumptions, we exhibit zero knowledge arguments that require O(lgc|x|kl bits of communication, where c depends only on L, and l is the security parameter for the prover. This is the first construction in which the total amount of communication can be less than that needed to transmit the NP witness. Our protocols are based on efficiently checkable proofs for NP[4].
To measure subnational governments, only external money flows are counted, excluding intra-level transactions in measuring a level of government and all intergovernmental transactions in measuring general government. Control, finance, and administration should be distinguished in measuring centralization and each level’s share of general government, administered expenditures being net of grants given to other governments and financed expenditures net of grants received. Disparate decentralization of finance, control, and administration brings vertical imbalance, measured by the portion of a government’s expenditures not covered by its own resources and by the ratio of intergovernmental grants to total government expenditures.