Blockchain Papers

A. J. Penny

Part of the SETI Institute's 42-telescope Allen Telescope Array (ATA) in California. (SETI Institute) Part of the SETI Institute's 42-telescope Allen Telescope Array (ATA) in California. (SETI Institute) The first Search for Extra—Terrestrial Intelligence (SETI) project of the modern era was done by Frank Drake in the spring of 1960, using the Green Bank 26 m telescope. He was looking for narrow—band radio emission from two nearby stars, t Ceti and ε Eri, over a frequency range of 400 kHz near the H i line. Since then there have been six major and many minor searches, made both on specific targets and also over the entire sky. The searches have extended to the optical and infrared, and to search for artefacts in the solar system and beyond. There have also been more than a thousand papers in the scientific press. The searches have all come up negative. What does this mean? Can future searches extend in a significant way the present area of the “ETI phase space” that has been searched for the existence of extraterrestrial intelligences (ETIs)? This article will briefly describe some of the component parts of SETI and put forward the case that SETI does indeed have an exciting future. SETI has two main aims. There is the expanding exploration of that phase space, always with the possibility of “contact” and the leap forward in our understanding of life in the universe and in many other fields of science and culture that would result. But SETI also addresses the future of humankind, looking for other civilizations that have trodden this path before us. If we find them, then we will know there is a possible way forward. If a particular SETI search comes up with a negative result, then we know that our future may not include the path that that search would have revealed. SETI activity has other components. It involves studies of: how evolution leads from the origin of life to intelligence; the rise and nature of technological civilizations; the problems of communications with fundamentally different entities; the possibilities of interstellar travel. It provides a logical extension to the growing field of astrobiology. Like all high—tech work, it has spin—offs, such as the Berkeley BOINC system of grid computing, originally designed to deal with the flood of SETI data from the Arecibo telescope with the SETI@home project, and which is now used in many fields, including medicine, molecular biology and climatology. And SETI provides a powerful forum for engaging with the public on the nature of scientific studies, using a subject in which the public is already interested. We know very little for sure. We know from our own example that technological civilizations can arise and persist for thousands of years, and send both “leakage” and deliberate radio and optical signals of their existence out to the galaxy. We know that our civilization arose in the last 10% of the age of the Earth before the increase in the Sun's output will render the surface of the Earth uninhabitable. We know that no ETI has left evidence of its existence in any of the searches that have been made, on the Earth, in the solar system, or further afield. Our existence means that other civilizations could exist, but gives no indication of their probability. Our recent knowledge of extraterrestrial planets suggests that Earths hospitable to life are common. However, since we do not know how life started, we do not know if life is common, rare, or if the Earth is the single case. Within the next decades the study of the atmospheres of Earth—like planets may resolve this point. However, we next do not know the probability that once life has started whether it then evolves to a technological civilization. We cannot say that evolution is bound to produce intelligence, and we are unable to predict the nature of other technological civilizations, or how long such civilizations exist. Civilizations thousands, millions, or billions of years older than ours could be of a very different nature to our own. However, the late arrival of intelligence on Earth is most compatible with an average time for the arrival of intelligence being much longer than the lifetime of stars, and thus with us being alone. But this is only a probabilistic pointer, not a proof. The view shows the first LOFAR station to be built in the UK at STFC's Chilbolton Observatory, with the Low Band Array in the foreground. Unlike conventional radio telescopes, there are no moving parts, but steering of the telescope is done in software. When completed, LOFAR will consist of more than 5000 separate antennas spread in ‘stations’ all over Europe. The project is based in the Netherlands where the core of the array is located. (STFC/SEPnet) The view shows the first LOFAR station to be built in the UK at STFC's Chilbolton Observatory, with the Low Band Array in the foreground. Unlike conventional radio telescopes, there are no moving parts, but steering of the telescope is done in software. When completed, LOFAR will consist of more than 5000 separate antennas spread in ‘stations’ all over Europe. The project is based in the Netherlands where the core of the array is located. (STFC/SEPnet) The lack of evidence of ETI is known as the Fermi Paradox. Once a civilization gets to our stage, it would only be a short time before it could build Von Neuman probes — autonomous self—replicating space probes — whereby every planet in our galaxy could be visited within a few tens of millions of years. The simplest explanation for the fact that we do not see such probes here, and that none of our searches have found signs of ETI, is that we are alone. However, there is no lack of credible alternative explanations of how the existence and even widespread existence of ETI would be compatible with the negative search results. These searches have as yet only explored a very small fraction of ETI phase space. So although there is some indication that we are alone, all we can presently say is that it is possible that ETI is out there, but we cannot with any degree of certainty predict how often ETI arises, or what their natures or lifetimes would be. The most common way of looking for ETI is to look for narrow—band radio emission. Our civilization emits such radiation from the 1 Hz wide carrier beam of analogue TV stations through to the kilohertz wide emissions of such things as airport radars. ETI may also emit such leakage radiation, although present searches are only sensitive to much more powerful radiation than we presently emit. Narrow—band radio waves are also the cheapest and most efficient method of interstellar communication that we know of, and so may be ETIs' way of communication, and even of signalling their existence to us (“beacons”). The narrow—band signature can also be distinguished from natural sources, even rare natural narrow—band ones such as masers. The Harvard and Argentinian searches with 26 m telescopes covered the entire sky, and the Arecibo “piggy—back” survey covered some 25% of the sky. But these have integration times of only a minute or so. The SETI Institute among others has done many longer integrations on individual targets such as nearby stars. Searches have become more powerful as receivers, electronics and data handling and analysis software improve, as for example in the billion 1 Hz spectral resolution channels of the 42—telescope Allen Telescope Array (ATA). The most recent surveys are now a trillion times more capable than Drake's 1960 observations. Following the recent development of high—powered lasers, which in theory could be matched with telescopes to outshine the Sun in nanosecond pulses, searches have started to look for such ETI signals in the optical. Pointed observations at Berkeley and Lick and an all—sky survey at Harvard are now looking for such nanosecond pulses. Again these are distinguishable from natural sources. If an ETI were using one of our most powerful lasers and a 10 m telescope, these searches would pick them up from hundreds of light—years away. More exotic radiation sources, such as the neutrinos from supernova SN1987A, are also investigated for signs of an artificial nature. The most famous such search was in 1967 when the Cambridge pulsar discovery team checked that the pulses had no sign of orbital motion. Different searches have different aims, usually based on some sort of premise of the nature of ETIs. The most obvious choice is of nearby long—lived stars, where ETIs on planets have had time to evolve. Such searches range from Drake's observation of two such stars in 1960, to the million stars planned for ATA. Since stars can differ in ages by billions of years, and ETIs take an unknown time to emerge, a search of a million stars gives a chance of picking up an ETI radiating for a thousand years, which may be a reasonable estimate of the time until an ETI changes into a fundamentally different mode. Then there are the all—sky surveys and surveys of areas of the sky, such as the galactic centre, where no presumption is made of where ETI is — on or off planets, near or far. These necessarily have shorter integrations per pointing, so are sensitive to rarer but brighter sources. The extreme of this is surveys of other galaxies, looking for extremely bright sources, but sources so rare that there is not one in our own Milky Way. There are also specialized searches. A recent proposal is for a search on the ecliptic plane, where an ETI would have been aware for a long time, using the radial velocity and transit planet detection methods, that there is an Earth in orbit around the Sun. Perhaps this would prompt them to signal to us. Searches have also been done looking for artefacts of an ETI civilization. The most famous of these are Dyson spheres, where an ETI surrounds a star with solar panels, probably on many discrete mounts, to tap a significant fraction of the star's energy. The outsides of these panels will be cool, shining in the infrared. Each new infrared catalogue that comes out is scanned for objects of strange non—natural looking colours. There have been searches for strange colours in the asteroid belt objects which might indicate an artificial nature, and for objects in the unstable Earth—Moon L4 and L5 Lagrangian points. There are notoriously many “sightings” of UFOs, which all have either been explained or have not contained enough information to determine their natures. The most interesting ongoing scientific investigation is the Norwegian Hessdalen Valley Project where there have been repeated sightings. The main limit on these searches is funding. There are almost no public funds. Very little sustained work is done outside the US, and within the US the main work is done through private funding and the efforts of determined individuals at Berkeley and Harvard. The SETI Institute, which grew out of the NASA work of the 1970s and 80s, is privately funded and the Berkeley and Harvard projects are done from within radio astronomy and electronics groups with university funding and private support. Outside radio and optical searches there is almost no concerted academic work on the other areas of ETI phase space such as solar system searches or catalogue analysis. Theoretical work depends on the intermittent interest of individuals. There is a lack of resources to fund fresh blood. Over the past 50 years there have been hundreds of papers describing the capabilities of searches and suggesting new methods. There have been as many speculating about the existence, origins, lifetimes and natures of ETIs, about composing and decoding messages, the prospects for interstellar travel and many allied matters. There has been much cross—fertilization with other fields including biology, philosophy, spaceship propulsion, linguistics and planetary science. Is intelligence a convergent property, etc? Some pointers to this extensive body of literature are given in the “Further reading”. An important field for SETI is the evolution of intelligence. Once life is started, does it then always evolve to intelligence? Intelligence seems such a useful attribute that evolution would home in on it, but for two billion years bacteria reigned alone. Since then there have been millions of species on Earth, out of which only one, us, has evolved advanced technology. Were we inevitable? Is evolution convergent? And then there is the “Man from Mars” problem, as it is known in linguistic studies. Can there be ways of communication that are so fundamentally different from our own that the message may be incomprehensible? Concepts such as “signs” and “signifiers” may not be present. How would a communication system based on smells be coded into a radio message? A standing controversy is whether it is dangerous to send out signals. In fact any advanced ETI would probably know about us already from our various radio emissions of the past six decades, or from visible signs such as the existence of our cities over the past four thousand years. And because we do not know about the nature of any ETI, a signal might either provoke or forestall an attack by any ill—intentioned ETI. So there is no reason not to transmit. But in any case there is probably presently little point, as signalling for thousands of years would be needed to give the class of ETIs not much more advanced than us a reasonable chance to pick us up. (Only such ETIs would not necessarily know all about us already.) In studying the future of humankind, we already know that certain classes of ETI, those that our searches would have picked up, are not common. How much does that tell us about the long—term evolution of civilizations like our own? Will we become a civilization that SETI searches could detect? Will we survive the bottlenecks of the near future: global warming, nuclear war, biological terrorism, grey goo, a catastrophic meteorite strike, the rise of the machines? In the more distant future, will we establish self—sustaining colonies off the Earth that will lessen our vulnerability? In the very distant future, will we become a race that can persist for a million or a billion years? SETI provides an avenue, the only observational avenue presently available to us, for exploring these puzzling questions. An example of how SETI thinks about our own future is the “Great Filter”. Taking from the Fermi Paradox that advanced ETIs are not common, Hanson (1998) pointed out that in the progress from star formation to such ETIs there must be a limiting pinch point. If this is behind us, then we are one of the extremely rare cases to have got this far, and our future prospects are not limited. But if it is in front of us, then we will very probably be extinguished. Paradoxically, discovery of ETIs like us, but not too advanced, would be bad news, as then it must be easy to get as far as us, and the Great Filter must be in front, and quite close. If we detect an ETI, what would happen next? First of all, there is the getting out of the news, and present SETI searchers subscribe to the International Academy of Astronautics SETI Permanent Study Group's “Post—detection Protocol”, which basically says “be sure, have it confirmed, and then spread the news widely”. No signal should be sent back until international agreement has been reached. In practice, the experience of search groups is that, when investigating ambiguous signals, the news can leak out in an uncontrollable way. What happens next would depend on the origin and nature of the signal. A solar system detection would have its own possibilities and problems. The result of a radio or optical detection of a distant source would depend on its nature. A continuous narrow—band signal which simply says “I am artificial” would revolutionize the scientific field and trigger funds for a great search for more details. Does it show signs of orbital motion? Is it associated with a star? It would also trigger public and philosophical interest. It is generally thought that the public would be intensely interested, but would not overreact. However, if there were to be some sort of code seen in the signal, then as well as the scientifically fascinating cryptological and linguistic tasks of finding out what the message is, the public interest would be overwhelming. Coming from an advanced civilization, does the message tell us how to behave, explain about religions, contain a cure for cancer? Is there some sort of danger in the message? If we respond, how do we have a conversation that may involve time lags of centuries? Astronomers would be interacting with the community in ways that are difficult to envision. Given the negative results so far, is it worth going on? We do not know what ETIs are like, so we cannot say how large the phase space of possible ETIs is and thus we neither know if we are looking in the best way nor what our chances of success are. Many SETI searchers remain optimistic. The quotation from Cocconi and Morrison's 1959 foundational paper that “The probability of success is difficult to estimate; but if we never search, the chance of success is zero” has many supporters. However, without knowing the nature of ETIs we cannot estimate by how much we improve our chances by any particular SETI search. Within the next decade we should be able to rule out (or discover) leakage radiation similar to our own from nearby habitable Earths — but the chance of hitting the perhaps thousand—year window for such radiation for a planet millions or billions older or younger than us must be very small. The author's personal opinion is that although we cannot know what our chances are it would be a failure of nerve not to go on looking, as long as each new search does cover significant new phase space at a reasonably modest cost. Planned radio searches will get more powerful, from the privately funded ATA array partly dedicated to SETI searches, to the use of new telescopes such as the European LOw Frequency ARray (LOFAR), for which the author is PI on a SETI Pilot Programme, and the South African 64—dish MeerKAT array, which has recently announced that it wishes to “explore further the potential for SETI”. And there is the giant Square Kilometre Array on which funding are to advanced receivers, electronics and software we are for giant forward. A major present is in the electronics and and so an in with and telescope that to and all—sky with in the other of searches, such as the optical new solar system searches of new and into the next decade is with possibilities to extend the ETI phase space we are by the almost lack of public funding. When to the public about SETI and tell them that almost none of their astronomy to SETI are that such an interesting field is being If the panels of the astronomy funding were to to fund SETI at a of one of one of their SETI would be and much more powerful and searches could be would be an thought for us all — that we were the search and in this into the unknown the race is looking

Benedictus Raksaka Mahi

Decentralization policy in Indonesia has given an increase of authority to local government in managing their own local finance. One of the characteristics of the decentralization policy is to increase local taxing power, with the objective to optimize local own revenue in supporting local spending. Given the current data observation, it is obvious that many local governments do not have significant local own revenue to support their local spending. This paper-adopting tax elasticity method-attempts to evaluate the present local own revenue optimization. Furthermore, by adopting a decomposition of tax elasticity, this paper also attempts to elaborate factors affecting local own revenue collection. The estimated local own revenue elasticity show that most taxes and user charges, which are the main sources of local own revenue, are considered not a buoyant tax. More analysis using a decomposition of tax elasticity shows that tax to base elasticity is weak, suggesting that local governments need to improve discreationary tax changes at local level, such as local base changes, collection changes, and enforcement changes. The analysis also shows that some local tax bases are not responsive to the economic growth, which leads to the recommendation to improve local business environment, such as streamlining local regulations and reducing harmfull local taxes and user charges. Keywords: local finance, local government owned revenue, fiscal decentralization, local tax elasticity, local tax base, nuisance local taxes, local economic growth

Song‐Ping Zhu

No abstract is available for this record.

Jacob M. Feldman

No abstract is available for this record.

Franca Dumitru

Financial decentralization, along with financial globalization, are currently two of the phenomena that concern professionals involved in reforming the local government finance and accounting systems, that are trying hard to become a language of communication for those interested in knowing the position and financial performance of local communities in Romania, as well as internationally. To meet the need of informing the taxpayers interested in knowing the methods of incorporation and usage of resources, of training financial creditors in administering their capacity for repaying any loans, as well as all the interest parties (including central government), local communities have turned to instruments they have at hand: budget and accounting.

M Thirunavukarasu

INTRODUCTION We, the generation living in the early years of the 21st century, occupy a special position in human history, in that we have witnessed unprecedented and unparalleled growth in the understanding and knowledge about the world around us and life on this planet. While we bask in that glory, let us not forget that there are some important and large questions that remain embarrassingly unanswered. The most conspicuous of those questions is one that is central to the field of psychiatry - “What is the mind?” Nevertheless, psychiatrists have brazenly avoided or ignored this question due to a learned lack of enthusiasm, given the historical inability to achieve a consensus about anything pertaining to the mind. Not to mention the inevitable criticism and/or possible ostracism that relentlessly pursues anyone who takes a stand on this controversial issue. Psychiatrists did not just want to open that can of worms! We simply hoped that if we managed to keep the can closed, the worms would suffocate and die and we would never have to face that uncomfortable question again. We believed that just like we managed to evade the exact definition of mental illness, we would be similarly successful in evading the definition of the mind. However, in the last several decades, human life has transformed so much that we are now faced with a relatively new concept - mental health, which too remains to be defined. The list keeps growing and our silence has been deafening. While our understanding of the human brain, human behaviour, and neurosciences has grown exponentially, the task of describing or defining the mind has also become increasingly difficult. Our wilful indifference or tactical retreat from confronting these tough questions is not helping us, one bit. Increasingly, we are educating ourselves with an explanation that any definition of mind or mental health is not even a possibility, let alone plausibility. Let me highlight the importance of this issue by discussing the well-known, controversial, yet insightful Rosenhan experiment. THE ROSENHAN EXPERIMENT In 1973, American psychologist David L. Rosenhan published the findings of his controversial study, ‘On being sane in insane places’ in the journal Science, stirring up a lot of reactions and criticisms among the psychiatric community.[1] It was a two-part experiment exploring the consistency and validity of traditional methods of psychiatric diagnoses. For the first experiment, Rosenhan arranged a group of 8 normal individuals called ‘pseudopatients’ who were known to have no psychological or psychiatric pathology. They included a psychology graduate student, 3 psychologists, a pediatrician, a psychiatrist, a painter and a housewife. Three of them were women and five of them men. Rosenhan was one among them. These pseudopatients appeared at 12 different psychiatric hospitals (11 university or state hospitals and 1 private hospital), reporting a false complaint of repeatedly hearing something such as “thud”, or “hollow” or “empty” and gaining secret admission. They used pseudonyms (false names) to feign their real identity. However, other than this fabricated complaint of auditory hallucination, no other and as would Rosenhan this experiment to if psychiatrists the pseudopatients with one fabricated as these were with the one who appeared at the private who was with of them were with and and at and to the study, these pseudopatients of the complaint admission. 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Emília Balážová

This contribution is aimed at comparing fiscal autonomy of self-governing units after fiscal decentralization in the Slovak republic. Evaluated and compared are budgets of selected Slovakian towns with the accent on the budget incomes creation. The contribution evaluates the level of self-financing as the share of own incomes to current expenditure, and also the level of self-sufficiency as the share of own incomes (including local taxes and fees) to total incomes.

Pairat Thorncharoensri

In this thesis, we provide contributions to signature schemes and identi cation schemes in four di erent ways.\nFirst, we make contributions to universal designated veri er signatures. We propose the notion of a one-time universal designated veri er signature such that the number of veri ers verifying the signature is controlled by the signer. We also propose the notion of a universal designated veri er signature with threshold-signers such that the privacy and anonymity of the signer can be achieved.\nSecond, we propose a new notion called "policy-controlled signatures". In this notion, a policy-controlled signature can be veri ed by a veri er that satis es a policy assigned by a signer. We provide two extensions to this notion, which are "universal policy-controlled signatures" and "multi-level controlled signatures". Universal policy-controlled signatures allow a party called "a policy signer" to apply a policy on a signature on a particular message such that only a veri er that satis es this policy can verify this policy-controlled signature. In practice, some policies can be simply represented by a level of the security, for example, "POLICY= more than the fth level of security". From the above idea, a de nition of multi-level controlled signatures is introduced. It allows a signer to eliminate the unnecessary chain of attributes in the policy and simply assign the level of security as a policy instead. Hence, the size of the policy remains constant.\nNext, a new notion called "fair multi-signatures" is proposed. A multi-signature allows a group of parties to engage in an interactive protocol in order to generate a joint signature on an agreement. If all the signers follow the protocol honestly, then a multi-signature is generated and distributed fairly. However, if a dishonest signer refuses to complete his part in the protocol, but he has already obtained the other parties' contributions, then the honest signers cannot obtain a multi-signature and yet the dishonest signer can generate a multi-signature. Our notion of fair multisignatures ensures that if the protocol is completed, then every signer involved in the signing protocol can output a multi-signature. Meanwhile, if the protocol is not completed, then none of the signers involved in the signing protocol can output a multi-signature.\nFinally, in modern communications, the public becomes aware of privacy issues. Some identi cation systems provide privacy for users, especially those that are based on zero knowledge proof. However, a malicious user may take advantage of privacy to deny his malicious acts. Hence, we propose a new notion called "escrowed deniable identi cation schemes". In this notion, a trusted party is introduced to act as a transaction opener such that it can generate evidence of the conversation from the deniable transcript generated during the interaction between a prover and a veri er. In an identi cation scheme, the major concern about security is impersonation. The strongest type of attack against identi cation schemes is the reset attack. In this thesis, we provide an identity-based identi cation scheme secure against reset attack. We also provide proof of our scheme which is secure against reset attack in the standard model.

Veronica Herrera

The dissertation examines the political challenges of public utility reform through the analysis of urban water and sanitation services in Mexico. Decentralization of services to municipal governments was coupled with promotion of "market-based" policies in the 1980s and 1990s. However, the unpopularity of these policies provided political obstacles for mayors now charged with reforming the sector because many consumers were not accustomed to paying for water services. These policies--increased water prices, rigorous fee collection practices, and service suspension for non-payment--were political costs felt in the short-term, whereas the benefits of reform were long-term service improvements in water quality and quantity, reduced environmental pollution, and increased economic and social development. This problem of time inconsistency is a challenge even for pro-reform mayors because mayors in Mexico have a narrow window of time within which to enact policy. Mayoral administrations are three years long with no immediate re-election, and bureaucratic administrators follow the electoral cycle, which further exacerbates the challenge of long-term policymaking.Based on a comparative analysis of nine Mexican municipalities, I argue that mayors whose constituent base is primarily composed of middle and upper income consumers and business are more likely to reform because these groups are more able to pay short-term costs for long-term service improvements than the urban poor. With the support of a pro-reform mayor, reform is likely under two conditions: a) the presence of a water intensive industry and b) institutional support from the state government. Water intensive industry prioritizes improvement in service delivery, calculates costs based on the long run, and, further, has long-term financial and professional ties in the community. Water intensive industry is well positioned to support the policy process over time by participating in the leadership of the water utility board of directors. Also, water intensive industry can help offset the costs of reform because it pays more per cubic meter through a block tariff pricing scheme, a policy that subsidizes domestic consumers and helps to finance the reform agenda. Therefore, water intensive industry can lengthen the political problems of imposing costs in the short-term for mayors, lowering the costs to consumers before the long-term benefits of service improvements appear. Finally, state governments can provide legal, fiscal and technical resources that can help shorten the learning curve of incoming mayoral administrations. As such, state government can shorten the long-term planning of the reform process to make it more consistent with the shorter electoral cycle found at the municipal level. This research advances debates on policy adoption and implementation, highlighting the importance of political-business coalitional support as well as the role of inter-tier relations in maintaining policies over time.

Krisztián Kis, Koteles Rita Szekeresne, Kiss, Krisztian, Szekeresne, Koteles Rita

A tanulmányban kérdőíves felmérésünk eredményeire támaszkodva bemutatjuk a 2007-ben megalakult LEADER HACS-ok fontosabb működési jellemzőit. Országos felmérésünkből kiderül, hogy nincsen hagyománya, gyakorlata a fejlesztésekben való együttműködésnek, holott a helyi program végrehajtása nagymértékben múlik a helyi társadalom felkészültségén, az emberek és szervezetek együttműködésén. A HACS-ok által lefedett térségek fejlődését több vonatkozásban a humán erőforrások, a vidéki emberek és közösségeik (az ún. szoft tényezők) hiányosságai gátolják, következésképpen sürgető a humán erőforrások fejlesztése is. A HACS-ok feladatuknak a támogatási források odaítélését tartják, ami fontos, de korántsem elégséges ahhoz, hogy a tőlük elvárt, a helyi vidékfejlesztési stratégiák végrehajtásában betöltendő katalizátor szerepüket ellássák. Ehhez elengedhetetlen az akciócsoportok társadalomszervező szerepvállalása, a helyi közösségek cselekvőképessége érdekében. A szubszidiaritással összhangban a vidékfejlesztést a helyi közösségek által irányítottan szükséges eldönteni és megvalósítani. A felmérés szerint a HACS-ok erős kormányzati befolyás és kontroll mellett decentralizáltan, de a szubszidiaritás híján működnek. A jelenlegi struktúrában a HACS-ok – az ellátott feladatokkal kapcsolatban felmerülő működési kiadásainak – finanszírozása nemzeti és uniós forrásokból történik, az elszámolható kiadások 100%-ának mértékéig. Az elszámolás adminisztrációja jelentős terhet ró a HACS-okra. Ahhoz, hogy az akciócsoportok betölthessék valós, helyi fejlődést katalizáló szerepüket, fel kell ismerniük küldetésüket, szabályozási és finanszírozási oldalról pedig segíteni szükséges, hogy a tőlük elvárt feladatokat ellássák. ---------------------------- Based on the results of our questionnaire survey, our study presents the major operational features of LEADER LAGs established in Hungary in 2007. Our national survey revealed that there were no traditions or practices for development cooperation, while the successful local implementation of the programme depends to a great extent on the level of preparation of the local society and on the cooperation of local people and organisations. The development of areas covered by LAGs is hindered by insufficiencies in human resources, of rural people and communities (the so-called soft factors). This makes the development of human resources an urgent task. LAGs consider their principal task to be the securing of grant funds. This is obviously necessary, but far from sufficient to fulfil their role as a catalyst in the implementation of local rural development strategies. For this purpose, it is essential for action groups to play a proactive role in organizing and thereby increase the capacity of local communities. In accordance with the basic principle of subsidiarity, rural development should be implemented locally, managed by local communities, and decisions should be made at local levels. The survey points out that LAGs operate under strong government influence and control, in a decentralized manner but without subsidiarity. In the present structure, the activities of LAGs are predominantly financed from central (national and EU) resources, covering 100 per cent of the eligible costs. Cost accounting is a significant administrative burden for LAGs. In order for action groups to fulfil their real roles to boost local development, they need to recognize their mission; also, from the financing and regulatory side, they must be given support in completing the tasks expected from them.

Víctor Becerril Montekio, Guadalupe Medina, Rosana Aquino

En este trabajo se describe el sistema de salud de Brasil, que está compuesto por un sector público que cubre alrededor de 75% de la población y un creciente sector privado que ofrece atención a la salud al restante 25% de los brasileños. El sector público está constituido por el Sistema Único de Salud (SUS) y su financiamiento proviene de impuestos generales y contribuciones sociales recaudadas por los tres niveles de gobierno (federal, estatal y municipal). El SUS presta servicios de manera descentralizada a través de sus redes de clínicas, hospitales y otro tipo de instalaciones, y a través de contratos con establecimientos privados. El SUS es además responsable de la coordinación del sector público. El sector privado está conformado por un sistema de esquemas de aseguramiento conocido como Salud Suplementaria financiado con recursos de las empresas y/o las familias: la medicina de grupo (empresas y familias), las cooperativas médicas, los llamados Planes Autoadministrados (empresas) y los planes de seguros de salud individuales. También existen consultorios, hospitales, clínicas y laboratorios privados que funcionan sobre la base de pagos de bolsillo, que utilizan sobre todo la población de mayores ingresos. En este trabajo se analizan los recursos con los que cuenta el sistema, las actividades de rectoría que se desarrollan y las innovaciones más recientemente implantadas, incluyendo el Programa de Salud de la Familia y el Programa Más Salud.<br>This paper describes the Brazilian health system, which includes a public sector covering almost 75% of the population and an expanding private sector offering health services to the rest of the population. The public sector is organized around the Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) and it is financed with general taxes and social contributions collected by the three levels of government (federal, state and municipal). SUS provides health care through a decentralized network of clinics, hospitals and other establishments, as well as through contracts with private providers. SUS is also responsible for the coordination of the public sector. The private sector includes a system of insurance schemes known as Supplementary Health which is financed by employers and/or households: group medicine (companies and households), medical cooperatives, the so called Self-Administered Plans (companies) and individual insurance plans.The private sector also includes clinics, hospitals and laboratories offering services on out-of-pocket basis mostly used by the high-income population. This paper also describes the resources of the system, the stewardship activities developed by the Ministry of Health and other actors, and the most recent policy innovations implemented in Brazil, including the programs saúde da Familia and Mais Saúde.

Stéphanie Serve

No abstract is available for this record.

G Sepúlveda

This thesis will take issue with Citibank's purchase of Banamex and its art collection in 2001 as a point of departure to discuss how legislation on national patrimony is changing as Mexico opens up the cultural sector to foreign and private ownership. I will contextualize this change through a review of Banamex and Televisa involvement in the cultural field since the late 1960s. I will also examine how the adoption of neoliberal economic measures has encouraged the participation of the private sector and the shift from a state funding system towards a model of transnational corporate philanthropy. In this context, I will argue that the emergence of corporate philanthropy in Mexico is a direct result of the re-distribution of finance capital that accompanied Mexico's neoliberal turn. For most part of the twentieth century, the Mexican state was the sole sponsor and manager of cultural matters. This funding system began to change in the late 1960s when private citizens and corporations began to invest more openly in the arts as the one-party-rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) began to decline. In the late 1990s as Mexico integrated to the global economy, a need to update this form of management became urgent. Encouraged by the possibility to democratize and decentralize the state's funding system, new state cultural apparatuses that promoted private intervention were established. However, within the framework of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), these newly formed state institutions did not legislate in favor of protectionist measures in the cultural field and rather opted to continue espousing a nationalist rhetoric (without a legal backing) while opening up the sponsoring and ownership of culture and national patrimony to an increasingly transnational private sector. This situation gave rise to debates about the privatization of culture, the inefficient legislation in cultural patrimony, and most importantly, the new role that the state should adopt in handling cultural matters as Mexico's political environment moved towards a democracy aligned to neoliberal economics. I will address how Banamex and Televisa, two of the first corporations to invest in culture and develop cultural foundations, became protagonists in these debates.

Attila György, Adina Cristina György

In the last years we witnessed the continuous growth of local public resources, while public authorities from territorial-administrative units diversified their structures in order to achieve all the tasks that have been transferred. As a result, the position of subordinated public institutions was strengthened by increasing their number and volume of resources developed by them. In this paper we propose to highlight the features of the financial management of public funds by public institutions of local subordination in the context of decentralization in Romania.

Carmen Maria Lăcătuş, Ioana Duca, Florin Văduva

This paper is studying the degree of financial independence and decision of local authorities, in a number of transition countries in South-Eastern Europe. Our research identified the strengths and weaknesses of public finance reform, for each country, followed by a classification of decentralization in the analyzed area.

Jorge Gutiérrez Goiria, Unai Villena, Eduardo Malagón Zaldúa

No abstract is available for this record.

Jorge Martínez-Vázquez, Paul Smoke

Published as: Jorge Martinez and Paul Smoke. Conclusion in <em>Local Government Finance: The Challenges of the 21st Century. </em>United Cities and Local Governments' Second Global Report on Decentralization and Local Democracy, Barcelona 2010.Edward Elgar, 2011. (c) United Cities and Local Governments. Published by <a href="http://www.e-elgar.co.uk/">Edward Elgar</a>. Posted with the permission of the publisher for personal use only.

Tatiana Moșteanu, Carmen Maria Lăcătuş, Mirela Anca Postole

This paper work aims to identify the issues of Romanian local public decentralization, recommending measures to streamline the public finance circuit. The reorganization of the public government in three levels, the growth of the financial independence of local authorities and public administration’s decisions’ transparency next to a better information of citizens, coupled with their empowerment and involvement in public affairs, all these represents key points for the discharge of decentralization of public finances: to increase social welfare.

Daniel Cohn

No abstract is available for this record.

Десислава Стоилова

This chapter is intended to examine the influence of the current worldwide financial and economic crisis on local government finance in Bulgaria and identify the answers from central and local governments to the critical situation in the context of specific conditions of the national economy and the stage of financial decentralization reform. It contains three sections. Section one describes the level of fiscal decentralization at the beginning of the crisis and the general effects of the crisis in the country. Analysis is focused on the dynamics of the main macro economic indicators, such as GDP growth, inflation rate, unemployment rate, consolidated budget balance (deficit / surplus), consolidated public debt, and its impact on public finance. The assessment is based on factual figures for the period 1990–2009 and forecast for the period 2010–2011. A comparison is made between the loss of the Bulgarian economy at the beginning of transition (1991–1993), during the financial crisis in 1996–1997, caused by a credit crunch and a series of bank bankruptcies, and the current financial and economic crisis. Section two outlines the most important actions taken by the national government to consolidate the crisis and the respective effects on local finance. Section three concludes.

Yuliyana Galabinova

Bulgaria is one of the first countries from the former socialist block, which adopted a new democratic Constitution as early as 1991. The Constitution affirms the model of modern democratic state and outlines the principle of decentralization, admitting the right of self-government to the municipalities. Development of the legal frame of the local self-government and the enlargement of its functions, including the regulation of the financial independence of the municipalities, was accepted as a good perspective for further development of the local self-government. &#13;\n&#13;\nBased on the above the paper analyses: &#13;\n• Political, administrative and financial decentralization in Bulgaria as an integral part of the process of making public institutions more efficient, responsive and accountable to citizens; &#13;\n• Historical background of the decentralization process - undertaken reforms; adoption of legal texts; Constitutional amendment for providing local authorities with taxation powers; establishment of a joint Working Group on Financial Decentralization; adoption of a Concept and a Program for Financial Decentralization; creation of a system of incentives which target higher local revenues, consolidated financial management potential, and maximum level of local autonomy to determine the type, scope and provision of municipal services; division of municipal budget financed public services into two groups (state delegated and local); development of Strategy for decentralization and a Program for its implementation; &#13;\n• The impact of national and international (Council of Europe, European Commission) institutions and NGO’s on the decentralization process. &#13;\n&#13;\nThe purpose of the paper is not only to reveal the past reforms, but to stress on the present results and to examine the intergovernmental fiscal relations and local financial management. Unfortunately despite the positive changes, made in the first years after the period of centralized economy and governance, nowadays the local finance system is almost unchanged. Some of the ascertained problems might be summarized in the following: &#13;\n&#13;\n- Presence of permanent structural deficit in the municipal budgets, caused by the discrepancy between expenditure responsibilities and the income base; &#13;\n- Complicated, non-transparent and frequently changing transfer system; &#13;\n- Insufficient financing of delegated responsibilities; &#13;\n- Reduction of the recourses for municipal investments. &#13;\n&#13;\nThe experience in our country shows that a number of former decisions and initial intentions in the sphere of decentralization end with stabilization of the centralization. In this respect the paper searches arguments, connected with the reasons for the above described situation – is it a result from: &#13;\n• the unpreparedness of local government institutions and local stakeholders to operate in a reformed environment and the limited capacity to design, implement and monitor decentralization policies; &#13;\n• or from the wish for realizing a lot of changes for very short period of time; &#13;\n• or the reason is in the lack of political will.

Rony Patel, Jennifer Jacobs, Rochel Gelman

Memorizing Mathematics: The Failure to Apply Mathematical Axioms Within Restrictive Models Rony Patel Rutgers University Jennifer Jacobs Rutgers University Rochel Gelman Rutgers University Abstract: Arithmetic, along with all mathematics, is built on axioms. Mathematical education, however, favors mathematical models or algorithms without appeal to the axioms they depend on. Our series of studies demonstrate adult subjects’ inability to take advantage of the knowledge embodied in arithmetic axioms. It is likely that students’ ability to master generative proofs is related to the reliance on restrictive models. Our first set of studies focused on subjects’ ability to apply the addition-rule (mutually exclusive events) and the multiplication-rule (independent events) with multiple rational number representations (percentages, decimals, fractions, etc.). A second set of studies tested the understanding of group theory properties, exploiting the effect of the order of numbers (commutativity) and the effect of the digit zero (additive identity) on the long multiplication model (LMM). All studies conducted revealed participants ability to accurately perform arithmetic on chosen representation, but poor performance on choosing representation.

Patrizia Battilani

Numerous studies have been made of regional differences in income and level of development in Italy, and these studies basically differ in the responses they give to the question of whether the said differences were already of a substantial nature prior to Unification, or whether in fact they have widened since then. The present essay is going to examine this problem by focusing on the local administrative system adopted after Italian Unification, in order to ascertain the existence of a different approach to public intervention at the local level, and thus to the existence of disparities in local public spending. The paper offers an analysis of the actual working of the post-Unification administrative system in Italy, in terms both of the powers attributed to Italy’s municipalities and provinces, and of the degree of autonomy they had in deciding on funding methods. This analysis aims to ascertain whether the chosen strategy could have been maintained in a state characterized by strong regional differences, and to establish the kind of impact such a strategy had on the regional differences themselves. The main conclusion is that in absence of any sort of automatic transfer from the more industrialized regions to the poor ones, the adoption of a decentralized tax system for the financing of local public expenditure contributed to the deepening of regional divide. As a consequence at the beginning of the 19th century the central government started to subsidize the poorest regions and little by little move towards a more centralized fiscal system.

Marina Zaharioaie, Irina Bosie

Development of public services is the effect of applying administrative reforms involving the banks and financial contribution. Decentralization strengthening and modernization of administrative structures and public services is supported by the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and the European Union, supplement the financial resources to facilitate development. To attract financing funds, local governments often resort to loans from the banks that manage the funds targeted. Money is used to supplement the income of local governments who needs loans for financing European projects. Empirical research on this way will make disclosures regarding the various types of banks involved in this process.