This paper introduce a dynamic audit service for integrity verification of untrusted and outsourced storages. Our audit service is constructed based on the techniques, fragment structure, random sampling, and index-hash table, supporting provable updates to outsourced data and timely anomaly detection. Constructed on interactive proof system (IPS) with the zero knowledge property, our audit service can provide public auditability without downloading raw data and protect privacy of the data. Also, our audit system can support dynamic data operations and timely anomaly detection with the help of several effective techniques, such as fragment structure, random sampling, and index-hash table (IHT). We also propose an efficient approach based on probabilistic query and periodic verification for improving the performance of audit services. A proof-ofconcept prototype is also implemented to evaluate the feasibility and viability of our proposed approaches. Our experimental results not only validate the effectiveness of our approaches, but also show that our system does not create any significant computation cost and require less extra storage for integrity verification.
Risk and reliability analysis is presently being performed in almost all fields of engineering depending upon the specific field and its particular area. Probabilistic risk analysis (PRA), also called quantitative risk analysis (QRA) is a central feature of hydraulic engineering structural design. Actually, probabilistic methods, which consider resistance and load parameters as random variables, are more suitable than conventional deterministic methods to determine the safety level of a hydraulic structure. In fact, hydraulic variables involved in hydraulic structures, such as discharge, flow depth and velocity, are stochastic in nature, which maybe represented by relevant probability distributions. Therefore, the optimal design of hydraulic structures needs to be modelled by probabilistic methods. Reliability analysis methods are being adopted for use to develop risk management programs. Implementing the programs will ensure that safety is maintained to a robust and acceptable level. Any simple reliability analysis should include the following steps: The main work carried out relates to three different subjects in the general area of dam structures failure. These included the probabilistic methods work on: o Geometry of plunge pool downstream of flip bucket spillway o Evaluation of superelevation in open channel bends o Hydrodynamic loading on buildings by floods 1. Geometry of plunge pool downstream of flip bucket spillway Extreme scouring can gradually undermine the foundations of structures such as spillway and body dams and the areas downstream of dams. Extensive plunge pools downstream of flip bucket spillway structures, which are caused by jets of different configurations, form an important field of research. The plunge pool mechanism is more complex because of difficulties arising from the modelling of bed rock and sediment load flow in and around the scour hole caused by the jet effect of the flow downstream of flip bucket spillway. The experimental study of plunge pool has been limited to the consideration of variables involved in the plunge pool geometry. The reliability-based assessment of the geometry of the plunge pool downstream of a flip bucket spillway. Experimental data obtained from a model of a flip bucket spillway has been used to develop a number of equations for the prediction of scour geometry downstream from a flip bucket spillway of a large dam structure. The accuracy of the developed equations was examined both through statistical and experimental procedures with satisfactory results. 2. Evaluation of superelevation in open channel bends The so-called centrifugal force caused by flow around a curve results in a rise in the water surface at the outside wall and a depression of the surface along the inside wall. This phenomenon is called superelevation. The problems associated with flow through open channel bends deserve special attention in hydraulic engineering. Water surface slopes have been frequently reported to be a function of the curvature. But due to the difficulties in operation, the theoretical basis of superelevation has been discussed in depth in the literature. Furthermore, experience indicates that existing theory does not lead to good results at the present status. Superelevation in the Ziaran Flume (Iran) has led to severe erosion of the bank and has undermined the structure. Therefore, this study aims to cast light on the cause of overtopping by superelevation. By means of direct observation on the flumeâs hydraulic performance, during full discharge, and from generalization of the field data, a more reliable prediction method of the magnitude of superelevation has become possible. The probabilistic analysis is shown to have several advantages in comparison with deterministic analysis methods. 3. Hydrodynamic loadings on buildings by floods Assessing the vulnerability of buildings in flood-prone areas is a key issue when evaluating the risk induced by flood events, particularly because of its proved direct influence on the loss of life during catastrophes. Hydrodynamic loads are caused by water flowing along, against and around a structural element or system. Hydrodynamic loads are basically of the lateral type and are related to direct impulsive loads by the moving mass of water, and to drag forces as the water flows around the obstruction. Where application of hydrodynamic loads is required, the loads shall be calculated or estimated by recognized engineering and reliable methods. A comprehensive methodology for risk assessment of buildings subjected to flooding is nevertheless still missing. A new set of experiments has been performed in this thesis with the aim of shedding more light on dynamics of flood induced loads and their effects on buildings with state of the art benchmarks. In this research, an overview is given of flood induced load on buildings, the new experimental work is then presented, together with results from preliminary analysis. Initial results suggest that use of existing prediction methods might be unsafe and that impulsive loading might be critical for both the assessment of the vulnerability of existing structures and the design of new flood-proof buildings. The research presented in this thesis is focused on developing and applying probabilistic design, safety, system reliability and risk based design in the field of hydraulic structures design in the open channel bends, plunge pool downstream of flip bucket spillway and dam break analysis. Probabilistic design approach is a powerful tool in reliability assessment of civil hydraulic engineering. Uncertainty and risk are central features of hydraulic engineering. Hydraulic design is subject to uncertainties due to the randomness of natural phenomena, data sample limitations and errors, modelling reliability and operational variability. Uncertainties can be measured in terms of the probability density function, confidence interval, or statistical moment such as standard deviation or coefficient of variation of the stochastic parameters. Outcomes from this thesis are beneficial to the design of hydraulic structures in many ways; not only minimizing cost, but also educating and providing valuable knowledge for structural operators. Probabilistic methods and reliability analysis can increase the quality and value of the achievements compared to traditional dam engineering approaches. Since the goal is to avoid the dam failures by reducing risk to almost zero with optimum cost, dam safety risk analysis has a key role in modern dam safety programs. It is hoped that illustrations provided in this thesis are applicable to other civil engineering structures of similar concerns.
I explore a popular Bitcoin futures market and make empirical observations on the divergence between standard futures model and the observed futures prices by backing out what the implied risk-free rate of return would be if the standard assumptions held for this exchange. Intended as a blog post.
In On the Origins of Money (1892), Carl Menger explains that in a barter situation, some commodities are more commonly demanded than others, are more saleable. In order to overcome the double coincidence of wants, people naturally begin trading their goods first for a more saleable good in order to then trade for their final objective. Menger (1892) describes it thus, «Men have been led, with increasing knowledge of their individual interests, each by his own economic interests, without convention, without legal compulsion, nay, even without any regard to the common interest, to exchange goods destined for exchange (their âwaresâ) for other goods equally destined for exchange, but more saleable.» Lud-wig von Mises restated the same insight in Human Action (1940), «[Money] is the most marketable good which people acquire be-cause they want to offer it in later acts of interpersonal exchange. Money is the thing which serves as the generally accepted and commonly used medium of exchange.»
 As ever more people discovered the advantages of using a more saleable good in indirect exchange, one commodity became increasingly adopted until it eventually became money, the most marketable of all goods, the good that can generally be traded for all other goods within the market. As Menger said (1892), «And so it has come to pass, that as man became increasingly conversant with these economic advantages⊠those commodities, which relatively to both space and time are most saleable, have in every market become the wares, which it is not only in the interest of every one to accept in exchange for his own less saleable goods, but which also are those he actually does readily accept.»
I dagens samhÀlle anvÀnds en mÀngd metoder och verktyg för att nÄ kunder och eftersom konkurrensen Àr knivskarp Àr det extra viktigt att skapa personliga relationer till sina kunder. Syftet med denna uppsats Àr att studera bitcoin, en virtuell valuta, som ett verktyg för att skapa, underhÄlla och fördjupa dessa relationer. Bitcoin accepteras idag som betalningsmedel av en mÀngd olika företag och det Àr dÀrför intressant att undersöka varför de gör detta. Genom att utföra en enkÀtstudie och intervjuer kan det konstateras att anvÀndningen av bitcoin bland företag har ökat stadigt det senaste halvÄret. Det visar sig ocksÄ att företagen anvÀnder sig av bitcoin som marknadsföringsverktyg pÄ tvÄ olika sÀtt; dels som ett betalningsalternativ inom traditionell butikshandel men ocksÄ som en belöning inom ett lojalitetsprogram. Det kan konstateras att företagen anvÀnt bitcoin som ett verktyg för att komma i kontakt med nya kunder och för att utmÀrka sig inom sin bransch. Dock anvÀnder företagen inte bitcoin som ett verktyg för att bygga lÄngvariga relationer. DÀrför Àr slutsatsen att bitcoin inte anvÀnds pÄ ett relationsmarknadsföringsmÀssigt sÀtt och sÄledes inte heller leder till nÄgra förstÀrkta kundrelationer.
Los motivos histĂłricos y econĂłmicos que han llevado a programar el protocolo Bitcoin se encuentran en la actualidad con una interesante fase evolutiva de los algoritmos de encriptaciĂłn para la identificaciĂłn de datos y la transmisiĂłn de derechos, tratĂĄndose de un sistema que presenta aspectos jurĂdicos dignos de menciĂłn.
Bakgrund: Riksbanken har haft sedelmonopol sedan 1897, vilket har inneburit att de sedan dess har haft ensamrÀtt att ge ut pengar. Den teknologiska utvecklingen och den ökade anvÀndningen av internet har lett till att virtuella samfund har utvecklats och i vissa fall har dessa samhÀllen skapat sin egen valuta. Bitcoin Àr vÀrldens första helt decentraliserade valuta och baserades i början av sin existens pÄ teknisk nyfikenhet för en handfull hobbyister. Under de senaste Ären har efterfrÄgan pÄ bitcoins ökat vilket i sin tur har lett till att kursen stigit explosivartat.Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen Àr att kartlÀgga och analysera de transaktionskostnader som kan uppstÄ nÀr Bitcoin anvÀnds som betalningsmedel, samt jÀmföra dessa kostnader med de transaktionskostnader som Àr förenade med anvÀndandet av traditionella betalningsmedel. Genomförande: Studien har genomförts genom en blandning av ett kvalitativt och ett kvantitativt tillvÀgagÄngssÀtt samt genom en bearbetning av transaktionskostnadsteorin inom ramen för ny institutionell teori. Empirin bestÄr av tre delar dÀr studien inleds med en litteraturstudie för att lÀsaren ska fÄ en inblick i vad Bitcoin Àr och hur valutan fungerar. DÀrefter presenteras det kvalitativa angreppssÀttet i form av semistrukturerade intervjuer och avslutningsvis presenteras studiens kvantitativa angreppsÀtt i form av en enkÀtstudie för att kartlÀgga anvÀndandet av bitcoin.Slutsats: Studien visar att transaktionskostnaderna för Bitcoin Àr högre Àn för traditionella betalningsmedel i och med att valutan i dagslÀget Àr beroende av den traditionella infrastrukturen för betalningar samt att dess anvÀndare dÀrutöver frÄnsÀger sig det skyddsnÀt som traditionella betalningsmedel omfattas av. För att Bitcoin ska bli ett etablerat betalningsmedel krÀvs det att de grundlÀggande funktionerna för pengar uppfylls. NÄgot som studien visar Àr bristfÀlligt i nulÀge
Since emerging on the scene in 2009, the digital currency bitcoin has sparked an intense debate online and in the financial presses about its relative virtues and vices as well as its implications for the future of money. In this paper, I examine whether it is likely that bitcoin will emerge as money, i.e. a generally accepted medium of exchange. I outline its unique attributes and defects to explain both its surprising popularity and its limited prospects for attaining the status of money. I conclude that, although the odds of bitcoin itself ever becoming money are slim, the innovations that its unique programming protocol unleashes could potentially have profound and far-reaching implications for monetary institutions, particularly in nations with corrupt and poorly managed money.
Johnatan Rafael Santana de Brito, JoĂŁo Ramos Matos Filho, Edward Martins Costa
the Brazilian tax structure has specific characteristics and the performance level of government. Although there was a better regulation of these transfers after the enactment of the Fiscal Responsibility Law, it is observed that the amount of resources transferred to the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte is quite high. In light of the theory of federalism and fiscal decentralization, in particular, the theories related to intergovernmental transfers seek to diagnose the transfers from the systematization of information as to the origin, value and destination. We used the econometric model of Dynamic Panel System GMM in diagnosis and verification of the impact of transfers on public finances of municipalities in the RN, a dynamic econometric model that captures the lagged effects of variables making use of adjustment mechanisms based on a model differences distributed so that the dependent function is a concatenation of variable contemporary and out of phase. The data point to what is predicted in theory: an increasing trend of dependency. The paper presents some proposals for the transfer system and the composition of spending in order to contribute to greater tax efficiency.
The appearance of bitcoin is the beginning of a new era in which advanced technological capabili- ties have changed the perspective on the financial system's functioning rules and have expanded the understanding of the category of money. Bitcoin is used in commercial transactions, transfers and as an investment asset. The establishment of bitcoin is a part of the movement away from cash transactions and the general acceptance of non-material form of money observed around the world. The aim of the study is to analyse the bitcoin cryptocurrency in the scope of the fulfilment of the definition criteria and functions of money formulated in an economic theory, and to present the current legal situation in selected countries relating with its functioning.
Technology is linking the slightest of our actions to the virtual world. In such connected environments, cryptography aims at building schemes with provable security in order to mathematically protect the users' security in electronic exchanges. Relying on the existence of pairings in bilinear groups wherein the discrete logarithm problem is hard, this thesis puts forth mechanisms to efficiently enhance the privacy in three of the most fundamental cryptographic primitives, namely, digital signatures, encryption schemes and zero-knowledge proofs. Furthermore, these mechanisms support public verifiability so as to force the honesty of all participants in the standard model. We first focus on group signatures, a primitive proposed some 20 years ago, for which we propose the first efficient revocation mechanisms, overcoming the main obstacle to the deployment of this primitive in practical applications. We then focus on P-homomorphic signatures that make it possible to modify a signed message in a controlled way. In particular, we propose new mechanisms providing structure-preserving linearly homomorphic signatures, from which we build the first constant-size non-malleable commitments compatible with standard proof systems, as well as a generalization of this construction into a generic transformation. Finally we further investigate the unexpected applications of this kind of malleable signatures to non-malleable cryptography. This leads us to new proof systems for linear languages which in turn provide the most efficient publicly verifiable CCA-secure threshold encryption to date, and other new extensions.
âWe are poised between an old world that no longer works and a new one struggling to be born. Surrounded by centralized hierarchies on the one hand and predatory markets on the other, people around the world are searching for alternativesâ. This is the starting point for what David Bollier and Silke Helfrich, the editors of The Wealth of the Commons: A World Beyond Market and State (2012), describe as âan extended global exercise in commoningâ â Peter Linebaugh's term for âthe self-determination of commoners in managing their shared resourcesâ (p. 396). In other words, the book itself is offered as an active process of âmaking the pathâ by presenting âsome of the most promising new paths now being developedâ. It is intended to be ârigorous enough for academic readers yet accessible enough for the laypersonâ. In this, it more than achieves its ambitions. The Wealth of the Commons is an edited collection of seventy-three short papers from thirty countries: âa collective venture of sharing, collaboration, negotiation and creative production among some of the most diverse commons scholars, activists and projects leaders imaginableâ. This rich and diverse source of knowledge and inspiration could be described as âpolyvocalâ in the sense that it presents a multiplicity of voices improvising around a single theme â sometimes in harmony, sometimes discordant, but always interesting. The book brings together an impressive collection of contributors from different places, backgrounds and interests to explore the meaning of the commons and to advocate for it âas a new paradigmâ for the organization of public and private life. In this sense, it represents a project rather than an analysis: essentially espousing a cause with imperative urgency. This is not necessarily a weakness, but it does raise specific questions about what is included and what is absent or marginalized in this particular selection of accounts, and what might be lost along the way. What counts as âcommonsâ or âthe commonsâ or âthe commonâ (all used in the text) is a subject of discussion and contestation here, as elsewhere. The effort to âname and claimâ is an integral aspect of the project. As Jeffrey et al. (2012, p. 10) comment, âthe struggle for the commons has never been without its own politics of separation and divisionâ, raising valid questions about the prospects for a coherent paradigm at this stage. At the very least, however, this rich resource may prove seminal in countering those dominant paradigms of growth and development in which structural and cultural adjustments âserve as a justifying rhetoric for continuity in plunderâ of common resources (Mattei, p. 41). The contributions fall into three general categories: those offering a critique of existing âincreasingly dysfunctionalâ market/state relations; those that âenlarge theoretical understandings of the commons as a way to change the worldâ; and those that âdescribe innovative working projects which demonstrate the feasibilityâ of the commons. As acknowledged in many of the chapters, defining the commons in any consistent and convincing way can be deeply problematic. Like âcommunityâ itself, it can be regarded to some degree as an ideological portmanteau which contains a variety of meanings. Nonetheless, there is a general commitment to confront such difficulties in an open way, and to be as clear as possible about what the commons might represent, what it might replace, and what it should not be confused with. Put most simply, the commons refers to what human beings share in nature and society that should be cherished for all now and for the future: âthe term ⊠provides the binding element between the natural and the social or cultural worldsâ (Weber p.11). Its profound challenge to the logic of competitive capitalist relations, therefore, is to âvalidate new schemes of human relations, production and governance ⊠commonanceâ (Bollier and Helfrich, p. xiv) that penetrate all levels of public and private life. This idea is explored in detail in many of the contributions. The commons, then, claims to represent a philosophical stance, an intellectual framework, a moral and economic imperative, a set of organizing principles and commitments, a movement, and an emerging âglobal community of practiceâ (O'Connell, 2012). It has also developed an increasingly shared discourse, which is designed to unsettle institutionalized norms and values and to reclaim or remake the language of co-operation, fairness and social justice. As the editorial points out, the language of capitalism is one that becomes âencoded into the epistemology of our language and internalized by peopleâ. In community development, and elsewhere, we have become sensitized to the way in which progressive language can be appropriated to support individualistic market values. When empowerment can mean facilitated asset-stripping of local communities, and solidarity targets can be set by government (e.g. Scottish Government, 2007), then we must be wary about assuming proprietorial closure on the term âcommonsâ itself. As Federici, in a particularly persuasive chapter, warns: â⊠capital is learning about the virtues of the common goodâ (p. 46). She argues that, âsince at least the 1990s, the language of the commons has been appropriated ⊠by the World Bank and put at the service of privatizationâ. For this reason, it is important to think of the commons as a âquality of relations, a principle of co-operation and of responsibility to each other and to the earth, the forests, the seas, the animalsâ (p. 50). This produces a different operational logic, which is explored in depth across the collection. To advance the commons as âa new paradigmâ, it is necessary to locate it historically and to show the ways in which it has been colonized and compromised, as some of these pieces do. It may seem ironic that the meaning of âthe commonsâ to many people in the UK, for example, is that bear pit of parliamentary business, the House of Commons, in which adversarial rather than consensual politics is the order of the day. Reclaiming such foundational ideas is a lengthy and demanding process, as David Graeber shows in The Democracy Project, his recent account of the Occupy Movement, which for a time commanded considerable international interest. Drawing on Linebaugh, Federici contends that âcommons have been the thread that has connected the history of the class struggle into our timeâ. It is unfortunate, therefore, that the volume fails to address the relationship between organized labour and the commons, as highlighted in the introduction, because there is a distinctive contribution to be made here. As Harvey (2012) argues, decentralization and autonomy are also primary vehicles for reinforcing neoliberal class strategies of social reproduction and producing greater inequality. For example, in urban environments in particular, âthe better the common qualities a social group creates, the more likely it is to be raided and appropriated by private profit-maximising interestsâ leading inexorably to economic cleansing of whole areas. Gentrification and tourism are the clearest examples. The salience of class in general is an underdeveloped line of argument. If this authoritative collection is anything to go by, this may be a significant deficiency in the commons framework. Without historical continuity â honouring the contribution of those âcommonersâ who came before in various guises and places â there is a danger of falling into the contemporary trap of regarding âinnovationâ as a way of separating us from our past. History in the past as well as in the making is as essential a part of our commons as is the present and the future â material, temporal and spiritual. Some of the chapters are conceptual, some practical, some poetic, but all have at their heart the âdutyâ not only to describe the problems of contemporary life, but to develop alternative ways of thinking about and living the relationship between individual and society, state and market, policy and politics. Since these relationships are, in broad terms, the primary focus of community development in theory and practice, commons perspectives have much to offer. Given the breadth of vision represented in this impressive book, and the restrictions of space here, I have limited myself to those chapters and issues that have particular relevance to community development. A fundamental concern is the tension between public and private spheres, and how these relate to the idea of the commons. The subtitle of the book makes clear that the âthe wealth of the commonsâ lies âbeyond the market and the stateâ, emphasizing the private, communal or community spheres. However, it is important to acknowledge that âcommunityâ has traditionally been as much a fiction of political contrivance as a real search for communal relationships. For example, in the current context, community is being systematically deployed as an alibi for decentralizing responsibility from the âpublicâ to the gendered âprivateâ community sector, en route to the âprivateâ commercial sector. If the potential for more democratic and meaningful social relationships is to be realized, then at the very least there needs to be recognition of the anti-democratic potential of community development in facilitating a âlocalismâ agenda which may deprive the poorest of key state services (a vital part of their particular commons heritage). There is clearly a qualitative difference between municipal co-operatives as an extension of âthe publicâ and community engagement strategies which are likely to lead to an extension of âthe privateâ in both senses of the word. The need for âreflexive decentralizationâ in making these distinctions is beyond question (Graeber, 2013). Whilst community has always been a contested term, there is now a very real possibility that it becomes a victim of enclosure itself, in the sense that a âspace for political empowermentâ is extinguished by default or by design, to be replaced by a process of managed compliance and privatization. At the same time, Harvey (2012, p. 70) argues, not all forms of enclosure can be dismissed as bad by definition. In fact, âsome sort of closure is often the best way to preserve certain kinds of valued commonsâ. Kratzwald (p. 55), in her compelling chapter on rethinking the social welfare state in light of the commons, argues that one strategic way of avoiding wholesale appropriation of âcommonsâ ideology in the service of privatization agendas is to reconsider how services are provided â âby the state, controlled by those affected; by citizens, through various forms of government support and financing; or in self-organised social networksâ â and that such decisions must be made âanew in every individual caseâ. The precondition in all cases would be the strengthening of âpolitical empowermentâ against privatization. This is essentially a call for âclarity through specificityâ (Cornwall, 2008), which could act as a very concrete corrective to some of the more grandiose claims of community development. In addition, the strategic application of the kind of filtering process suggested by Kratzwald may offer sustenance to beleaguered practitioners working with long-suffering communities to understand where their best interests might lie. It also validates the case for speaking out collectively âwhen the idea of the commons is used to justify cutting public expendituresâ (Kratzwald, p. 59) as in various versions of âthe big societyâ. Re-theorizing both âthe publicâ and âthe privateâ in community development would help to expose the shallowness of much of the current drive towards community governance worldwide and help to repoliticize participatory democracy. Any serious case for a commons-based approach must be at least partially measured by the extent to which it expands democratic political space for those most removed from power. As Quilligan in particular argues (p. 73), there is always a tension between representative and participatory democracy, with community development often positioned as a mediator between state and civil society. However, in a global environment in which private âcorporations have substantially invaded the sphere of government, demanding that the state functions mainly for their benefitâ (Rustin, 2013), that mediating position is severely compromised, if not rendered almost impossible. In this process poor people everywhere have been âresponsibilizedâ and âdemonizedâ while, at the same time, some sections of civil society have been âentrepreneurializedâ by being expected to take over substantial state functions, sometimes through competitive tendering processes, which produce low wages, poor services and increasingly divided communities. This creates the sharpest of tensions, considering that âthe community solutionâ has traditionally been framed within the politics of the state. There is a strong temptation therefore to regard the marketized state as beyond redemption, a central cause of the problems that currently beset democratic life. In this respect, Mattei (p. 39) argues that the conventional state/market dichotomy is a âdistinction without a differenceâ. And there is no shortage of evidence of the combination of market economics and bureaucratic politics that have so undermined democratic structures and cultures. Nonetheless, an insistent question remains as to whether the state should be surrendered so readily, and what might take its place as an institutionalized expression of the collective will of citizens in defence of âtheir sovereign rights ⊠to their common goodsâ (Quilligan, p. 81). The state is essentially an ambivalent formation, which has been fought over and fought for in many different contexts over time. As it has been gradually hollowed out by the virus of neoliberalism, it is tempting to erase from collective memory those democratic struggles over the state through which marginalized groups have fought their way towards some degree of social protection, cultural recognition and material redistribution. Through representing their claims in and outside of state structures, social and political movements have shifted the balance of power in many situations for the better. There is a dialectical relationship between the state and civil society, between representative and participatory democracy. To construct the state as the enemy, or at least as an unwanted encumbrance, is to reduce confidence in collective social and economic solutions as they may be expressed and evolved through democratic politics. As Kratzwald argues, what is required is a reclaiming of the state and the public sphere by âstepping out of the private sphereâ and into the sphere of politics. This could be a promising position for community development workers to put to the test. Operating both within the âinvited spacesâ of policy and the âdemanded spacesâ of politics, practitioners and community groups continuously need to make a critical assessment of the opportunities and challenges of both strategic participation and strategic non-participation in existing structures and programmes. Indeed, society from the as it (p. presents a key challenge for and community development (p. approach to reclaiming the state a and for thinking about the politics of take are in a and people over their and are to take responsibility for also a central for the state, as citizens active in such various to the state or the In is through the and the people In this way the democratic state is from the of the market through the made of it by an and active civil society. It is also different to those contemporary versions of in which the of power is through the of representative has always its history us that people with their that which they could never to in the market and other public 2012). To and for a democratic state that on the of human and social need as a central of the commons its because it provides a political focus for the kind of of and communal necessary to public in any way. This reclaiming the state as a shared a is regarded by some as a lost or but it is no more so than the commons project itself. Whilst there is an to be by with what is as the project of the social welfare state, it is where there is of this position that the commons idea at its and least There is no from politics, and it to that ideas are at their best they are made argues that of the of the of is that the very idea of a and of a alternative has been almost from the of It is for example, that there is not a single in the of this to is there much of other political and in at any What are we to make of The commons could be to a broad an which has an important in and to an alternative social However, there is a broad commitment to are framed in ways that its is essentially ideological and cultural rather than This is not in the contribution it could make to the development of a project. As (2012) argues in his assessment of social movements in the âthe fundamental power struggle is the for the of meaning in the of peopleâ. one of the most about the collection of ideas and which the commitment to is that it is an active which does not in the in which all often to politics community development. At the same time, this may also be one of the in to a coherent commons of âthe commonsâ is a of claims therefore, always such social and political As in his critique of the urban commons (2012, p. argues, the of it the is often with a are common interests to and by what are essentially political The potential for the rich to lead and to in communities and to an commons is all A more epistemology may be required to take account of or The of commons may be necessary in to and a vision of an alternative moral which would for but an of of power a more dialectical of cause and For example, the and of certain sections of the are as of â be they welfare at one of the or and at the Whilst it is clearly that and can the kind of wealth which in some world over whole are increasingly on their it is the of economic in order to produce those very that is the to the kind of commons which would society. In a of by â from public through to â the of an must confront the of an for enclosure has always been the default and who autonomy to their one of the most significant contributions of the commons then, is in the ideological and cultural challenge it presents for community development. In this respect, it is important to that capitalism itself is if not an ideological with profound cultural in of how people to and Graeber makes a but between the and the in politics, both as an and the Occupy Movement, in the The as are with structures, process being a The on the other are in of which will construct the as yet important of politics therefore is that it through its in the and to offer a of the future it is â to it as it This kind of politics is also in much commons thinking and community development. The dialectical process of in of power by the claims of marginalized groups expressed through is what community development should be In other words, greater to democratic democratic structures that in the in which those are or As it (p. need a state that expands our for community To what might be a which practitioners to the of and critical framed within an of collective and and to an of the structural of could help to community This book provides a to ways of thinking and that at the very least, our from and beyond the and in which many of us are It us of the of the of in our to rather than or of a more world â and then to for
The District Development Fund program or model was introduced in Lao People Democratic Republic in 2005, with the technical and financial support of United Nations Capital Development Fund, as a core part of the Governance and Public Administration Reform Programme, which was jointly supported by United Nations Capital Development Fund and United Nations Development Programme. The District Development Fund program was designed to be an effective approach and support methodology suitable for a low capacity environment in order to help deliver better public services to rural and remote communities in Lao PDR. The DDF has since been expanded to fifty two (52) Districts (of a total of 148 Districts) across the country. DDF aims to sustainably improve local public services delivery through the strengthening of capacity of local district administration and demonstrating improved financial management systems and procedures that can contribute positively in this objective. It does this by providing both discretionary development grants together with capacity development and support to improvements systems and procedures for local development. However, there has been little external research undertaken to date on âassessment of the District Development Fund program as an effective approach to strengthen public service improvement for decentralized and better service delivery in Lao PDR, and whether the District Development Fund program has positively affected the capacity of local authorities to delivery prioritized local public servicesâ. This article addresses this by looking at the empirical results from the DDF program and draws on experiences on how DDF program has been operating and contributing on the ground in building local capacities, in financial management, planning and budgeting, to enhance the local authoritiesâ ability to finance local priority services. The DDF for government has become the viability and positive results of empowering local authorities and communities as part of public administration reform, that is not only a government fund transfer mechanism a form of fiscal decentralization but also has proven to be very well suited to the low capacity environment in Lao PDR A better people-focused service delivery has mostly been achieved by empowering sub-national administrations to take a more effective role in leading local socio-economic development, which is to bring about tangible improvements in public services to people and a real reduction in local poverty. The most significant lesson of the DDF experience in Laos has been its ability to achieve results that have led to improvements in pro poor service delivery combined with improvements in the capacity of local administration in planning, budgeting and monitoring services. A critical lesson in achieving these results has been ensuring that new systems and procedures fully align with existing government processes . This not only helps to improve capacity development but also ensures innovations, which is more cost effective and scalable in future by working through existing governance systems. Greater district and community oversight and accountability result in funds being well spent with minimum leakages. This article, to a large extent, is entering new ground where there is little other independent research or documentation available. Thus the approach relies on conducting structured evaluation dialogue with the direct stakeholders, including the Ministry of Home Affairs, Governance of Public Administration Reform /District Development Fund project team, national and local practitioners and representatives of the communities involved, combined with a review of the available documents and data. The methodological tools used were interviews, workshops, focus group discussions, data analysis and document review. Keywords: Service delivery, Building capacity, Financial management, Planning and budgeting management, Local authority, District development fund approach.
David Nyange, David Tschirley, Hussein Nassoro, Abeid Francis Gaspar · 8 authors
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Rural taxation policy is a major issue in many countries of Africa as they pursue more decentralized forms of governing and at the same time work to enhance the effectiveness, efficiency, and fairness of their tax systems. Tanzania has struggled with this issue since at least 1962, when it expanded countrywide the limited decentralization that had occurred under the colonial regime, then abolished LGAs in 1972 in favor of âMadaraka Mikoani,â only to reinstate them and enshrine them in the constitution in 1984. With wide powers to set tax policy and practice at local level, made possible by the Local Government Finance Act (LGFA) of 1982, Tanzania soon experienced a dizzying array of taxes and fees, with dramatically differing rates across LGAs. The situation became so extreme that some claimed that Tanzania by the late 1990s had âabout 110 local authorities ... each with a different tax systemâ (Fjeldstad and Semboja 2000). A sustained effort at reform culminated in 2003, when the âhead taxâ and a series of ânuisance taxesâ were abolished, and the produce cess was limited to a maximum of 5% (compared to rates as high as 20% in the past). Though the resulting system of local taxation is substantially less complex, less variable across LGAs, and less onerous than it was prior to these reforms, important problems remain, and stakeholder demands for further reform have been growing. Since the produce cess became the most important source of local revenue after 2003, much of the demand for reform has focused on it. In response to these concerns, GoT included a commitment to âreduce or abolishâ produce cess when it signed the G8âs âNew Alliance for Food Security and Nutritionâ declaration. This study took advantage of a newly available database of LGA revenue and expenditure and complemented it with fieldwork in 27 LGAs with varying levels of reliance on the produce cess. Its overall purpose is to generate new empirical understanding that contributes to the on-going debate on produce cess and that informs the GoT on pros and cons of potential options for reform. Key new findings include: 1. Dependence on the produce cess varies widely among rural LGAs, from 0% of total locally generated revenue in Ngorongoro to 90% in Urambo; 2. Relative to the value of their marketed production, traditional export crops generate more than three times as much cess revenue as do food crops; 3. Much potential cess revenue goes uncollected: nationally, LGAs collect not more than one- quarter of the revenue potentially available from produce cess charges. This low level of collection reflects both limited human and institutional capacity at local level and widespread tax evasion, some of it likely featuring the collaboration of some local officials; 4. Because it is charged on the gross value of production, current cess rates can result in very high tax (even confiscatory) on net revenue among farmers that use a large amount of inputs but experience small net margins; Confirmed previous findings include: 1. With the reforms of 2003, local revenue fell sharply as a share of total LGA revenue, from 20% to a current level of 7%. Central government transfers provide the rest. Such a low share of locally generated revenue makes meaningful decentralization quite challenging. 2. Nationally, cess contributes only 1.8% of total LGA revenue, with other local taxes accounting for 5%; 3. Yet cess is the largest source of rural LGA own revenue, at 43%. Because this revenue is very flexible (it does not come with the spending dictates that accompany central government transfers), it is highly valued by local authorities, and is largely used for Councilor allowances and other âcosts of doing businessâ; 4. Cess rates are highly variable across LGAs, varying by a factor of as much as four (Beans in Handeni at Tshs 1000/bag vs. Lushoto at Tshs 4000/bag); 5. Tax evasion is widespread and likely a more serious problem than tax avoidance; 6. But avoidance â farmers or traders or others changing their production and marketing behavior due to the tax (and especially due to the variation over space in tax rates) â can be a serious problem in particular instances. For example, some sugarcane growers in Mvomero are considering shifting their farming activities to Kilombero due to lower cess rates in the latter; and farmers and traders report that traders favor some districts over others in their food trade due to differences in cess rates; Reform options include: 1. Abolish cess in one step 2. Gradual phasing out of cess 3. Reduce the cess rate, broaden its base, and improve capacity for collection 4. Institute a differential cess for food- and non-food crops 5. Completely remove cess in food crops, leaving it only for traditional and other export crops. Simple simulations of option 3 combined with option 4 (3% for traditional cash crops, 2% for food crops) indicate that LGAs would need to improve their efficiency in collection (the share of potential cess that is actually collected) from the current estimated 28% to 41% to maintain revenue, and would increase revenue with further improvements. Complete elimination of cess on food crops (option 5) would make LGAâs jobs quite challenging, especially if rates were reduced on traditional export crops. Leaving the rate on these crops unchanged at 5%, LGAs would have to achieve nearly 60% efficiency in their collection to maintain their current revenues; dropping the cess on traditional export crops to 3% while eliminating it on food crops would require an almost certainly unattainable 83% efficiency. Based on the analysis in the paper, and in keeping with the view that improvement in tax systems is a long-term process featuring continuous, incremental improvement, the report suggests that option 3 combined with option 4 â reducing the rate of the cess (thereby reducing its variability over space), introducing a slight differential between food crops and traditional export crops, and broadening the cess collection base by working continuously to improve the human and institutional capacity of LGAs to collect taxes in efficient and fair fashion, is likely to be the best option for Tanzania. Piloting of technological and institutional innovations such as the use of mobile money for cess payment are proposed as one way to address both the inadequate local capacity and the scope for corruption in cess collection.
This paper will explore the recent development of digital (aka virtual or crypto-) currenciesâcurrencies which are creatures of the Internet, have no issuing or governing body, are self-authenticating, and can be used worldwide by members of the general public to engage in the same types of direct, one-to-one transactions that daily occur using government-issued currencies
This project attempts to implement an open source FPGA based Bitcoin miner on an Altera DE2-115 development board. Bitcoin is an experimental peer-to-peer digital currency based on public key cryptography. The advantages of Bitcoins are that they can be transferred between any two people anywhere in the world, and they do not have the same fees and lack of control associated with traditional methods of currency transfers. The first part of this project focuses on detailing how the Bitcoin network and open source miner work. The second part of the project attempts to improve the performance of the open source miner, but a lack of resources on the Cyclone IV EP4CE115F29C7 ultimately prevented implementing a dual pipelined design.
Bitcoinâs nature makes regulation extremely difficult for international governments. The currencyâs resistance to regulation also makes it appealing to people who want freedom from government or central bank control. However, given the rapidly moving growth and emerging uses of Bitcoin, governments will need to take action sooner rather than later, to prevent fraud and protect Bitcoin users.
Door het internet kan de burger rechtstreeks contact krijgen met zijn publiek zonder hulp van derden als omroepen, kranten, uitgevers, muziekindustrie, etc. Bij al deze communicaties is prominent (Youtube) of minder prominent (Wordpress) een derde partij betrokken die de communicatie faciliteert. Deze derde ontbreekt bij Bitcoin. Je kunt snel, betrouwbaar, met iedereen waar ook ter wereld bitcoins uitwisselen. Dus geen exorbitante bonussen, hoge transactiekosten, of ander ingrijpen of sturing van bovenaf. Internet in de meeste zuivere vorm: technologie van eindgebruiker naar eindgebruiker, zonder tussenkomst van derden.
Law enforcement efforts to combat money laundering are increasingly misplaced. As money laundering and other underlying crimes shift into cyberspace, U.S. law enforcement focuses on prosecuting financial institutionsâ regulatory violations to prevent crime, rather than going after the criminals themselves. This Article will describe current U.S. anti-money laundering laws, with particular criticism of how attenuated prosecution has become from crime. The Article will then describe the use of Bitcoin as a money-laundering vehicle, and analyze the difficulties for law enforcement officials who attempt to choke off Bitcoin transactions in lieu of prosecuting underlying criminal activity. The Article concludes with recommendations that law enforcement should look to digital currency exchangers not as criminals, but instead as partners in the effort to eradicate money laundering andâmore importantlyâthe crimes underlying the laundering.