Blockchain Papers

Percy Venegas

No abstract is available for this record.

Somindu C. Ramanna

We propose new constructions for inner product encryption – Open image in new window and Open image in new window , both secure under the eXternal Diffie-Hellman assumption (SXDH) in asymmetric pairing groups. The first scheme has constant-size ciphertexts whereas the second one is weakly attribute hiding. Open image in new window is derived from the identity-based encryption scheme of Jutla Roy (Asiacrypt 2013), that was extended from tag-based quasi-adaptive non-interactive zero-knowledge (QA-NIZK) proofs for linear subspaces of vector spaces over bilinear groups. The verifier common reference string (CRS) in these tag-based systems are split into two parts, that are combined during verification. We consider an alternate form of the tag-based QA-NIZK proof with a single verifier CRS that already includes a tag, different from the one defining the language. The verification succeeds as long as the two tags are unequal. Essentially, we embed a two-equation revocation mechanism in the verification. The new QA-NIZK proof system leads to Open image in new window , a constant-sized ciphertext IPE scheme with very short ciphertexts. Both the IPE schemes are obtained by applying the n-equation revocation technique of Attrapadung and Libert (PKC 2010) to the corresponding identity based encryption schemes and proved secure under SXDH assumption. As an application, we show how our schemes can be specialised to obtain the first fully secure identity-based broadcast encryption based on SXDH with a trade-off among the public parameters, ciphertext and key sizes, all of them being sub-linear in the maximum number of recipients of a broadcast.

Kartik Hegadekatti, S G Yatish

No abstract is available for this record.

J.J. Oerlemans, Bart Custers, Ronald Pool, R. Cornelisse

Het witwassen van geld dat wordt verkregen uit cybercrime vindt in de regel plaats via digitale betalingsmiddelen. De reden daarvoor is dat het geld bij cybercrime vaak wordt verkregen via online betalingsmethoden en virtuele valuta. De hoofdvraag van dit onderzoek luidt: Op welke wijze en door welke actoren wordt geld dat wordt verkregen uit banking malware en ransomware (al dan niet digitaal) witgewassen?De deelvragen van het onderzoek luiden als volgt:Wat wordt verstaan onder het witwassen van door banking malware en ransomware verkregen geld en hoe wordt witwassen juridisch gekwalificeerd?Wat zijn digitale betalingsmiddelen, in het bijzonder virtuele valuta zoals Bitcoin, en hoe werken deze digitale betalingsmiddelen?Op welke wijze en door welke actoren wordt geld witgewassen dat: a door middel van banking malware wordt verkregen? b door middel van ransomware wordt verkregen?Wat zijn de kenmerken van actoren die betrokken zijn bij het witwassen van geld dat wordt verkregen uit banking malware en ransomware?Welke informatie over de modus operandi van actoren, die betrokken zijn het bij het witwassen van geld dat verkregen wordt uit banking malware en ransomware, is beschikbaar op het dark web?Welke rol spelen digitale betalingsmiddelen, in het bijzonder virtuele valuta zoals bitcoins, bij het witwassen van geld dat wordt verkregen uit banking malware en ransomware?

Luciana Patriota Gusmão Soares dos Santos

Public policy maybe understood as a question of the State, or as a matter of State action. It is in the middle of the process of application of public services and is deliberated in the condition of social activity, it is also understood as an action of the governmentt to fulfil the demands of the population. Since the 1988 Federal Constitution, sport has secured financing for the development of its actions at various levels of government (BRAZIL, 1988). The Brazilian State is structured in federated entities, they are: the Union, the states (and the Federal District) and counties. The administration of each of these entities is autonomous, presenting an organizational structure of its own. The agencies responsible for developing public sports policies in the public sector generally belong to the model of direct execution through Secretariats and Departments or, in some cases, in the indirect model with Autarchies and Foundations (SANTOS, 2014). The first model presents more centralized characteristics, in which the link is total to the public administration. In the second one, the execution of the services occurs in a more decentralized way, performed by out sourced labor force and not being totally linked to the public power. The main point here is to analyze the relationship of the administrative structure of municipal sports agencies on the financing of sports public policies in counties of the state of Parana. In order to this happen, we identified the administrative structure of the municipal sports agencies, verified the financial resources allocated to thes estructures and finally analyzed whether there is a correlation betweem the two variables. Our sample was composed of 80 counties in the state of Paraná. The information used for the analysis was taken from the data base of the research "Analysis of the public agents of the national sports system" and from the Counties Transparency Portal. The data analysis was performed used the statistical software SPSS®. It was observed the predominance of structures that set the direct administration, specially, Sports Departments that are mostly inserted in counties with up to 20 thousand in habitants. The average value for the development of sports public policies in counties is 1.1%. The Sports Foundations presented the high est average percent ageamong administrative structures, 1.96%, followed by Secretariats (1.58%) and Departments (1.23%). The data indicat et hat there is no direct relation ship bet weenthe management structure, in relation to the amount of financial resource that eachtype of structure presents. The budget appears as a fundamental element, however, the management model seems to be more significant than the financing of the actions itself, identifying the sports manager as a central figure in the midst of conducting the two variables.

Henriqueta Rocha de Abreu

The National Program for Strengthening School Councils (PNFCE) aims to promote the implementation and strengthening of these, in order to contribute to the discussion about the importance of the school council for pedagogical, administrative and financial aspects in educational institutions. In turn, this research had the objective of evaluating whether the PNFCE is, in fact, an instrument that provides the qualification of the subjects acting in the school councils for a democratic participation or if the program constitutes as instrument of legitimation of the actions of the State and In the perspective of docilizar the school and local community. For this academic enterprise, the analysis of the discursive formations objectified by Foucault (1999) was used as a methodological path for this research, considering that it was taken as corpus of this study the analysis of the ideological construction present in the texts that (LEJANO, 2011), evidenced by the inextricable relationship between text (politics) and context (reality in which politics is manifested) . Both the text and the context had as background the categories of analysis that support this research: State, participation and democracy. The conception of State in the perspective of Gramsci (2005), Coutinho (1988) and Carvalho (2010). And for the understanding of democratic participation, Tatagiba (2002), Dagnino (2004) and Santos (2001). Proposing a reflection about participation in school boards in the constitution of democratic management may presuppose the organization of a collegiate acting in order to plan, execute, evaluate and deliberate in the direction of the good progress of the school system. However, it is relevant to let the question emerge: how can we understand that the State promotes spaces of discussion that may constitute potential instances of confrontation with the state order itself, such as school councils? In evaluating the PNFCE, it was concluded that there are gaps between the functions of the school council and its performance in school, which implies a relationship neither as democratic nor decentralized and autonomous. Revealing the re-signification of school councils, reaffirmed in conflicts of interest, in the absence of a culture of participation and in the action of a minimal state or even a protected citizenship.

Alina Khvan

No abstract is available for this record.

Percy Venegas, Tomáš Krabec

No abstract is available for this record.

Jan Camenisch, Maria Dubovitskaya, Alfredo Rial

No abstract is available for this record.

Jean Lancrenon, Marjan Škrobot, Qiang Tang

Recently, the password-authenticated key exchange protocol J-PAKE of Hao and Ryan (Workshop on Security Protocols 2008) was formally proven secure in the algebraic adversary model by Abdalla et al. (IEEE S&P 2015). In this paper, we propose and examine two variants of J-PAKE - which we call RO-J-PAKE and CRS-J-PAKE - that each makes the use of two less zero-knowledge proofs than the original protocol. We show that they are provably secure following a similar strategy to that of Abdalla et al. We also study their efficiency as compared to J-PAKE’s, also taking into account how the groups are chosen. Namely, we treat the cases of subgroups of finite fields and elliptic curves. Our work reveals that, for subgroups of finite fields, CRS-J-PAKE is indeed more efficient than J-PAKE, while RO-J-PAKE is much less efficient. On the other hand, when instantiated with elliptic curves, both RO-J-PAKE and CRS-J-PAKE are more efficient than J-PAKE, with CRS-J-PAKE being the best of the three. Regardless of implementation, we note that RO-J-PAKE enjoys a looser security reduction than both J-PAKE and CRS-J-PAKE. CRS-J-PAKE has the tightest security proof, but relies on an additional trust assumption at setup time.

Muhammad Nur Hakim

School-based management is implemented so that it can give ease in achieving the vision, mission, and goals of the institution, so that it can improve the quality of education and bring a good end result and quality, and can get a productive and qualified graduates. This research was conducted in SMP Ar-Rohmah and SMP Plus Al-Kauthar Malang, where the school is the educational institution that has a future orientation. The institutions including educational institutions featured with learners who are full of achievement in terms of both academic and non-academic. This study focused on four issues, are: 1) The factors that encourage the implementation of MBS; 2) The principles of what is done in the implementation of MBS; 3) What is the purpose of implementation of MBS; and 4) How does the structural components MBS implementation.This study used qualitative methods, multi-sites. data collection used the interview, observation and documentation. The research findings were: 1) the factors that encourage the implementation of MBS is: (a) the existence of decentralization; (b) a factor of independence against a school owned resources; (c) factors initiative; and (d) a factor of innovation against the increase in the quality of education. Then the purpose of the implementation of the MBS, namely: (a) so that the school could improve the quality of education by making the school more independent, have awareness/participation, teamwork, initiative and school in managing, utilizing, and empower the resources available; (b) the school can be more generous in taking decisions together and initiate and innovate in the process of improving the quality of education. 2) Then there are structural components of the MBS implementation, namely: (a) the management of curriculum and instructional programs; (b) the management of produce educators in schools; (c) the student Management; (d) financial management and financing; (e) management of educational facilities and infrastructure; (f) management the management of the school and community relations; (g) the management of special service institution that is effective and efficient.

Goran Kunjadić, Zoran Jović

Indisputable exponential growth of the Internet use in modern banking and stock exchange operations is the basic trend in the financial industry. Important aspects of the bitcoin problem include the area for its use, the factors that influence its price, and regulatory aspects in different countries. There is also a dilemma as to whether bitcoin should be considered money or goods. In technological terms, bitcoin was realized using an open source which is available to anyone and the system is not officially in anyone's possession or under anyone's control. Bitcoin uses peer-to-peer technology that works without the interference of the central bank or commercial banks. Managing transactions and broadcasting of bitcoin is performed by the network itself. The system is not based on trust of the participants, but on the distributed control system. The issue that should be particularly addressed is the security management of a virtual currency. The authors shall propose a new way of encryption which can significantly enhance both the privacy and security segment. Thus, conclusions can be drawn that the use of bitcoin poses new challenges to the banking system, and opens up many dilemmas that the authors shall attempt to process in this paper.

A. S. Loseva

No abstract is available for this record.

Massimo Morini

There has been a huge amount of coverage in the press about the great potential uses of bitcoin-related technology for financial markets, such as improvements in efficiency. In addition to the supporters of blockchain, many have been critical of its real-life applications within the business world and suggest that what we are witnessing is nothing short of “blockchain hype, ” and that this technology can only be applied to bitcoins. This paper will demonstrate that there are real business cases for improving financial markets based on the lessons learned from cryptocurrencies, but, unlike what the hype-enthusiasts suggest, they are not application of a technology to the existing business models within financial markets. They are reforms of the business model itself. What needs to be exported from the world of cryptocurrencies are aspects of the market organization, inspiration for a different accounting and legal system, and some aspects of the technology. These can result in a huge contribution towards more robust, efficient, and stable markets. However, the process cannot be immediate and effortless, and can only be achieved within a market-wide strategic perspective. In this paper, I develop these concepts initially within a parallel analysis of cryptocurrencies and financial markets. Then, I will focus on a specific business case regarding the collateralization of financial derivatives, which will highlight quantifiable benefits in terms of reducing costs, capital, and risk. It is an example of a situation where the use of cryptocurrency technology is not more important than the business ideas developed in the analysis of cryptocurrencies; yet it was inconceivable prior to the advent of distributed ledgers, smart contracts, and oracles

Klaus-Benedikt Schultis

Large-scale organizations, such as Siemens, develop a broad field of products for varying domains. Software constitutes a major innovation and cost factor to their development. Organizational-wide reuse of software across products, even across domains, gives these organizations a competitive advantage. This involves large-scale reuse approaches where software is developed in a decentralized manner by several internal, yet self-contained organizational units -- those units are separate profit centers with own business objectives, organizationally independent with own product management, and have widely autonomous processes and software-engineering life cycles. I define those systems as internal software ecosystems. The intra-organizational, yet decentralized development context increases the amount and complexity of dependencies among both software assets and the responsible organizational units. This significantly impacts collaboration in software engineering. Traditional process-centric coordination mechanisms become increasingly inefficient, calling for a suitable software architecture to enable effective collaboration. However, in order to make informed architecture decisions, applied modes of collaboration and resulting architecture challenges must be understood. As first major contribution in this thesis, I provide strong empirical evidence on collaboration and resulting architecture challenges for two of the largest internal software ecosystems at Siemens -- based on a total of 46 hours of semi-structured interviews with 17 leading software architects from all involved organizational units. I identify three collaboration models on a continuum that ranges from high to low coupling and a classification of architecture challenges together with a qualitative and quantitative exposure of the identified recurring hurdles. My results outline a broad field of real-world challenges that need to be investigated by researchers, and my results support practitioners who follow the collaboration models to make informed architecture decisions based on empirical evidence. Besides taking informed architecture decisions, it is equally important to manage and control adherence to the specified architecture at an ecosystem-wide level. However, feature and schedule pressure regularly require to accept architecture violations by several organizational units, which decreases quality and increases maintenance costs. As main finding of my investigation on collaboration and architecture challenges, I identify the explicit and systematic management of architecture violations as the key challenge for internal software ecosystems, in particular the lack of developer support for resolving violations. As second major contribution within this thesis, I elaborate the TrAViM approach, a framework that comprises seven violation-management capabilities for internal software ecosystems. Their main purpose is developer support for resolving architecture violations, aiming to reduce the developers' effort required to handle them. I develop a prototype that instantiates the approach. Using the prototype, I conduct an in-depth case study on the capabilities' usefulness, involving 9 experts from my study systems. All of them expressed that the capabilities are highly valuable and hold great potential to ease violation management for large-scale software engineering.

L.P.A. van Gerven

The Netherlands is well-known for its extended networks of drainage ditches, with a total ditch length of about 300.000 km. Their main function is to enable agriculture by draining water. Nonetheless, ditches also have important ecological functions. They serve as ecological corridors and harbor a high biodiversity in which water plants play a crucial role. The last decades, the ecological quality of ditches is at stake. Enhanced nutrient inputs promoted the invasion by dense mats of free-floating plants like duckweed. Underneath these mats the water becomes dark and anoxic, which severely constrains aquatic life. In this thesis I developed new concepts to better understand, predict and combat the dominance by free-floating plants in ditches. The following questions are addressed. Are floating plants a self-stabilizing state - an alternative stable state - which would make it more difficult to combat floating-plant dominance (chapter 2)? Does it make sense to fight floating-plant dominance by reducing nitrogen (N) inputs to the ditches or will it lead to an invasion of floating plants that can fix N2 from the atmosphere (chapter 3)? What about spatial aspects, does the vulnerability of a ditch to floating plants depend on the position of a ditch in a polder, like its distance to the polder outlet (chapter 4)? To answer these questions, I used ecological models that predict the abundance of free-floating plants based on the competition for nutrients and light with other plants such as submerged plants, and where possible validated these models with field data. Starting from the ecosystem model PCDitch, I developed and combined models with different complexity to see how theoretical concepts, developed in minimal models, translate to the ecosystem level. Chapter 5 deals with a method that facilitates this up- and downscaling in model complexity. Are floating plants an alternative stable state? To answer this question I extended mechanistic resource competition theory with a framework (minimal model) describing the competition of floating and submerged plants for light and nutrients. The model predicts that the competitive advantage of floating plants - they have a primacy for light and shade submerged plants, giving rise to asymmetry in competition for light - makes that floating plants always dominate at high supply of light and nutrients. At intermediate nutrient supply, there can be alternative stable states: either the submerged plants or the floating plants dominate depending on who established first. However, based on the traits of common floating plants (duckweed; Lemna) and submerged plants (waterweed; Elodea) the model predicts, in line with field data, that floating plants are not an alternative stable state. Furthermore, from a theoretical point of view this study shows that the asymmetry in light competition ensures that common rules from standard competition theory do not apply anymore. Like the R* rule, which states that the species that can persist at the lowest resource levels always wins the competition. Can duckweed-dominance be combatted by reducing N inputs to the ditches? Or does this promote other floating plants like water fern (Azolla) that can fix N2 from the atmosphere? Important is the question whether such N2-fixers can provide enough N to prevent N-limitation and keep the system P-limited, which would make steering on N inputs ineffective. To investigate this, I considered the competition between Lemna and Azolla for N, P and light. Both a minimal model, an ecosystem model (PCDitch) and field data reveal that N2-fixation is unlikely to lead to P-limitation. This can be explained by N2-fixers typically requiring higher P concentrations to persist, implying that they cannot keep the P concentration low enough for non-N2-fixers to become P-limited. In combination with field data that hint at constraints on N2-fixation that prevent N2-fixers from becoming abundant at low N availability, this suggests that it certainly pays off to combat floating plant-dominance by reducing N inputs. Is every ditch in a polder equally vulnerable to floating plants? Each ditch in a polder receives water and nutrients from the adjacent land. This leads to a spatial gradient in water flow and associated nutrient loading, from low in the remote polder sites to high in the direction of the polder outlet where the water leaves the polder. I explored if this spatial gradient affects the vulnerability of a ditch to floating plants, by investigating with a simple nutrient model how this gradient affects the nutrient concentration of the ditches and by subsequently predicting the gradient's effect on the ditch ecology by applying the ecosystem model PCDitch spatially, through coupling PCDitch to the 1-D hydrodynamic model SOBEK. Surprisingly, we found that every ditch is equally vulnerable to floating plants, despite the spatial gradient in water flow and nutrient loading. It turned out that the ecological state of each ditch could already be predicted by regarding only the lateral supply of water and nutrients from the adjacent land, and not the supply from upstream ditches. However, these findings are violated when there is spatial heterogeneity in the water and nutrient supply from the adjacent land or in ditch characteristics like depth and sediment type. Then, the chance on floating-plant dominance differs throughout the network and a spatial modelling approach (PCDitch-SOBEK) is required to predict this chance. Developing and combining models of different complexity plays an important role in this thesis. To do so, I used a Database Approach To Modelling (DATM), a recently developed method in which a model is stored in tables in a clear and clean way, which facilitates model development. In addition, with DATM a model can be automatically implemented in a modelling environment of choice. This relieves technical implementation issues and leaves room to focus on ecology rather than technology. I illustrated the use of DATM by implementing and analyzing the ecosystem model PCDitch and its twin model for shallow lakes PCLake in different modelling environments by using DATM. This showed that DATM allows one to use the environment one is familiar with and eases the switch to other environments for complementary analyses, including analysis in a spatial 1-D to 3-D setting. The insights provided by this thesis can help us to improve the ecological quality of ditches. A challenging task, given the fast human-driven environmental changes at both local and global level. To predict and to anticipate the effect of these changes on the ecology, it is essential to understand how the ditch ecosystem functions. The developed and applied methods described in this thesis may be helpful in that. For example, using models of different complexity makes it possible to translate fundamental theory to the ecosystem scale, which is essential to better grasp the behavior of an ecosystem. Furthermore, the in this thesis established coupling between PCDitch and SOBEK breaks new grounds for spatial ecosystem modelling. In combination with the growing amount of remote sensing data from satellites and drones, which allow for the continuous and potentially real-time validation and calibration of spatial ecosystem models, such a spatial approach has the potential to greatly increase our ecological understanding of ditches. These advances facilitate the development of successful management strategies that make our ditch ecosystems future-proof.

Laurie Nussdorfer

Notarial archives were one of the richest sources of new knowledge about early modern continental European society to be discovered by twentieth-century historians.1 In areas influenced by Roman law even people who could not write or read themselves went to notaries; the notaries’ archives therefore provided unprecedented access to the social and economic life of the past. Only recently, however, have scholars begun to examine the nature of the notarial record and to ask what made it so ubiquitous and what its relation was to the rest of the proliferating documentation of the early modern era.2 Italians of the Middle Ages invented notaries and their unique brand of powerful writing, and notarial records in Italy bear the unmistakable marks of medieval Italy’s commercial dynamism and political fragmentation. Papal Rome, which had followed rather than led these early developments, was able to catch up in the early modern period. Indeed, the Roman case illustrates especially well the tensions inherent in this special form of writing and the changing economic and political forces that shaped its preservation or loss. Although scribes producing official records had existed in many ancient societies, what made the medieval Italian notary unique was that the documents he drafted were a superior form of proof in a court of law. Medieval jurists drew a distinction between writing by authorized individuals, such as notaries or court recorders (cancellieri), which they called public writing (scriptura publica), and the written transactions of private persons (scriptura privata). At the same time, the rising city states of northern and central Italy privileged public writing by declaring it the equivalent of two witnesses, which meant that it met the standard of a ‘full proof’.3 Growing urban economies with few institutional supports for commerce turned to the written contract or testament, backed up by the threat of litigation, as a particularly desirable means of enforcing business compacts or dictating the disposition of property by the dying. Authorized writers who could draw up such agreements and endow them with public credibility (publica fides) were useful to them. This is the context in which the notary emerged as a professional writer in medieval Italy. From the beginning there was an odd mixture of public and private — if these terms can be applied to pre-modern realities — in the way that the notary was defined. Not unlike the draper or cobbler, he was a private individual who had to earn his living, but instead of cloth or shoes the wares he sold were believable documents. By law what he wrote had a kind of trustworthiness that no other writing could match, but he made a living by selling it. The same hand that created authoritative documents stretched out to receive payment for them, not once but repeatedly. The professionals that medieval Italian jurists and cities had endowed with public fides operated as entrepreneurs seeking business from clients and salaries as court recorders. This hybrid physiognomy meant that the products of the notary’s pen had a peculiar character as commodities. Customers did not necessarily take a document away with them; they paid the notary for his services, but expected him to preserve the record of their transaction. His clients’ records were considered a business asset belonging to the notary from which he could continue to earn fees by making copies. Yet this was a type of asset about which the city could make laws: to set its price, dictate its forms or ensure its preservation. The dual nature of the notarial document as a legally authorized kind of writing and a source of income for the notary played a crucial role in the history of Italian, and particularly Roman, notarial archives. The institutions that might apply external pressure to safeguard notarial records in late medieval Italy tended to be of two kinds with two different preservation models: city governments (public registry model) or local notarial organizations (professional model).4 Over the course of the early modern period the emerging regional states also began to play a role. Whether held by government or profession, questions immediately arose about which documents should be kept and about the modalities of recording them. Notaries produced various types of records, contracts and wills for private customers and judicial acts for government officials and tribunals. Which should be preserved and how should they be accessed? Was it necessary to retain only the acts of notaries who had died without heirs in the profession or those of all deceased notaries? Or should all notarial writing be captured in an ongoing way, not just the volumes that might go astray due to a notary’s death? If so, how could the privacy of these transactions be safeguarded, and could the public fisc draw some profit, or at least cover its costs, from the business the notaries were transcribing? Where preservation focused on what should happen to notarial acts after the death of the notary who had drawn them up, regulations varied strikingly. In Milan in 1396 the notarial college demanded that they go to a fellow member, whereas in Piedmont in 1430 the prince required that they be given to a son or neighbouring notary. Where the aim was to keep track of, and also to tax, current valuable property exchanges, there was more homogeneity. In 1265, Bologna was the first Italian city to establish a public registry of such notarial acts, and this option spread widely among the towns of the Po Valley in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In this scenario scribes employed by the government copied the key features of the agreements into a set of official registers, while the notaries retained ownership and possession of the original documents.5 According to Marino Berengo, regardless of whether legislation targeted the acts of dead or living notaries, it was the nature of the local political regime that dictated concern about their preservation.6 Merchant-dominated city republics were much more likely to care about what happened to notarial documents than princely regimes with a strong feudal class. Politics might even render local elites suspicious of the ruler’s efforts to establish notarial archives, as in sixteenth-century Naples where citizens first requested the registry and then rejected it for fear that it would give their Spanish king too much information about their wealth. The Capitoline hill, centre of civic government in Rome, was the focus of the judicial work of the Capitoline notaries and the site of their archive. Open Access Image from the Davison Art Centre, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut. The papacy of course had its own rules for the notaries of the papal curia. The deepening of this divided system of governance, and multiplication of types of notaries, intensified in the 1390s after the popes returned to Rome. They increased the number of jurisdictions and made them more exclusive than they had been before. By the fifteenth century Rome was well on its way to a tripartite system of tribunals (each with civil and criminal powers): curial, ecclesiastical and lay (Capitoline).9 No single authority controlled the Roman notaries who practised in these courts, and the notaries themselves never constituted a closed corporation, as occurred in most northern and central Italian cities. Representing initially all the notaries and, after 1507, those working for the municipality and for lay citizens, was a loose body called the college of city notaries [collegium notarii urbis].10 Fragmented jurisdictions and an open notarial profession had had baleful effects on the preservation of notarial documents in Rome.11 The college of city notaries made the first short-lived intervention to halt the dispersion. In 1446 it ordered the heirs of notaries who were not members of the profession themselves to bring their volumes (protocols) to the church of Santa Maria in Aracoeli to be kept in locked chests, a regulation that was rescinded in 1494.12 Going beyond the traditional method of enforcement by threat of fines it also ordered living notaries to exhibit their properly labelled protocols annually to college officials.13 Laudable as it was, storing papers in locked chests could scarcely be described as an archival vision. The Renaissance papacy made the first effort to create an actual notarial archive, the Archivio of the Roman Curia. It was a typically grandiose gesture by Pope Julius II (1503–13), and it showed that the popes were going to their own it to document preservation as to so much Julius made the role by selling notarial but he features of the public registry on of his Pope Julius created and up for notarial this new of the of of the Roman he it the of recording the acts of all notaries in the and in the city in a By with a public registry the to notarial archives by all early modern Julius was in its to all the between notaries working for the papal and citizens that had been by his and he to all types of notarial writing, business acts and judicial acts least from papal of notaries, living and the for his and the was more the fear that the of notaries working for the would take their volumes with them they returned to their The of legislation was even more was in his of notaries, the who were with the Capitoline was a in the new college made for the papal but it was not notaries who them, to the of all this notarial business had to be an to the same Over — and therefore the of acts — The by the Archivio of the Roman was a few of It had only a few at the it was by a new papal archive, the Archivio in of the legislation of was more By up a notarial for notaries the papacy had a into the profession, and created a more for notaries and This working for the court and lay a with the and to be as the rather than it was no that it was the that the effort to preserve notarial records by the Archivio in the political is By the century notarial records was a of in the that was the did not in with the papacy the same its new showed that it to keep with its by the same The Archivio targeted the same documents that the notarial college had first to in 1446 — the protocols of deceased city can only read this as a that the had heirs of notaries did not with the to them The for this for heirs into up the notarial records in their possession and for to keep them and an to The of the new was much than that of Julius Archivio of the Roman it only to those protocols that might go on a notary’s but the of its were more locked with the dead notary’s would not only the documents in but would also safeguard the of heirs to fees from made from their a regulation was as an to and it was, for the Archivio to a volumes it was by papal legislation of that even it no had a to the protocols of deceased notaries, it had to preserve those it This would bring a between the notaries and their the but by that — more than a century — the papacy had to the by notaries and their documents in Rome. The papacy of was a for the Capitoline notaries, as it their open college into a closed of it had on the notaries’ documents. This was in was the first to the of public notarial archives the Papal he to a private he the two Rome and they had some kind of notarial archives It was not that a Pope on Rome the of a notarial archive, an unlike Julius would the between and Capitoline notaries and also up the papers of all other notaries in the this he a of and his it the Archivio from a he had early followed an into a in the Roman curia. It have been the of the of who had a notarial in that the of a notarial for The however, were to the cloth of Roman realities where the most notarial had been from the papacy the period to in the Archivio to not of a number of notarial of property and on It required notaries to bring these to the new and an In to the of the notaries who had their the Archivio would give citizens the to out which notary had drawn up the they but not to have a made of it. Customers had to the of that notary to for the that would in The Archivio also of the of or private notaries who practised in Rome, on a them to a for the first and for a as the for their In a also the the kept of the in the of the rather than it out as had he ordered the of notarial archives in the Papal a of the as the or of the and it the of his and of he made This powerful was not by a In to the new the the of notaries to the of one of their members for a of had been the of Julius archival and to the was not more than a some of his for the new archive, it and it out to a private this individual went fees did not cover his This have been an early that were not in as they were In to make an of the notarial to for copies. he so it would have been a in which had on Although he authority to to an official in there is no that the followed on the threat of It was not after death in and the of the from the of that the Archivio In Pope his for the and the rules about payment to the of notaries to bring in of wills and contracts and to a new regulations the to the notaries’ paid the to the Archivio which was on their while the notaries the they were The returned to traditional means of by the of This system kept the but at a the had no to make notaries in their and many did that the did not of notarial by Pope Indeed, this was only one of in a of the profession, the first of its kind in Rome. on by a between the and the Capitoline notaries where to the Archivio the authorized an into Roman notarial archives and an by of the papal and Capitoline notaries The of acts that had not been copied and to the Archivio of wills that had never been and loose papers and volumes of in the Archivio They also discovered that of papal notaries had the archival legislation had an unprecedented in the actual of the two notarial archives, but in the his was It was to the rules and to it did more than as in the case of the Archivio where papal officials the Capitoline notaries’ that they the to read the in the and protocols and them to of Although a some there had been in for the Archivio did not the effort in the and did not establish of the The of this should If notaries were by public and if public archives held their how could such a as a private notarial even In the notary was a The of the notary’s meant that he the between the and the The that medieval made with Italian notaries had a on how they kept their It the profession the to fees not only at the of the original but also at an or of the original document was This was a or to a would be and only notary or his held the same record in his in the notary’s the of the It also to that clients a public of one of their own or one of their or acts, they the of the the notary or the notary’s a for the of it and of a the law that notarial records were in Rome it did not their to with them they Although they could be protocols were not to be sold or The number of medieval protocols in Rome that enforcement of these was in the protocols themselves as the of notarial clients made a of recording the of the notary and the of the one they or their might to the original notary’s and an official of the The nature of notarial acts shaped their preservation in different on whether the profession was open to one and all the first of in the or to closed of of this however, the whether they were the notarial the or the showed for the of of notarial were they that they made no to them in a public at as have the fifteenth It was only then that Rome its first intervention to these which was to those that had into the of or who were not this intervention was short-lived well have had to with the that storing them in locked chests in a church did not to of the of heirs to fees from those same In the Archivio in the city went to to heirs that their property would be and even it was no in their Although their was to the volumes of notaries who had died without heirs in the profession, they could not even those without and belonging to notaries even these efforts at The character of notarial writing in turned the Capitoline notaries’ into which he to and sold for the notaries them, this of professionals a closed of from their archival as the Capitoline they were to the civil of the Capitoline court for clients’ litigation, but to all their other as the notarial acts they produced no to them but to their was the selling he a notarial on the The was the to fees for judicial business at the Capitoline not a notarial all other in Rome, were meant and with for a few of these were likely to be notaries, the authorized the of a new the college of notaries of the Capitoline court to actual notaries who as would the of would then make individual contracts with in for a they would them with and, the documents of the In the notarial college with the papacy to some of the that to a that increased their commercial as well as their In for its to a to the the college the for to or Capitoline notarial rather than them to the papal Although this made them a more than notarial it also and them as forms of In it made it even to who the The the of a Capitoline and the to a in a Capitoline the which notaries in Rome, a of privileged and the rest of the profession to with them or to to as The Capitoline notaries at that for scribes who them in their and of the however, the economic of the Capitoline notaries were more than they might The of after the of the Capitoline notaries who could not or who were not to an At the of the were who held that were at the were those who a of an just its from a of these — or — could also be by of notaries, with or with In and however, there was no that the by would be and, did not cover costs, and were an forms of property in early modern Rome were and most were the notarial was the to which the that it into were to Although led the way, the popes too were about how notaries should write and keep their at the same that they were selling notarial for regulations to whether they targeted business acts or judicial acts or but aim at especially the between and in legislation about contracts the to create a a of the to all of these annually into protocols were and to an of at the beginning of By what papal notarial writing in judicial particularly in civil was the of to bring their to court rather than to In a that their to make to the popes economies on notaries in to the of civil The two that the among the Capitoline notaries, in by were the of the for notarial acts and the of to the same as public as the of judicial the of fees for notarial with new Although the of notarial acts was not necessarily its the of regulation did have effects on document preservation. without new of to have in the which that loose contracts or wills did not go the rules created new of access among Indeed, that the in the be and that with the of the made it for clients to their records they the notary. they did not even have to to at first public notarial in the forces of and judicial were to create notarial archives. protocols and volumes began to in the that the of notarial drew up a new They were the most and their increased with the of or new volumes of business acts and at least one of judicial acts a in most Capitoline and to the spread of these new archival among the Capitoline notaries in the early of notarial made it in the contracts they wrote that for the papers lay with the They not only that notaries with legislation on and their acts but also that they never the The between and notaries meant that to their could who would not only their but also their which was to in In to their to the of the Capitoline notaries were to the of their have clients could the notary’s to his protocols or his records of judicial This access an unmistakable on notarial It was not of for a to his notary to the Roman criminal if one of his documents in a of was from the The was not but a of public In the of to the of legislation on notarial writing, clients themselves provided a of The papal of notarial archives and to draw up a on the of public The demanded that notaries in of the volumes in their In to the that many documents were in the Archivio and that of had never been turned into the Archivio the of protocols going to the late century in the Capitoline Although they for not of notarial acts to the Archivio they had few about their of the The that notaries produced in the of an of the which all notarial records in Rome were never on such a with a unique of what documents existed at that to with what the archives the Capitoline notaries, the college and the most likely to be out by city the is The preservation of the protocols is the original contracts and wills made between the that the were first sold in and the of have to They form the of the volumes in the archival as the in Archivio what notaries in early modern Rome did would be for that the could be in those of They would be however, or at least The also the of a archive, the judicial acts of the Capitoline notaries, the records of litigation, and to or or in the in they have all but According to the for between and the notarial of produced volumes of the record of all the judicial but only have which were to be kept in volumes of their in contracts and wills have they had to notaries who fees from them for no one was in for of or acts had no life as and between the early and the late or of be the key to so many early modern citizens notarial services, not only notaries the of civil but acts up than other in If a had that a given property might be or he was to that to have a notary draw up, and the The between and notarial records is to the of these but it is a that is all but in the Roman archives than those in the cities of northern and central Roman did not to notarial the early modern period. they did so, notarial archives emerged as a site of political between city and which was by the a of legislation and the of new notarial archives, however, governments in Rome were not able to notarial documents or could notaries themselves be on for this the that what them from other writers was their archival the wares they sold had no they had the original in their It was the early modern of a new form of the notarial with its which the most means of preservation. In this new regime of notarial backed up by civil the that notarial acts would be however, it was the documents that had the to that were the most likely to

Matthew Fuss

This Note addresses the implementation of health insurance reform in Yemen. As a result of a system of user fees and a lack of health insurance, the current regime poses serious barriers to health care access for Yemen's uninsured citizens. When the dust settles from the ongoing conflict with Houthi rebels, the time will be ripe for replacing Yemen's health financing system. In order to rebuild trust and curb abuse in the public health system, legal reforms are required to implement health insurance through decentralized decision-making and accountability measures. The Welfare Regime Framework accommodates these general reforms through policies that reflect the particular circumstances of Yemen. The implementation of health insurance reform will require policy reforms that bring together local, national, and international stakeholders to finance and develop management capacity for community-based health insurance in Yemen.

Kartik Hegadekatti

No abstract is available for this record.

Ahmed Syed, Jamal Ahmed Moge, Mohammed Shandar Siddiqui

Currency system has been constantly evolving since the concept of money has been introduced. In this age of information technology, the next level in the currency system is digital currency, popularised since the last few years by its main sub-type, the cryptocurrency. Cryptocurrencies are open-source algorithms which can be programmed by anyone and facilitates peer-to-peer financial networking without the need for third party arbitration, thereby reducing the dependency on banking system. This creates an open system which has tremendous economic potential in increasingly digitalised and globalised world. However cryptocurrency is not without its weaknesses, such as digital security, market regulation and speculative attacks among others. This paper traces the origin of cryptocurrency, how it developed over time, how it works and the scope of cryptocurrency in today's ever expanding world of online transactions. It also discusses major issues and challenges confronting cryptocurrencies and proposes some ways on how it could be tackled.

Jan Hendrik Witte

No abstract is available for this record.

Garry Gabison

Id. (The article summarizes the process through 6 steps: (1) broadcasting the information to the network; (2) each node in the network compiles the information; (3) each node checks the information by solving a complicated process; (4) each node broadcast the proof that it solved the checking process; (5) the nodes accept the broadcast only if the information included is proven to be correct; and (6) the nodes add to the chain the new information, where it is, timestamp, and its location in the chain is contingent on the previous elements of the chain.).

Virginia Reinburg

Seventeenth-century historians and antiquarians lavished attention on nearly every place in the French kingdom. So it is hardly surprising that pilgrim shrines numbered among the many cities, provinces and dioceses whose pasts attracted such passionate interest and extensive research. Dozens of books about shrines were published over the course of the seventeenth century. Most shrines were dedicated to the Virgin Mary and reported apparitions, miracles and marvels. Authors of shrine books regaled readers with a shrine’s truths as well as delights, thereby establishing the place’s identity and spreading its renown among potential pilgrims and patrons.1 Although the shrine books do not comfortably fit within the category of history, they depend on contemporary practices of history-writing. They share much with sacred or ecclesiastical histories in the mode of Cesare Baronio’s Annales Ecclesiastici (1588–1607).2 Like sacred history, authors of shrine books documented historical precedent in order to support an institution’s privileges. They also shared sacred historians’ goal of restoring ruined ancient sites of worship. Books about shrines borrowed conventions from the vernacular manuscript chronicles that early modern notaries, artisans and merchants penned about their cities and towns.3 Confronting the historical craft embedded in the shrine books — how authors carried out research, how they documented a shrine’s past and how they recounted its history — sheds light on the multiple uses to which the past was put in the seventeenth century. This is the first goal of this essay. The second goal of the essay is to expose what is most remarkable about the shrine books: their hybrid form which melds myth, history and archive. Almost all the shrines in question were rebuilt — and truly revitalized — in the wake of the religious wars (1562–98, 1620–29). Authors invented the literary form that I call ‘the shrine book’ in order to repair the ruptures — material and epistemological — that the religious wars created. For them, the fusion of myth, history and archives would counter iconoclasm, invasion and, above all, doubt. In a recent study of German and Dutch legends such as ‘the pied piper of Hamelin’ and ‘the baby and the cat in the flood’, Judith Pollmann argued that those legends, no matter how apparently fantastic, lodged in the popular imagination because they acquired ‘the flavour of authenticity’ provided by specific historical references.4 This insight also rings true for shrine books, whose authors wanted to show that the shrines were ancient and their reported miracles and legends were true, or at least believable. But key to believability was an archive: a written, legally established and orderly record of God’s and the Virgin Mary’s favours bestowed at a particular place, and of human devotion expressed there in prayer, liturgy and processions. The books’ authors established an archive or written record for their shrines, and thereby laid claim to significant places through the preservation of testimony about the shrines’ marvels. They wanted to save shrines from oblivion by filling in gaps in documentation created by what they condemned as their ancestors’ deplorable failure to keep records, and by the fires that were the scourge of early modern archives. This meant restoring a register of miracles and marvels from legal acts or depositions, or even creating one from scratch in many cases. But the creation of a shrine’s register or archives had a large goal: to prove the truth of the shrine, and of the Catholic faith woven into its history. The two meanings of the word ‘faith’ (foi) that the authors of shrine books employed reinforced the books’ truth claims: ‘faith’ could mean ‘the Catholic faith’ or the content of beliefs that some Catholic authority approved, but ‘faith’ was also invoked as a legal term, as in ‘to bear witness’. The ways that the authors of shrine books both invoked and used history, and invoked and created archives — by demonstrating faith in archives and by preserving witnesses’ testimony — is the subject of this essay. Authors of shrine books showed faith in archives as sources of historical knowledge at the same time that they created archives of the faith that pilgrims placed in the shrines. Authors used the term ‘faith’ in two very particular senses. ‘Faith’ could mean ‘the Catholic faith’, ‘the true faith’, or ‘the ancient faith’: a bounded body of beliefs that a Catholic authority ostensibly or actually approved. For Pierre de Marca, a lawyer turned bishop, the shrine of Notre-Dame de Betharram in the Pyrenees provided evidence of ‘the true faith of our fathers’ that Queen Jeanne of Navarre had tried in vain to ‘bury’ and to ‘ruin’.5 Marca also wrote of the principles of ‘the Faith’ as a body of Catholic doctrine, and sometimes of faith as a theological virtue. It was not entirely new to call the totality of Catholic doctrines ‘the Faith’. But after the religious wars it became a common shorthand for ‘the true Catholic faith’ and moreover signified a bounded code of doctrine. What was particularly potent was the mixture of this definition of faith with the second one. Marca often used ‘faith’ specifically as a legal or quasi-legal term, to indicate testimony, bearing witness, or authenticity (as in faire foi, or en foi de quoi). Using ‘faith’ in both senses, as many authors of shrine books did, effectively created a web of meanings that drew on the authority of both legal and theological language. In this way authors amplified their claims to truth as they created archives of faith. Today’s readers may be surprised by how many pages are devoted to apparitions and miracles in books that were purportedly histories of the shrines. But early modern people avidly consumed tales about marvels, wonders and prodigies. Wonders were ‘good to think with’, providing the occasion for investigating and arguing about nature, divine action and philosophy.6 Over the course of the early modern period, those who wrote about marvels and wonders increasingly felt compelled to provide evidence for them, an intellectual development that also shaped shrine books. What should most strike today’s reader is the tremendous effort that authors devoted to documenting their research into the shrines’ origins and miracles in authoritative written sources and among only the most reliable witnesses. Or at least they created the impression of having done so. ‘All these miracles have their attestations in the Archives of Liesse’, J. de Saint-Pères wrote in his book about the shrine of Notre-Dame de Liesse.7 Pierre Geoffroy assured readers that his documentation of events at Notre-Dame de Garaison was impeccable: ‘Dear Reader … [I assure you] that I recount nothing I have not seen myself’ as superintendent of the chapel, ‘or that I have not learned from people worthy of trust (foy) and of irreproachable character’, drawn from the depositions of those witnesses in public records.8 Yet Geoffroy artfully wove myth into his lively account of Garaison’s history. Pierre Alabert, a later historian of the Garaison shrine, promised that ‘all that I will report about the miraculous is verified and attested appropriately in the Archives of the Chapel’.9 About one especially ‘prodigious’ cure that might raise a reader’s doubts, Alabert added ‘I was present’ and ‘I am a witness to these Prodigies’.10 Like Saint-Pères, Geoffroy and Alabert, most authors of shrine books professed a personal commitment to sound historical method, while also spinning a good yarn about the shrine’s divinely ordained origins, which they admitted were not always scrupulously recorded in writing. The shrine of Notre-Dame du Puy provides a good example of how authors worked. By early modern standards, Le Puy was amply documented by writers of a historical bent: no fewer than four artisan-authored manuscript chronicles and five histories published by clerics survive. I begin with the Jesuit Odo de Gissey (1567–1643), because his Discours historiques de la tres-ancienne devotion à N. Dame du Puy (1620) was an early example of the shrine book.11 It was not the first such book; Mont Saint-Michel (1604), Garaison (1607) and Chartres (1609) had already found their historians.12 But Gissey’s book was a popular and influential example of the genre, judging from the numbers of editions and surviving copies. Notre-Dame du Puy in Velay was a major shrine, drawing pilgrims from across the French kingdom between around 1300 and the Revolution. With its renowned ‘ancient’ image of the Virgin Mary (a dark coloured or ‘black’ madonna), its robust Catholic identity, and steady influx of pilgrims Notre-Dame du Puy, as did other major Marian shrines, provided a tempting opportunity for religious orders intent on expanding their influence in the last decades of the religious wars. Odo de Gissey probably arrived at Le Puy in 1588, part of a Jesuit project to establish a school, church and pilgrim hospice. Other Catholic religious orders arrived in the late 1580s and 1590s, making Le Puy a centre of reformed Catholicism in the region. Gissey’s work was embedded in a world of intellectual collaboration. He belonged to a of in Le history and a that of the religious orders and some Gissey also had a his whose work often and other whose work and and with may have Most had a in Le Puy with shared the common of the history of the shrine and its ‘ancient’ of an who around of the of was to Le Puy in published a book on Notre-Dame du Puy four Gissey published his and a of his book in the same Gissey’s book books were published by the same Gissey’s and books are not in and Gissey to his work to the of modern ecclesiastical historians such as He his Discours historiques by He and He tried to by and the Jesuit a He that to of and the Virgin always especially the of Le would ‘the origins and of the an in the book the of the image and to his claim about the shrine’s Yet Gissey had a claim to a modern historian than Gissey and on a that ‘I this is did a late historian from Gissey for about But Gissey and had in common than The two and wrote their books at the same and in the same They shared books and of the same recent marvels in their books, sometimes in the same Gissey could to what call for It is to they were to in the apparently of the and For most of the seventeenth to of all was to even the learned and those with in the of our two those who were out that in to of and was in order to of a that also rings true for of and church in that to the of and was Gissey and do with written in their religious or what was to by of the and other They also borrowed and from other to the of Gissey’s the material ancient and modern and the of book that the were or Gissey and a of material from the same manuscript written by a and to the wrote his Le de a that the hybrid between and He published but the multiple penned for the manuscript show that an for his This was not a book for an or as was the written over the course of a by a from the de to his that the of our will be for — from and from his decades as a to and in the of Notre-Dame — may have from his over to archives. Although a did not have to records, or for that matter other as in one of the to his I was not to the and worthy of which are in in the and of the of Le Puy, the of the the the of and the the and also the and in the of the of and other in the of Le Puy … which I worthy of For all the Le Puy authors on the of of and Gissey’s to and are than an of to be the authors may have such of and But what had a also provided a on the authenticity of the For the from which Gissey and were were as than as public of and by and church in order to But such were from the authoritative public that they would after and have attention to the that to in trust in and But for most of the early modern period, in the of about what was and what was an archive or of as of their authority as or they to other writers and for their The authors of shrine books their faith in such archives by readers that they their from the most In this way they showed readers that they on the of the to a and by to the truth of its This is Odo de Gissey and other authors to who that they on those who the of his book wrote that an account of two recent marvels from of and Catholic — and of the and the and a and a meant to assure readers not only that the were but also that the of a of the would as a of the good faith of who the In and his on Notre-Dame du Puy, Odo de Gissey on other authors of shrine books, did not report testimony it had recorded in writing. on the legal authority of the written But for all his for Gissey also on the authority of the who a written to This web of and trust is even in book on Notre-Dame de a shrine in the of This book was the creation of a who was also a published and but did of what would call research of his He the ecclesiastical historians of the and historians of such as and the a — part of a of learned to the — had at his at least as around the world of and Yet hardly they were all that was in the wars between and the ‘the of our archives with those of our This one of an all the This is a about a that The sheds light on the authority that for an authority to of authority and places of an of both written to which this is an of one literary But was not in this of to the authority of writing. In a key of the book — of an to Notre-Dame at — by how a of was placed in his a record from the of the of to the of He from the after some people of this whose are and in of and the Virgin Mary this of of and a to and dedicated the after the of the the to on that to some was after and the chapel, and acquired over the was in the did not the at are a in as by other But placed faith in this and wove a lively around The had placed in his by a worthy of his and his de in the only had an the The of because it a that on the of the shrine to the of and that the was dedicated by other than the of de to what had verified by a key of by the seventeenth a to had in the but the in In his readers provided of of the by that the of of the of had seen the in the the was of authority in — as in ways — on the ancient origins of the in the testimony to a of past of the shrine’s sacred of and the shrine’s his claims with and but a of as an account of the documenting a from the shrine’s early his on the authority of both and who could for the Seventeenth-century authors on as they created an archive of faith for their shrines. shrine book created an archive for its an archive provided a record of God’s and the Virgin Mary’s action in the and of Authors of shrine books created archives by documenting the origins and history of the shrine and shrine books testimony from witnesses to the miracles and marvels at the they did research, authors of shrine books this testimony in two through written sources and through or of miracles They may have at the time authors their research. especially those who were or of the shrines, and depositions to and other favours that pilgrims But authors that to have at all, or were in or they were not to of the failure of to the miraculous of the image of Notre-Dame de to a written record for Odo de Gissey expressed a about Notre-Dame du miracles have into Most authors professed a commitment to creating a written record of their shrine’s marvels. Pierre Geoffroy to be the first to the of Notre-Dame de Garaison’s to than expressed a goal for Notre-Dame de ‘I in to the word about the and bestowed his effort to that already by the of who had depositions to be from those who a In this way and other authors or created a register or archive on whose the truth of God’s at the shrine could be sources could be in the seventeenth and authors the most of what they could But sources an For authors had two to with that often to and ‘the of the the shrines’ and were key to the shrines’ in a way they provided the for the shrines’ Like authors of shrine books used material by way of and the Authors of shrine books might not have to on or ecclesiastical historians for much in but they reported from or from witnesses’ and or from recounted by that around the Notre-Dame de Garaison in the to people who to about the of the Virgin Mary to a an which had over a later Pierre Alabert to have to the people of the same about miraculous Yet some of the material that authors in sources was from written This is in the quasi-legal of the testimony But a is at the impression that a and had to the of a particular is a common of shrine books. authors to have the written origins of testimony, by a personal with an or at least that one had This to the truth claims that authors the other the authority of written documentation among early modern people also be Most authors on an of and witnesses to show their readers that the they were The of written and sources testimony about the and miraculous are in books about the shrine of Notre-Dame de published books about with Pierre Geoffroy in and his in Pierre Alabert published book about Garaison in later the shrine’s a and of and authors increasingly that the truth the and miracles had to be The was by which myth with history. a the first of this were and it is from to that the occasion was as a of was by the of the Virgin who the to to the that Mary to a church on that the of the Geoffroy created a a about a past through the sacred with historical of the Geoffroy was with a the in the had no but only ‘the ‘the Yet added to the are specific to time and the about a on the same the the in of on the other strike a They to be of legal are only a or often the and of the with a but always the of the to the Virgin of The or as Geoffroy his about the the of the and the of witnesses and all in other shrine books, a of and witnesses were or from to the legal and religious authors that readers would be to trust the word of those from the of who were to be and decades later a to the one Geoffroy tried to the a historical that Geoffroy only He and they may have had no in evidence than the showed in this of Garaison to a by way of this to to the place, and to those who would particular do not the and the but the time because the or the or the of those who in a and in that were no than the were to in and to to those and of such a remarkable and was content to the in its and which be to the reader but the truth of the is no I in course the research that I did that to the place, to an of the of the of a from the than a and who was ordained to the in who to that the in question his which would to the at on the significant of the — especially how they with and the history of other apparitions — how the truth of the as a of how apparitions and miracles should be He felt to his because was on who is not to be by a and human who are by their and only about and miraculous from and ‘to to to and ‘to myself’ of every of having or of having ‘I to and which after having them, to and as to assure the truth of the on What are the ways of the truth about apparitions and a over and provided the of ‘the truth of an ancient or la But other ways of the truth of a past would from to or popular witnesses who not after the or and the that the and into the that the would evidence provided by the and good of the and miracles at the all these of testimony may have written and in it that about having about the most of his material from written So the of the sources is not the key What should be is on testimony and in his of at common and of all the people of these and the no one or to even a in the will to the truth of an action to which of the it is not a is and human that the should be reported to the most authoritative about the miraculous is the testimony of and their and J. de Saint-Pères, de de Marian of J. de Saint-Pères, de de Marian of authors of shrine books even to the legal of attestations about and favours at Notre-Dame de into his on the This was also the by Pierre de Marca in his book on Notre-Dame de and Marca the of writers who legal into their books. But other authors created the of legal documentation in the way they testimony from a testimony, or the of marvels and miracles in a quasi-legal as the had to a or by a is about legal and about the of bearing Authors legal into their of or they a quasi-legal to an impression of legally established But of authors drew the early modern of to their of of who and how many of pilgrims and have a impression on readers for that such divine were are all to the and the the and the the and the promised his as evidence many of God’s bestowed on the at Notre-Dame de Like other authors of shrine books a of to a shrine’s history, and its sacred Authors of shrine books created an archive even as they recounted a shrine’s history and For sites of Catholic ruined by as well as Pierre Geoffroy to the of and to his shrine of Notre-Dame de Garaison to after the religious wars Other authors the for because were both by and by and put ancient and of past are the and of that and that the and of our of to and for our material authors of shrine books an they created archives in order to their that of a shrine’s history and miracles were They did this by demonstrating faith in archives. They to readers their on the authority of and other written In they also showed how there could in be an archive of faith — that of God’s action in the and to Authors created an archive by preserving testimony, or from sources and or ‘the of the probably in written In these ways the authors created the impression of a of witnesses and knowledge the of a shrine’s history. they such testimony from a shrine’s or or from legal such as depositions or or it from witnesses and other they an and it their as might Geoffroy wanted to the of in Notre-Dame de Garaison by a record of divine out in that ancient and sacred by theological and religious the shrine books, but authors with history, archives and — last but not least — a good

Ana Irene Coelho Nunes

Análise da capacidade de autofinanciamento e da dependência financeira dos municípios fluminenses para custear o gasto municipal no Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Estudo descritivo, seccional e analítico com dados do Sistema de Informações sobre Orçamentos Públicos em Saúde (Siops). A receita per capita própria municipal foi utilizada como medida da capacidade de autofinanciamento. O Índice de Capacidade de Autofinanciamento (ICA) permitiu o ordenamento dos municípios por graus de capacidade de autofinanciamento. As medidas estatísticas utilizadas foram a média, desvio padrão, intervalo de confiança e o coeficiente de correlação de Pearson. Os valores de receita e gasto em saúde foram deflacionados pelo Índice Geral de Preços (IGP-DI). Os resultados evidenciaram que houve aumento da capacidade de autofinanciamento entre os anos de 2002 e 2013, com decréscimo a partir de 2014. Na distribuição por graus de capacidade de autofinanciamento identificou-se entre os aos 2002 e 2008 uma continua ascensão dos municípios para graus mais elevados e, a partir do ano de 2009 em diante, todos se encontraram no grau 4, demonstrando maior aproximação das receitas municipais. Por outro lado, verificou-se permanência de desigualdades de receita própria para gasto em saúde. Houve elevação da despesa total em saúde durante todo o período com participação dos dois subcomponentes de receita (receita própria e de transferências SUS) neste crescimento. O gasto próprio deteve a maior participação na despesa total em que pese a relevância das transferências SUS, em especial da União, onde 80 por cento dos municípios apresentaram uma dependência de recursos de transferências do SUS acima de 20 por cento na execução de sua despesa total em saúde